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1^ 


1i:     J.-'- 


A 


TRANSACTIONS 


OF 


THE  ASIATIC  SOCIETY 


OF  JAPAN. 


VOL.     XXX. 


TOKYO : 
RIKKYO  GAKUIX  PRKSS. 

1902. 


PREFACE. 


Of  books  or  pamphlets  on  the  subject  of  political 
parties  in  Japan  there  are  few  to  be  found.  In  the 
compilation  of  this  paper  the  following  works  have 
been  consulted, 

Ihe  Kenseito-sho-shi, 

which   appeared    originally   in    the   columns   of  the 
**  Jimmin  "  in  1900, 

The  Meiji  Nem-pyo, 

m  }&  ^  ^ 

The  Teikoku  Gi-Kwai  Shi, 

The  Go-do  Gen-ko-roku, 

Okuma  Haku  Seki-jitsu-dan, 

and  the  columns  of  the  ''  Japan  Mail/' 

My  best  thanks  are  due  to  R.  Masujima  Esq.  for 
his  kindness  in  reading  through  my  manuscript  and 
to  J.  C.  Hall  Esq.,  C.I.S.O.,  H.  M.  Consul  at  Kobe, 
for  valuable  suggestions. 

A.  H.  L. 
September,  iyo2. 


273494 


JAPANESE  CALENDARS 

BY 

Ernest  W.  Clement,  M.A. 

(READ  APRIL  i6,  i<^o2.) 


The  Japanese  have  plenty  of  time.  This  is  true  in  more 
senses  than  one.  In  the  first  place,  tliey  are  not  in  a  hurry,  but 
take  things  very  leisurely  and  calmly.  It  may  be  exaggeration  to 
state  that  they  reverse  the  Occidental  advice,  and  never  do  to-day 
wliat  can  be  put  off  till  to-morrow  :  but  at  least  they  take  plenty 
of  time  for  doing  things.  They  have  two  interesting  proverbs 
relating  to  this  subject :  "  If  in  a  hurry,  go  around "  {Isogiiba 
mtm^re)*  ;  and  **  Hurrying  ruins  the  matter  "  {Seite  wa  koto  wo 
shisonzuru),  the  latter  of  which  is  a  good  equivalent  of  our  proverb, 
"  Haste  makes  waste."  With  an  old-fashioned  Japanese,  an 
appointment  for  9  o'clock  may  be  met  at  any  convenient  time 
before  10  o'clock,  because  it  is  troublesome  to  take  note  of  minutes, 
and  it  is,  therefore,  considered  to  be  9  o'clock,  in  round  numbers, 
until  it  is  10  o'clock.  Or,  if  he  misses  one  train,  "  s/tika/a  ga  naV 
("way  there  is  not,"  or  "there's  no  use"),  and  he  waits  patiently 
for  the  next  train,  even  though  it  be  half  a  day.  It  is  thus  evident 
thit  in  old  Japan  there  was  no  use  for  our  proverb,  "  Time  is 
money,"  and  especially  because  money-making  was  despised,  and 

•  See  Note  N. 


2  Clement :    yapanese  Calendars, 

the  merchant  was  the  lowest  of  the  four  classes  of  sociely  (soldier, 
farmer,  artiisan,  merchant).  And  if  it  is  true  that  "  procrastination 
is  the  thief  of  time,"  he  must  have  filched  cycles  or  centuries  in 
old  Japan  !  But  Mr.  E.  H.  House  has  suggested  that  the  old 
practice  of  the  Japanese  indicated  that  they  believed  punctuality  to 
be  the  thief  of  time  ! 

This  propensity  to  neglect  the  minutes  in  reckoning  probably 
grew  out  of  the  fact  that  in  Old  Japan  the  common  interval  of  time 
was  equivalent  to  two  hours.     The  day  was  divided  as  follows : — 

Kokonotsu-dokt  (ninth  hour),  ii  p.m. -i  a.m.  ami  ii  a.m.-i  p.m. 
Yatsu-doki  (eighth  hour),  1-3     a.  m.     and     p.  m. 

Nanatm-doki  (seventh  hour>,  3-5         „  „  „ 

Mutsu-doki  (sixth  hour),  5-7         „  „  „ 


lisutsiidoki  (fifth  hour),  7-9         „ 

Yotsu-doki  (ioMYXhhoMT)^  9-1 1       „ 


f«  ft 


As  half  an  hour  of  that  kind  was  equal  to  one  hour  of  our  kind,  it 
is  not  strange,  perhaps,  that  it  is  now  difficult  for  some  to  reckon 
minute-ly  ! 

With  reference  to  this  old-fashioned  way  of  marking  the 
hours,  we  quote  further  words  of  explanation  from  Chamberlain's 
"  Things  Japanese  "  (page  470) : — 

*'  Why,  it  will  be  asked,  did  they  count  the  hours  backwards  ? 
A  case  of  Japanese  topsy-turvy dom,  we  suppose.  But  then,  why, 
as  there  were  six  hours,  not  count  from  six  to  one,  instead  of 
beginning  at  so  arbitrary  a  number  as  nine  ?  The  reason  is  this: — 
three  preliminary  strokes  were  always  struck,  in  order  lo  warn 
people  that  the  hour  was  about  to  be  sounded.  Hence,  if  the 
numbers  one,  two  and  three  had  been  used  to  denote  any  of  the 
actual  hours,  confusion  might  have  arisen  between  them  and  the 
preliminary  strokes, — a  confusion  analogous  to  that  w'hich,  in  oUj. 


Clemeni  :    Japanese  Calendars,  3 

-own  still  imperfect  method  of  striking  the  hour,  leaves  us  in  doubt 
whether  the  single  stroke  we  hear  be  half-past  twelve,  one  o'clock, 
half-past  one,  or  any  other  of  the  numerous  half-hours."* 

We  may  add  that  this  style  of  computation  is  based  upon 
multiples  of  "nine"  (1x9  =  9,  2x9=18,  3x9  =  27,4x9=36, 
5x9=45,  6x9  =  54),  and  in  each  case  the  "tail"  figure  of  the 
product  was  chosen  as  the  name  of  the  hour  (9,  8,  7,  6,  5,  4). 

In  the  second  place,  the  Japanese  have  plenty  of  time, 
because  they  have  several  different  ways  of  reckoning  the  days, 
months,  years  and  other  periods.  They  have  both  solar  and  lunar 
time ;  Japanese,  Chinese  and  Occidental  time ;  two  national 
calendars  and  several  special  periods ;  so  that  they  have  literally 
"a  time  for  every  thing,"  and,  in  some  cases,  they  are  very 
particular  to  do  a  certain  thing  "  on  time."  Of  the  two  Japanese 
calendars,  one  reckons  from  the  mythological  founding  of  the 
Japanese  Empire  by  Jinmu  Tenno  in  660  B.  C,  and  is  known  as 
kigen  (history- beginning) ;  and  the  other  f  is  the  special  period 
called  "  Meiji  "  (Enlightened  Rule),  which  began  after  the  acces- 
sion of  the  present  Emperor,  Mutsuhito.  Thus,  to  illustrate,  I 
happen  to  have  before  me  an  old  issue  of  the  Kokumin  Shimbun,  a 
daily  newspaper  of  Tokyo,  and  find  the  following  dates : — "  Meiji, 
35th  year;  Kigen,  2,562;  Occidental  calendar,  1902;  Chinese 
•calendar  Kocho,  27th  year.  2nd  month  [February],  7ih  day, 
P'riday.  Old  calendar  Ka-no-to-Ushi,J  12th  month,  29th  day, 
Ka-no-to-Tori.J  Sun  rises,  6  :  39  a:m.  Sun  sets,  5:12  p.m.  Moon 
rises,  5:17  a.m.  Moon  sets,  4  :  04  p.m.  High  tide,  4  :  33  a.m.  and 
4  :  56  p.m." 

*  The  old  dial  had  only  one  hand,  and  was  stationary,  while  the  face 
.moved.  f  See  Note  G.  J  See  table  of  zodiac  later. 


4  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars, 

And  then,  as  if  to  emphasize  the  contrasts  between  the  old 
and  the  new  in  this  mixture,  is  added  the  notice  of  the  following 
time-saving  device ;  *'  Telephone,  Shimbashi,  Special  No.  70 
(Editorial) ;  Shimbashi  No.  2,850  (Office)." 

In  the  old  style  of  reckoning,  the  years  were  named  according 
to  the  twelve  signs  of  the  Chinese  zodiac,  taken  in  conjunction 
with  the  ten  "colestial  stems  "  ijikkan),  obtained  by  dividing  into 
two  parts  each  of  the  five  elements  (wood,  fire,  earth,  metal,  water). 
These  elements  are  known  in  Japanese  as  ki^  hiy  tsuchi,  ka  (for 
kane^y  and  mizu  ;  and  the  subdivisions  are  called  e  {ox ye)  and  to, 
of  which  the  former  is  said  to  represent  the  active  element  and  the 
latter  the  passive  element.  Rein's  explanation  is  as  follows:* 
"  They  [the  Japanese]  distinguish  accordingly  (with  special 
Chinese  signs)  ki-no-ye,  wood  in  general,  and  ki-no-to,  worked 
wood  ;  hi-no-ye,  natural  fire  (of  the  sun,  volcanoes),  and  hi-no-to, 
domestic  fire ;  tsuchi-no-ye,  raw  earth,  and  tsuchi-no-to,  manu- 
factured earth ;  ka-no-ye,  native  metal,  and  ka-no-to,  worked 
metal ;  midzu-no-ye,  running  water,  and  midzu-no-to,  stagnant 
water."  Thus  the  name  of  the  old  calendar  year  {Ka-no-To — 
Ushi)y  just  mentioned,  means  "  Wrought  metal — Ox  ;  "  and  the 
name  of  that  day,  Ka-no-To — Tori,  means  **  Wrought  metal — 
Cock."  This  will  all  be  made  clear  by  reference  to  the  following 
table  :t 

*  Rein's  *' Japan,"  p.  435.    See  also  Note  K. 

■j"  The  cuiTcnt   year  (1902)  is  the  38th  year  of  the  present  cycle,  which 
began  in  1864. 


Clemenl:    Japanese  Calendars. 


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Clement :    Japanese  Calendars. 


The  lunar  year  was  divided  into  twelve  months  of  alternately  29- 
and  30  days  each,  and  thus  contained  only  354  or  355  days ;  but 
this  discrepancy  from  the  solar  year  was  made  up  by  adding  *'  to  the 
2iid,  5th,  8th,  I  ith,  13th,  1 6th  and  19th  year  of  every  lunar  cycle  an 
intercalary  month  of  varying  length.  This  bore  in  Japan  the  name 
of  uro'isuki  [uru'Zukil  and  followed  the  second  month  of  the  year, 
which  was  then  *  reckoned  twice  over,  as  \uru\  uro-nigatsu,  i.e., 
supernumerary  second  month."**}-  An  intercalated  year  contained 
383  to  385  days.  The  months  were  named  numerically,  as- 
follows : 

.     First  Moon,  (Shogatsu — True  Moon). 

.     Second  Moon. 

.     Third  Moon. 

.     Fourth  Moon. 

.     Fifth  Moon 

.     Sixth  Moon. 

.     Seventh  Moon. 

.     Eighth  Moon. 

.     Ninth  Moon. 

.     Tenth  Moon. 

.     Eleventh  Moon. 

Junigatsu Twelfth  Moon. 

All  of  the  months  had  also  poetical  appellations,  as  follows: — 

1.  Mutsuki  (Social J  month).      Or   Umulsuki  (Birth  month). 
Or  Taro'Zuki  (Eldest-son  month). 

2.  Kisaragi  (Putting  on  new  clothes). 


Ichigatsu. 

Nigatsu. 

Sangatsu. 


Shigatsu. 


Gogatsu. 

Rokugatsu. 

Shichigatsu. 

Hachigatsu. 

Kugatsu. 

Jugatsu. 

Juichigatsu. 


•  Rein's  **  Japan,"  page  434.    Sec  also  Note  O. 

f  But  thfs  extra  month  was  not  confined  to  nigatsu  (February). 

X  From  mutsumu^  to  be  friendly. 


Clenieni  :    Japanese  Calendars.  7 

3.  Yayoi  (Great  growth). 

4.  Uzuki  (Hare  month).     Or  Mugi-aki  (Wheat  harvest). 

5.  Saisuki  (Early  moon). 

6.  Minazuki  (Water-less  month).     Period  of  drought. 

7.  Fumizuki    (Rice-blooming    month).      Or    (Comf)osition 
month). 

8.  ^<i/sw^/(I.eafy  month).     Or  Tsukimizuki  (Moon- viewing 

month).  * 

9.  Nagatsuki  (Long  moon),     Or  Kikuzuki  (Chrysanthemum 

month). 

10.  Kannazuki    (God-less     month). t      Or    Koharu    (Little 

Spring). 

1 1.  Shimoisuki  (Frost  month).     Or  Vogeisu  (Sunny  month). 

12.  Shiwasu  (Finishing  up  month).      Or    Goktsgcisu   (Last 
moon). 

The  four  seasons  of  spring,  summer,  autumn,  and  winter  were 
recognized  ;  and  there  were  also  24  i)eriods  of  14  or  15  days  each, 
which,  to  a  great  extent,  indicated  the  weather,  and  which  the 
farmer  carefully  followed  in  planning  his  labors.  These  were  as 
follows,  beginning  in  February,  about  the  time  of  the  beginning  of 
the  New  Year  (o.c.)  : — 

1.  Risshun  (Rise  of  Spring).  )  p^u-^_„ 

2.  Usui  (R^in  Water).  )  reoruar). 

•  Or  lua-agari-zuki  (Month  when  rice  comes  up).  Or  Momiji-zuki  (Red 
leaves  month). 

t  The  Shinto  gods  {kami),,  except  Ebisu  (god  of  wcaltli,)  who  is  deaf  and 
dose  not  hear  the  summons,  were  all  supposed  to  leave  the  other  pai*ts  ot  the 
country  and  to  assemble  in  "  annual  conference "  in  their  ancestral  home  of 
Izumto.  And  as  the  gods  had  thus  neglected  their  usual  business  of  watching 
over  the  people,  it  was  not  considered  of  any  use  to  ofTer  prayers  or  sacrifices, 
and  that  month  was  called  kami-naki-lsttki^  or  kamina-ziiki^  or  kanna-zuki. 


8 


Clement  .-^    Japanese  Calendars, 


3.  Keichil^u  (Awakening  of  Insects). 

4.  Shumbun  (Vernal  Equinox). 

5.  Seimei  (Clear  and  Bright). 

6.  Koku-u  (Cereal  Rain). 

7.  Hikkd  (Rise  of  Summer). 

8.  »S'^J/7/a«  (Little  Filling). 

9.  Bbshn  (Grain  in  Ear) 

10.  G^5^/ (Summer  Solstice). 

11.  Shbsho  (Little  Heat). 

12.  Taisho  (Great  Heat). 

13.  Risshii  (Rise  of  Autumn). 

14.  .S^os//^;  (Limit  of  Heat). 

15.  Hakuro  (White  Dew). 

16.  Shubun  (Autumnal  Equinox). 

1 7.  Kanro  (Cold  Dew). 

18.  Soko  (Frost  Fall). 

f  9.  Riiib  (Rise  of  Winter). 

20.  Shbselsu  (Little  Snow) 

2 1 .  Taisetsu  (Great  Snow). 

22.  7^7  (Winter  Solstice). 

21.  Shbkan  (Little  Cold). 

24.  Daikan  (Great  Cold). 


March. 


\ 

[  April. 
\  May. 


une. 


!•  August. 
[  September. 


} 

I 
1 


October. 


November. 


December. 


anuarv. 


The  peasantry  also  observed  rather  scrupulously  other  special 
times,  which  Chamberlain  thus  explains  :* —  *'  For  instance,  they 
sow  their  rice  on  the  eighty-eighth  day  {Hachi-ju-hacht-ya^)  from 
the  beginning  of  spring  (Risshun)y  and  they  plant  it  out  in  Nyubai, 
the  period  fixed  for  the  early  summer  rains.  The  two  hundred 
and  tenth  and  two  hundred  and  twentieth  days  (Pii-hyaku-ibka  and 
Ni'hyakti-hatsuka)  from  the  beginning  of  spring,  and  what  is  called 
Hassaku,  that,  is  the  first  day  of  the  eighth  moon,  Old  Calendar,  are 
looked  on  as  days  of  special  importance  to  the  crops,  which  are 
certain  to  be  injured  if  there  is  a  storm,  because  the  rice  is  then  in 


•  '*  Things  Japanese." 


t  literally  "88th  night." 


Clement :    Japanese  Calendars,  9 

flower.  They  fall  early  in  September,  just  in  the  middle  of  the 
typhoon  season.  St.  Swithin's  Day  has  its  Japanese  counterpart  in 
the  Ki-nO'E  Ne,  mentioned  above  as  the  first  day  of  the  sexagesi- 
mal cycle,  which  comes  around  once  in  every  two  months  ap- 
proximately. If  it  rains  then,  it  will  rain  for  that  whole  cycle,  that 
is,  for  sixty  days  on  end.*  Again,  if  it  rains  on  the  first  day  of  a 
certain  period  called  Hassen^\  of  which  there  are  six  in  eveiy  year, 
it  will  rain  for  the  next  eight  days.  These  periods,  being  movable, 
may  come  at  any  season.  Quite  a  number  of  festivals,  pilgrimages 
to  temples,  and  other  functions  depend  on  the  signs  of  the  zodiac. 
Thus,  the  mayu-dama,  a  sort  of  Christmas  tree  decorated  with 
cakes  in  honor  of  the  silk- worm,  makes  its  appearance  on  whatever 
-date  in  January  may  happen  to  be  the  First  day  of  the  Hare 
'{Haisu-U)"  Then  Tokyo  people  visit  the  shrine  of  Myogi 
[Myoken .?]. 

The  Hassen,  mentioned  abDve,  come  as  follows  during  the 
year  1 902  : — 

1.  January  29 o.  c.  XII,  20. 

2.  March  30    o.  c.  II,  2 1. 

3.  May  29 o.  c.  IV,  22. 

4.  July  28   o.  c.  VI,  24. 

5.  September  26 o.  c.  VIII,  25. 

6.  November  25 o.  c.  X,  26. 

There  were  also  72  "  seasons,"  (shichijiini-kii)  ;  but  what  they 
•were  I  have  not  learned. 

In  old  Japan  the  week  was  entirely  unknown  ;  and  it  was  not 
till  the  present  era  [Meiji],  that  the  ichi-roku.X  or  holidays  on  the 

♦  If  it  rains  during  the  first  nine  days  of  kan  (cold  season),  it  is  an  omen 
of  a  rainless  summer. 

t  A  period  of  twelve  days,  "  unlucky  for  marriage  matters." 
{  The  ist,  6th,  nth,  i6th,  21st,  26th,  [31st],  days. 


lo  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars. 

**  ones"  and  "sixes"  of  each  month,  were  introduced.  But  that 
was  speedily  abandoned  for  the  week  system,  with  Sunday  as  an 
official  holiday,  and  with  names  adapted  from  the  Occidental 
names,  as  follows : — 

Nichiyobi (Sun-day) = Sunday. 

Getsuyobi (Moon-day)  =  Monday. 

Kwayobi (Mars-day) = Tuesday. 

Suiyobi ( Mercury -day) = Wednesday. 

Mokuyobi (Jupiter-day) = Thursday. 

Kinyobi (Venus-day)  =  Friday. 

Doyobi (Saturn-day) = Saturday. 

And  Prof.  Chamberlain  tells  of  the  adoption  of  even  the  Saturday 
half  holiday : — **  Sunday  being  in  vulgar  |)arlance  Donlaku  [a 
corruption  of  the  Dutch  Zontag\  Saturday  is  called  (in  equally 
vulgar  parlance)  Handon^  that  is  "half  Sunday." 

There  is,  moreover,  another  division  of  the  month  more  or 
less  common  even  at  the  present  day.      By  it,  each  month  is 
divided  into  three  periods,  called  y////,  of  about  ten  days,  known  as 
jdjun,  chujun^  gyun  (upper,  middle  and  lower  decide). 

The  days  of  each  month  were  named,  not  only  in  numerical 
order,  but  also  according  to  the  sexagesimal  table  described  above 
in  connection  with  the  names  of  the  years  in  *'a  cycle  of  Cathay." 
And  the  latter  names  were  perhaps  more  important  tlian  the 
numerical  ones,  because,  according  to  these  special  names,  a  day 
was  judged  to  be  either  lucky  or  unlucky  for  particular  events. 
**  Every  day  has  its  degree  of  luck  for  removal  [from  one  place  to 
another],  and,  indeed,  according  to  another  system,  for  actions  of 
any  kind;  for  a  day  is  presided  over  in  succession  by  one  of  six 
stars  which  may  make  it  lucky  throughout  or  only  at  night,  or  in. 


Clement :    Japanese  Calendars,  1 1 

the  forenoon  or  the  afternoon,  or  exactly  at  noon,  or  absolutely 
unlucky.  There  are  also  special  days  on  which  marriages  should 
take  place,  prayers  are  granted  by  the  gods,  stores  should  be  open- 
ed, and  sign-boards  put  up."*  Dr.  Griffis  informs  us  in  the  **  The 
Mikado  s  Empire,"  that  **  many  people  of  the  lower  classes  would 
not  wash  their  heads  or  hair  on  *  the  day  of  the  horse,'  lest  their 
hair  become  red."  On  the  other  hand,  this  "  horse  day  "  is  sacred 
to  Inari  Sama,  the  rice-god,  who  employs  foxeS  as  his  messengers ; 
and  "the  day  of  the  rat"  is  sacred  to  Daikoku,  the  god  of  wealth. 
who,  in  pictures,  is  always  accompanied  by  that  rodent. 
Carpenters  also  have  their  lucky  and  unlucky  days,  as  we  learned 
at  the  time  when  the  recitation-building  of  the  Duncan  Baptist 
Academy,  Tokyo,  was  going  up.  The  roof  raising  had  been 
originally  planned  for  March  14-16,  [1901],  but  was  unavoidably 
delayed.  As  it  was  expected  to  cover  three  days,  which  should  be 
consecutive,  and  not  broken  into  by  the  17th,  Sunday,  the  next 
possible  dates  were  March  18-20.  But  as  March  18  (Monday)  was 
"  tiger  day,"  and  considered  inauspicious,  the  time  was  fixed  for 
March  19-21,  the  days,  respectively,  of  the  "hare,"  the  dragon" 
and  the  "serpent."  The  original  dates  would  liave  been 
auspicious,  because  they  were  the  days  of  tlie  "  dog,"  the  "boar" 
and  the  "rat."  As  for  wedding  days,  Rev.  N.  Tamura  says  if — 
"We  think  it  is  verv  unfortunate  to  be  married  on  the  16th  of 
January,  20th  of  February,  4th  of  March,  i8th  of  April,  6th  of 
May,  7th  of  June,  loth  of  July,  nth  of  August,  9th  of  September, 
3rd  of  October,  25th  of  November,  or  30th  of  December,  also  on 
the  grandfather's  or  grandmother's  death  day."     These  dates  are 

•  From  Inouyc's  "Sketches  of  Tokyo  Life.  * 
t  "A  Japanese  IJride,"  pp.  32,  33. 


1 2  Clement :     yapanese  Calctidars. 

probably  applicable  to  only  the  old  calendar.     "  Seeds  will  not 
germinate  if  planted  on  certain  days''  (Griffis).* 

The  hours  were  named,  not  only  according  to  the  plan  men- 
tioned above,  but  also  according  to  the  heavenly  menagerie,  in  the 
following  way  : — 

1.  Hour  of  the  Rat, 1 1  p.m. —  i  a.m. 

2.  „        „       Ox,    1-3  a.m. 

3-       »»        i»       Tiger 3-5  a.m. 

4.  ,,  ,,  Hare, 57  a.m. 

5.  „  „  Dragon, 7-9  a.m. 

6.  „  ,,  Serpent,   9- 11  a.m. 

7.  ,,  „  Horse, 11  a.m. — i  p.m. 

8.  ,,  ,,  Goat, 1-3  p.m. 

9.  „  „  Monkey, 3-5  p.m. 

10.  ,.        ,,       Cock,   5-7  p.m. 

11.  „        „       Dog,   7-9  p.m. 

1 2.  „        „       Boar, 9-1 1  p.m. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  each  period  is  two  hours  (Occidental)  long  ; 
but  it  was  also  divided,  as  were  likewise  the  numerical  "  hours  " 
mentioned  above,  into  jbkoku  and  gekoku  (upper  and  lower  kokii)y 
each  of  which  was  thus  equivalent  to  exactly  one  hour  of  sixty 
minutes.*  The  "  hour  of  the  ox,"  by-the-way,  being  the  time  of 
sound  sleep,  was  sacred  to  women  crossed  in  love  for  taking 
vengeance  upon  a  straw  image  of  the  recreant  lover  at  the  shrine  of 
Fud6."J  "  After  5  p.m.  many  people  will  not  put  on  new  clothes 
or  sandals '"  (Griflfii)). 

•  Sec  Notes  I)  and  F.  ■(•  Sec  Note  (). 

J  See  Griffis's  "Honda  the  Samurai,"  pp.   256-266,  or  *'The  Mikado's 
.Empire,"  page  474.     Also  sec  Note  I. 


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Clement :    yapanesc  Calendars.  i  j 

Following  a  Chinese  model,  from  which  the  Japanese  calendar 
was,  of  course,  derived,  we  may  construct  a  "  time  table; "  but  we 
must  bear  in  mind  that  some  of  the  terms  are  comparatively 
modem,  and  are  derived  from  Occidental  sources. 

TIME  TABLE. 

60  seconds  {byo)  make  i   minute  {/un), 

15  minutes  ,,  i   quarter  (^o^«). 

8  quarters  „  1   hour  {iokt\ji), 

96  quarters  or  12  hours  „  i   day  {nichiy  hi.jiisu). 

10  days  ,,  I   decade  {jun), 

29  or  30  days  ,,          i   moon  {tsuki.gelsu.gwaisu,)' 

12  or  13  moons  ,,  i   year  (/osAi\  nen), 

60  years  ,,  i  cycle  (b'/zo). 

The  gO'sekktdf  or  five  festivals,  also  were,  and  are,  carefully 
observed,  although  their  dates  have  been  changed  to  fit  the  new 
solar  calendar.  They  fell  on  the  first*  (or,  as  some  say,  seventh) 
day  of  the  first  month,  the  third  day  of  the  third  month,  the  fifth 
day  of  the  fifth  month,  the  seventh  day  of  the  seventh  month,  and 
the  ninth  day  of  the  ninth  month.  They  have  various  names,  of 
which  the  most  general  are  those  made  from  the  names  of  the 
months,  such  as  SMga/su  no  Sekku  (First  Moon's  Festival),  etc.,  etc. 
But  these  names  are  not  so  commonly  used  as  more  specific  ones, 
which  describe  more  or  less  particularly  the  nature  of  the  festival. 
For  instance,  the  festival  of  the  Third  Month  is  well-known  as 
ydfjii  no  Sekku  (the  Girls'  Festival),  or  Hinamatsuri  (Dolls' 
Festival) ;  that  of  the  fifth  month  is  the  famous  lango  no  Sekku 
(or  the  Boys'  Festival),  or  Nohori  no  Sekku  (Flag  Festival) ;  that  of 

•  Originally  so  established  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Uda  (88S-897  A.D. 


<  lament :     Japanese  Calendars. 

»:s-  w^\\^u^h  uuMUh  is  commonly  called  TanabcUa  no  Sekku  (Festival 
>!  \  V  N.M  \*CK**) :  while  that  of  the  ninth  month  is  called  Ch6y6 
»vx»  S^kkii  0**^'^*^"  Summer  Festival),  or  Kiku  no  Sekhi  (Chrysan- 
ih%Muutu  IVsiiviil).  Moreover,  the  Girls'  Festival  is  also  called 
.IA»w.»  HO  Sckku  (Peach  Festival),  and  the  Boys*  Festival  is  called 
\v,»,^«  no  SMu  (Sweet  Flag  Festival).* 

Tl  10 re  is  now,  of  course,  considerable  confusion  between  the 
old  anil  the  new  calendars,  of  which  the  latter  is  ofBcial,  but  the 
l\»iuu*r  is  popular  and  still  observed  in  country  districts.  And  this 
ti  infusion  naturally  leads  to  some  curious  anachronisms.  For 
iuHtiinre,  the  7th  day  of  the  ist  month  (o.c.)  was  known  as  Nana- 
Jtusii  (Seven  Herbs),  because  the  people  were  wont  to  go  out  into 
the  fields  and  gather  seven  kinds  of  greensf  to  boil  and  eat  on 
tliiit  day,  to  preserve  from  diseases  during  the  year:  but  January  7 
is  loo  cold  and  early  for  such  expedidons  and  such  vegetables. 
In  some  cases,  the  old  day  is  retained,  no  matter  whether  it  fits 
the  new  calendar  or  not.  But,  "  for  the  most  part,  the  old  (/a/e  has 
been  retained,  notwithstanding  the  change  thus  caused  in  the  actual 
(/ay."  In  fact,  often  during  a  year  "  the  dme  is  out  of  joint."  And 
there  are  not  a  few  people  who  are  quite  willing  to  keep  both 
calendars  and  thus  get  twice  as  many  holidays  ! 

Hut,  as  this  general  topic  is  well-nigh  inexhaustible,  and 
•*  time  flies  "  "  like  an  arrow  "  {ya  no  goioshi)  here  as  elsewhere, 
we  may  as  well  stop  at  this  point,  and  append,  as  an  illustration, 
the  official  calendar  for  the  current  year  with  necessary  explanations. 

•  For  a  full  treatment  of  the  floral  calendar,  see  Mr.  Conder's  elaborate 
|)a|icr  in  Vol.  XVII,  Part  II..  pp.  1-96,  of  the  Transactions  of  this  Society; 
alHO  Vol.  XIX.  Pt.  3.  page  548. 

f  Parsley,  shepherd's  purse,  cudweed,  chickwced.  hcnbit.  horse-tail,  radish. 


Clemen/  :     Japanese  Calendars,  1 5 

Short  True  Calendar  of  Meiji  35th  Year. 

2,562nd  year  from  the  date   of  the  ascension  of  the  Emperor 
Jimmu. 

35th  year  of  Meiji. 
Common  year — 365  days. 


[National  Holidaysj.* 

ShihGhai January,  i 

(ienji-sai January,  3 

Komei  Tenno  Sai January,  30 

Kigen-setsu February,  1 1 

Shunki  Korei  Sai March,  21 

Jimmu  Tenno  Sai April,  3 

Shuki  Korei  Sai September,  24 

Kanname  Sai October,  1 7 

Tencho-setsu November,  3 

Niinamc  Sai November,  23 


Size  of  Months. 


[New 

calendar]. 

[Year] 

[Old  calendar]. 

I.  Large. 

2.  Common. 

Wrought  metal — Ox. 

II.  Large. 

12.  Small 

3.            V 

4.  Small. 

Sea 

water— 

■Tiger. 

I.      „ 

2.       „ 

5.          n 

6.       „ 

3.      .» 

4.      » 

7.           „ 

8.  Large. 

S.  Small. 

6.  Large 

9.  Small. 

10.      „ 

7.      » 

8.      » 

II.       » 

12.      „ 

9.      » 
II.  Large. 

10.      „ 

•  See  Note  B. 

1 6  Clement :    Japanese  Caleudars, 

Lunar  Eclipse  in  Tokyo — Total. 

On  April  23  at  2-0-2  a.m.  the  moon  begins  to  grow  dark 
from  the  upper  left  side ;  and  at  3-10-2  a.m.  it  is  dark  on  the 
lower  right  side.  At  3-52-8  a.m.  it  is  very  dark.  At  4-55-4  a.m. 
it  begins  to  grow  light  on  the  left  side ;  and  it  sets  at  5-3-4  a.m. 
with  sixty-two  hundredths  of  its  surface  still  dark. 

Table  of  Sundays. 

January  5,  12,  19,  26.  February  2,  9,  16,  23. 

March  2,  9,  16,  23,  30.  April  6,  13,  20,  27. 

May  4,  II,  18,  25.  June  i,  8,  15,  22,  29. 

July  6,  13,  20,  27.  August  3,  10,  17,  24,  31. 

September  7,  14,  21,  28.  October  5,  12,  19,  26. 

November  2,  9,  16,  23,  30.  December  7,  14,  21,  2^. 

Seven  Luminaries. 

Sun,  Moon,  Mars,  Mercury,  Jupiter,  Venus,  Saturn. 

Natural  Wood — Rat  Days.* 

Feb.  10,  Apr.  11,  June  10,  Aug,  9,   Oct.  8,  Dec.  7. 

Wrought  Earth — Serpent  DAYs.f 

Feb.  15,  Apr.  16,  June  15,  Aug.  14,  Oct.  13,  Dec.  12. 

Natural  Metal — Monkey  Days.  J 

Feb.  6,  Apr.  7,  June  6,  Aug.  5,  Oct.  4,  Dec.  3. 

•  Sacred  to  Daikoku,  god  of  wealth,  as  jircviously  stateil. 
t  Sacred  to  Benten,  goddess  of  love  and  sea-goddess. 

J  Sacred  to  Koshin,  representeil  by  the   three  (blind,  deaf  and  dumb), 
monkeys. 


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44  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars. 

The  following  explanation  of  these  tables  may  be  useful.  In 
the  upper  table  which  is  arranged  according  to  the  sexagesimal 
cycle,  each  square  contains  the  name  of  the  year  period,  the  number 
of  the  year  in  that  period,  the  zoological  name  of  the  year,  and 
finally  the  number  of  years  to  be  used  in  computation  as  reckoned 
from  last  year.  For  instance,  the  upper  left  hand  corner  square 
refers  to  the  6th  year  of  Kwansei  [1794],  which  was  Tiger  Year 
and  107  years  before  the  34th  year  of  Meiji  [1901].  Then  the 
second  table  gives  the  amount  of  the  addition  to  be  made  to 
bring  up  the  reckoning  to  the  present  Let  us  try  the  tables  in 
the  cas3  of  a  person  born  Feb.  21,1860  [the  ist  year  of  Manen]. 
Searching  in  the  upper  table  for  Manen,  we  obtain  the  figure  4 1  ; 
and,  looking  at  the  lower  table,  we  find  that  one  born  in  February 
must  add  one  full  year  to  bring  it  up  to  January  of  the  current 
year.  Therefore,  according  to  these  tables,  we  are  informed  that 
the  above  mentioned  person  would  be  42  years  old  in  January  of 
this  year.  That,  however,  is  according  to  the  inclusive  method  of 
reckoning  the  months ;  although  the  years  do  not  seem  to  have  been 
reckoned  in  that  way.  Of  course,  by  the  exact  Occidental  method 
of  reckoning,  he  would  not  be  42  full  years  old  till  Feb.  21,  1902. 

This  subject  of  age  brings  up  many  interesting  points.  In  the 
first  place,  it  is  pretty  generally  known,  that  in  Japan  the  birthday 
of  the  "  individual  was  not  considered  of  sufficient  importance  to  be 
celebrated;  and  that  ages  were  computed  from  New  Year's  Day, 
which  thus  become  a  kind  of  national  birthday.  And,  as  Japanese 
reckoning  was  inclusive,  a  child  bom  on  the  last  day  of  a  year 
would  be  considered  two  years  old  on  the  first  day  of  the  next 
year,  because  he  had  lived  in  both  of  those  years.  Therefore,  in 
case  of  inquiring  a  person's   age,  it  would  be  very  important  to 


Clement :    fafHinese  Calendars,  45 

know  whether  the  reply  gave  "  Japanese  years "  or  full  years/* 
Ignorance  or  forgetfulness  of  this  distinction  has  often  led  to 
mistakes,  and  quite  serious  ones  in  the  case  of  historical  records, 
chronicles  and  genealogical  tables.  The  inclusive  reckoning  must 
also  be  carefully  noted  in  such  exprcssiom  as  "  ten  days  ago," 
"ten  days  later,"  "jor  ten  days,"  etc..  which  may  mean  what 
Occidentals  would  express  by  "eleven  days."  We  may  state 
right  here,  what  has  undoubtedly  occurred  to  the  reader  before 
this,  that  Japanese  reckonings  are  quite  indefinite  according  to 
the  Occidental  point  of  view,  and  present  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  mathematical  accuracy. 

There  are  also  superstition  about  ages.  Some  persons,  for 
instance,  "are  averse  to  a  marriage  between  those  whose  ages 
differ  by  three  or  nine  years.  A  man's  nativity  also  influences 
the  direction  in  which  he  should  remove ;  and  his  age  may 
permit  his  removal  one  year  and  absolutely  forbid  it  the  next. " 
There  are  also  critical  years  in  a  person's  life,  such  as  the  7th, 
25th,  42nd  and  6 1st  years  for  a  man  and  the  7th,  8th,  33rd, 
42nd  and  6ist  years  for  a  woman.  "  A  child  born  in  its  father's 
forty-first  year  will  be  the  cause  of  his  death  unless  abandoned."* 
We  have  heard  a  similar  story  to  the  effect  that  a  child  born 
(or  begotten  ?)  in  the  father's  forty-third  year  is  supposed  to  be 
possessed  of  a  devil.  When  such  a  child  is  about  one  month 
old,  it  is,  therefore,  exposed  for  about  three  hours  in  some  sacred 
place.  Some  member  or  friend  of  the  family  then  goes  to  get 
it,  and  bringing  it  to  the  parents,  says  :  "  This  is  a  child  whom 
I  have  found  and  whom  you  would  better  take  and  bring  up." 
Thus,  having  fooled  the  devil,  the  parents  receive  their  own  child 

•  Inouye's  "  Sketches  of  Tokyo  Life." 


46  Clement :    yapanese  Calendars, 

back.  In  one  such  case,  the  babe  was  neglected  and  exposed 
too  long,  so  that  he  has  not  yet  fully  recovered  from  the  illness 
which  followed.  He  is  a  graduate  of  the  Duncan  Baptist  Acade- 
my, Tokyo. 

Note  A. 

We  are  under  great  obligations,  in  the  preparation  of  this 
paper,  to  Mr.  Y.  Morise  for  translations ;  to  Mr.  I.  Morikubo 
for  explanations  ;  to  Mr.  Ken  Saito,  of  the  Imperial  Museum,  and 
to  Mr.  H.  Yamada,  for  drawings. 

Note  B. 

Some  of  these  national  holidays  are  explained  under  the 
month  in  which  they  occur ;  but  a  few  words  are  added  here 
in  farther  explanation.  Kigen-selsu,  for  instance,  was  originally  a 
festival  in  honor  of  the  ascension  of  Jimmu,  the  first  Emperor, 
to  the  throne,  and  was  thus  the  anniversary  of  the  establishment 
of  the  Old  Empire  ;  but  it  is  now  observed  also  as  the  celebration 
of  the  promulgation  of  the  constitution  (Feb.  ii,  1889),  and  is 
thus  the  anniversary  of  the  establishment  of  the  New  Empire. 
The  Jimmu  Tenno  Sai  of  April  3  is  the  so-called  anniversary 
of  the  death  of  that  Emperor.  The  Kanname  Festival  in  Septem- 
ber celebrates  the  offering  of  first-fruits  to  the  ancestral  deities, 
and  the  Niiname  Festival  in  October  celebrates  the  tasting  of 
those  first-fruits  by  the  Emperor.  The  Spring  and  Autumn 
Festivals,  in  March  and  September,  are  adaptations  of  the  Budd- 
hist equinoctial  festivals  of  the  dead,  and  are  especially  observed 
for  tlie  worship  of  the  Imperial  ancestors. 


Clement :    Japanese  Calendars.  47 

Note  C. 

This  has  been  called  "  New  Year's  Eve  "  as  well  as  the  last 
night  of  winter.  It  will  be  noticed  that,  in  this  case,  the  last 
night  of  the  old  year  [o.  c]  is  three  nights  further  on ;  but 
once  in  two  or  three  years  both  winter  and  the  old  year  go 
out  at  the  same  time.  Setsubun  is  the  time  when  in  every  house 
beans  are  scattered  around  to  scare  away  the  devils,  and  the 
following  formula  is  also  supposed  to  be  effective  : 

Oni  wa  solo         Fuku  wa  uchi :  * 
"  Out  with  the  devils,         In  with  good  fortune." 

This  is  also  the  occasion  when  "  each  person  present  eats 
one  more  [bean]  than  the  number  of  the  years  of  his  age."  The 
food  eaten  then  is  known  as  azukimeshi,  and  it  consists  of  red 
beans  mixed  with  rice.  This  was  also  eaten  in  olden  times  on 
the  1st,  15th  and  28th  of  each  month,  which  were  the  "three 
days "  {sanjilsu)  then  regularly  observed  as  holidays.  For  a 
fuller  description  of  Setsubun  see  Heam's  "  Glimpses  of  Unfamiliar 
Japan,"  Vol.  II.,  pp.  498-503  :  and  for  interesting  notes  on  the 
New  Year's  Festival  see  pp.  493-498  of  the  some  volume. 

Note  D. 

We  append  also  some  miscellaneous  items  bearing  on  the 
various  branches  of  our  subject.  We  learn,  for  instance,  from 
*'  Tosa  Nikki  "  the  following  : 

It  was  the   yearly   custom  in  ancient   times  to  bring  horses 

to  the  capital,   for  the  sovereign's  use,   from   the  various   places 

where  they  were  reared   to  suit  his  purpose.     The   time    seems 

*  But  in  shipping  and  express  companies  it  is  unlucky  to  repeat  the  upper 
stanza,  because  o-ni  may  mean  "  honorable  freight "  or  "  baggage  "  ! 


48  Clement :    jfapanese  Calendars. 

to  have  been  the  7th  day  of  the  1st  month  and  the  15th  day 
of  the  eighth  month.  White  horses,  as  befitting  one  ot  "  divine 
origin,"  were  the  only  kind  in  request  at  this  period. 

Other  items  are  on  the  authority  of  Dr.  W.  E.  Griffis.  In 
pouring  out  oil  for  the  lamp  during  kar^  (the  coldest  part  of 
winter,  late  January  or  early  February),  if  by  accident  even  a 
single  drop  of  oil  is  spilled  on  the  flour,  some  damage  will  be 
done  by  fire  to  the  house.  This,  however,  may  be  averted  by 
sprinkling  a  few  drops  of  water  on  the  head  of  the  spiller  of  the 
oil.  Kanshoku  is  the  name  of  "  about  the  105th  day  after  the 
winter  solstice,  so-called  from  the  universal  custom  in  China 
of  abstaining  from  cooked  food  on  that  day  "  (Brinkley). 

On  New  Year's  Day,  merchants  shut  the*  stores  of  their 
store-houses,  lest  good-fortune  depart.  People  never  sweep  the 
floor  on  that  day,  lest  good  luck  be  also  swept  away,  [And  the 
writer  of  this  paper  was  once  warned  that  he  must  not  take 
medicine  or  consult  a  doctor  on  New  Year's  Day,  because  such 
acts  would  portend  a  year  of  illness]. 

At  New  Year's  Day,  pater-familias  does  not  like  any  one  ta 
utter  the  sound  shi  (death)  or  any  word  containing  it.  This  is  a 
difficult  matter  in  a  household,  since  the  syllable  sin  has  over 
a  dozen  different  meanings,  and  occurs  in  several  hundred  Japanese 
words,  some  of  them  very  common.  Thus  let  us  suppose  a  family 
of  husband,  wife,  child  and  servant,  numbering  four  (shi),  A 
visitor  calls,  and  happens  to  use  the  words  Shtba  (a  city  district  in 
Tokyo),  shi  (teacher,  poem,  four,  to  do,  etc.)  The  host,  at  first 
merely  angry  with  the  visitor  who  so  forcibly   uses  the  sinister 

*  When  kan  (cold)  or  sfio  (heat)  comes  later  than  its  calendar  date,  it  is 
called  zankan  or  zansho^  '•  left-over  cold  "  or  *•  heat." 


Clement :    yapanese  Calendars.  49 

words,  is  incensed  when  the  latter  happens  to  remark  that  his 
host's  household  consists  of  four,  and  wishes  him  gone.  Moodily 
reflecting  on  his  visitor's  remark,  he  resolves  to  dismiss  his  servant 
and  so  make  his  household  three.  But  the  shrewd  servant,  named 
Fnku,  remonstrates  with  his  master  for  sending  away  /uku  (bless- 
ing,  luck)  from  his  house.     The  master  is  soothed. 

New  Year's  Day  was  called  sangen  (three  beginnings),  because 
it  was  the  beginning  of  a  year,  a  month  and  a  day.  From  Inouye's 
** Sketches  of  Tokyo  Life"  we  learn  that  aged  persons  provide 
against  failing  memory  by  passing  through  seven  different  shrine- 
gates  on  the  spring  or  autumn  equinox.  An  incantation  against 
noxious  insects,  written  with  an  infusion  of  India  ink  in  liquorice 
water  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  founh  moon,  Buddha's  birth-day, 
will  prevent  their  entrance  at  every  doorway  or  window  where  it  is 
p)osted. 

The  1 6th  of  January  and  the  i6th  of  July  were  and  are 
special  holidays  for  servants  and  apprentices.  The  i6th  of  the 
6th  month — called  Kajoy  and  the  ist  of  the  icth  month — called 
Genjo — were  also  festivals.  At  the  time  of  the  winter-solstice 
doctors  would  worship  the  Chinese  Ksculapius.  **  The  foot-wear 
left  outside  on  the  night  of  the  winter  equinox  should  be  thrown 
away  ;  he  who  wears  them  will  shorten  his  own  life.  If  you  cut  a 
bamboo  on  a  moonlight  night,  you  will  find  a  snake  in  the  hollow 
of  it  between  the  third  and  fourth  joints."  "  During  an  eclipse  of 
the  sun  or  moon,  people  carefully  cover  the  wells,  as  they  suppose 
that  poison  &lls  from  the  sky  during  the  period  of  the  obscuration." 
"If  on  the  night  of  the  second  day  of  the  First  Month  one  dreams 
of  the  iakara-hutie  (treasure-ship),  he  shall  become  a  rich  man. " 
*'  The  child  of  three  years  keeps  his  heart  till  he  is  sixty."     "  Any 


50  Clement :     Japanese  Calenaars. 

thing  is  useful  after  three  years."  "  A  sixth  day  camellia  "  refers  to 
any  thing  that  is  too  late,  because  the  flower  should  be  brought  on 
the  fifth  day.  The  first  **  dog  day*'  and  the  third  **  dog-day"  in 
July  are  days  for  eating  special  cakes.  **  The  Third  Dog-day  is 
considered  by  the  peasantry  a  turning  point  in  the  life  of  the 
crops.  Eels  are  eaten  on  any  day  of  the  Bull  [Doyo  no  UshP^  that 
may  occur  during  this  period  of  greatest  heat."*  The  17th  of 
each  month  is  a  regular  holiday  for  Tokyo  barbers.  There  is  a 
proverb  that  "  the  gossip  of  men  even  [lasts  only]  75  days." 

The  first  days  of  the  ist,  6th  and  8th  months  were  celebrated 
by  the  Tokugawa  government.  In  olden  times  there  were  certain 
fixed  days  for  holding  the  markets,  "  a  fact  permanently  recorded 
in  the  names  given  to  some  of  the  market  sites,  as  for  example, 
the  towns  of  Yokkaichi  and  Itsukaichi  (fourth  day  market  and 
fifth  day  market)."  We  find  also  Futsuka-ichi,  Mikka-machi, 
Muika-machi,  Nanuka-ichi,  Y5ka-ichiba  and  Toka-ichiba. 

Other  "specially  appointed  festive  occasions"  were  the 
following:  "entertainments  in  April  (third  month  of  the  old 
calendar),  when  wine  cups  were  floated  down  stream ;  or  in  February 
(first  month  of  the  old  calendar)  when  young  pines,  growing  on 
the  hills  or  in  the  fields,  were  pulled  up  by  the  roots ;  or  in  the 
fall,  to  view  the  changing  tints  of  the  maples."  And  to  the  go- 
sekku  were  originally  added  the  festival  of  the  "  late  moonlight " 
(13th  day  of  the  9th  month)  and  the  festival  of  the  **last  chrysan- 
themums." 

The  guards  of  the  gates  of  the  Shogun's  castle  in  Yedo  were 
divided  into  bands  which  took  turns  as  follows : — At  the  Chujaku 
Gate  each  of  the  six  bands  was  to  be  on  duty  for  a  day  and  night, 

•  See  Chamberlain's  *'  Things  Japanese  "  under  "  Festivals." 


Clement :    Japanese  Calemlars,  5 1 

by  turn :  the  first  band  on  rat  and  horse  days ;  the  second,  on  ox 
and  sheep  [goat]  days  ;  the  third,  on  tiger  and  monkey  days;  the 
fourth,  on  hare  and  bird  [cock]  days ;  the  fifth,  on  dragon  and  dog 
days ;  and  the  sixth,  on  snake  [serpent]  and  hog  [boar]  days. "  At 
the  Naka  Gate,  **each  of  the  five  bands  was  to  be  on  duty  for  a 
day  and  night,  by  turns,  once  on  every  fi\'^  days."  The  Ote-San 
Gate  was  guarded  by  only  four  bands,  each  of  which  "  was  to  be 
on  duty  for  a  day  and  night,  by  turn :  the  first  band,  or  the  Koga- 
gumi,  on  rat,  dragon  and  monkey  days ;  the  second  band,  or  the 
Negoro-gumit  on  ox,  snake  and  bird  days ;  the  third  band,  or  the 
Jga-gumi,  on  horse,  dog  and  tiger  days ;  and  the  fourth  band,  or 
the  Kita-goki-gumij  on  hare,  hog  and  sheep  days,  "f 

"  The  hog  [boar]  day  of  the  loth  month,"  "  the  3rd  day  of  the 
I  st  month"  and  "any  special  festive  day"  might  be  used  for  a 
performance  of  the  No  Dance. 

In  reckoning  the  hours,  a  distincdon  was  sometimes  made 
between  the  morning  and  the  evening  as  follows :  akc-muisu  (6  a.m.) 
and  kure-mutsu  (6  p.m.). 

Nijuroku-ya-machi  (twenty-sixth  evening  waiting)  is  the  name 
applied  to  "  the  custom  of  sitting  up  on  the  night  of  the  26th  of 
the  7th  month  (0.5.),  to  witness  the  rise  of  the  moon,  supposed  to 
be  efficacious  for  securing  longevity  "  (Brinkley's  Dictionary). 

Misoka  (thirtieth  day)  was  specially  set  apart  for  the  payment 
of  the  bills  of  the  month ;  and  the  name  was  loosely  applied  to 
the  twenty-ninth  day,  just  as  it  is  now  loosely  applied  to  the  thirty- 
first  day  :  in  other  words  the  name  came  to  mean  the  last  day  of 
each  month.  The  last  day  of  each  year  is  called  Omisoka  (Great 
Thirtieth  Day). 

t  From  "  The  36  Gates  of  the  Shogun's  Castle  in  Yedo." 


52  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars, 

"It  was  customary  to  wear  a  wadded  garment  [waia-ire)  from 
the  ninth  day  of  the  ninth  month,*  and  socks  from  the  tenth  day, 
but  September,  the  ninth  month  of  the  new  calendar,  being  warm, 
the  old  practice  no  longer  obtains."  On  the  festival  of  the  ninth 
day  of  the  ninth  month,  people,  with  a  view  to  lengthening  their 
life  and  averting  calamity,  drank  sake  flavored  with  the  flowers  of 
the  chrysanthemum  {kiku),  and  consequendy  called  kiku-zake. 
Chestnuts,  someUmes  mixed  up  with  boiled  rice,  were  eaten  on  the 
same  day;  butjthe  ninth  month  of  the  present  calendar  can  boast 
neither  chestnuts  nor  chrysanthemums,  so  this  custom  is  departed. 
On  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  same  month,  people  in  general  and 
poets  in  particular,  made  a  point  of  admiring  the  moon,  the  former 
presenting  oflerings  of  rice-cakes  {dango),  and  the  latter  composing 
verses  in  her  honor.  This  practice  is  said  to  have  commenced 
about  1,000  years  ago,  in  the  reign  of  Uda  Tenno.'^f 

**  The  twentieth  day  of  the  tenth  month  of  the  old  calendar 
was  that  chosen  by  merchants  and  shopkeepers  for  a  merry-making, 
under  the  patronage  of  Ebisu,  the  God  of  wealth  and  guardian  of 
markets.  At  one  end  of  the  room  in  which  they  met  to  spend  the 
evening,  there  was  hung  a  picture  of  Ebisu,  with  a  huge  perch 
under  his  arm,  and  a  fishing-rod  in  his  hand,  and  to  this  was  offered 
the  fevorite  fish  tat- — a  kind  of  perch,  sake,  and  round  cakes  of 
7nochu  As  the  feast  proceeded,  one  would  seize  on  any  article 
that  lay  handy — such  as  a  cup  or  a  bowl — hold  it  aloft,  and 
demand  a  fancy  price  for  it,  say  100  or  1,000  dollars.  Another 
would  grasp  at  the  offer,  and  the  mock  bargain  would  be  complet- 
ed amidst  the  clapping  of  hands,  the  transaction  being  taken  as  a 

•  See  also  Vol.  XIII.,  Ft.  i,  pp.  6,7  of  the  Transactions  of  this  Society, 
t  From  "  The  Japanese  Months." 


Clanent  :    Japanese  Calendars.  5  3 

fore-shadowing  of  success  in  the  making  of  r6ri  bargains  in  the 
future."* 

"The  15th  of  November  is  a  day  of  some  importance  to  the 
little  folks.  The  heads  of  children  are  generally  shaved,  until  they 
are  about  three  years  old,  according  to  Japanese  reckoning,  which 
counts  a  part  of  a  year  as  a  whole  year.  But  after  this,  beginning 
from  the  fifteenth  of  November,  a  tuft  of  hair  is  allowed  to  grow  on 
the  top  of  the  head.  From  the  same  day,  a  boy  of  five  years  old 
is  allowed  to  wear  trousers  {hakanui)  on  state  occasions,  and  a  girl 
of  seven  may  put  on  the  broad  sash  or  girdle  {nbi),  which  is  so 
important  an  article  of  feminine  attire.  An  entertainment  in  the 
evening  celebrates  the  attainment  of  any  of  the  foregoing  privileges, 
known  respectively  as  kamioki,  hakamagi  2.x\A  obitoki.  Infants  born 
during  the  preceding  twelve  months  are  taken  on  this  day  to  a 
Shinto  shrine,  where  the  mother  performs  an  act  of  worship."* 

Another  such  ceremony  is  known  as  gembukuy  at  the  age  of 
1 5,  when  a  youth  "  donned  for  the  first  time  a  man's  clothes  and 
changed  his  name." 

"  On  each  of  the  two  Bird  daysf  that  come  in  November,  there 
is  held  in  Tokyo  a  fair  called  Ton-no-Ichi  (Bird  Fair),  visitors  to 
which  are  generally  seen  returning  with  a  bamboo  rake  in  their 
hand.  This  rake,  called  kumade  (Bear's  Paw),  is  ornamented  with 
imitation  account  books,  and  with  paper  figures  of  the  Gods  of 
Fortune,  the  tortoise,  the  crane  and  other  emblems  of  success  or 
prosperity ;  and  the  rake  itself,  being  an  instrument  used  for 
drawing  things  together,  sets  forth  the  grasping  and  gathering 
together  of  things  that  are  prized  in  this  life.  The  keepers  *of 
restaurants  and  houses  of  entertainment  purchase  and  display  a 

•  "The  Japanese  Months."  f  ^ock  Days. 


! 


54  Clement :     Japanese  Calendars. 

larger  kind  of  rake  than  other  people.  The  fair  is  held  at  Otori- 
jinsha,  in  Shitaya,  Tokyo,  and  one  or  two  other  places."* 

This  part  of  the  subject  is  still  further  illustrated  by  the 
following  extract  from  Mrs.  Flora  Best  Harris's  "  Log  of  a  Japanese 
Journey,"  which  is  a  translation  of  Tsurayuki's  "  Tosa  Nikki  ": — 

"  Happening  to  notice  how  long  my  nails  had  grown  on 
shipboard,  I  counted  the  days  and  discovered  that  it  is  the  day  of 
the  Rat.f     As  it  is  not  the  proper  time,  I  have  not  cut  them. 

"  Remembering  that  the  day  of  the  Rat  in  the  first  month  is 
a  holiday  at  the  capital  [Kyoto],  I  felt  anxious  to  celebrate  it,  but 
in  default  of  a  pine-tree,  could  not  do  as  I  desired. 

"  A  certain  woman  tried  to  compose  a  stanza  on  the  occasion, 
but  being  on  shipboard,  the  theme  proved  a  difficult  one,  so  that 
the  lines  have  little  merit. 

•  "  The  Japanese  Months." 

"I"  "  The  *  day  of  the  Rat  *  in  the  first  month  was  a  holiday  which  the 
people  celebrated  by  procuring  young  pines  which  they  planted  with  much 
rejoicing  as  emblems  of  long  and  happy  life.  As  Tsurayuki  found  the  day  an 
inappropriate  one  for  cutting  his  nails,  the  reader  may  be  glad  to  know  that 
cutting  the  finger-nails  was  jxjrfectly  proper  on  the  day  of  the  Ox,  and  that  the 
day  of  the  Tiger  could  be  devoted  to  cutting  the  toe-nails.'* 

In  this  connection  we  append  the  following  paragraph  from  the  chapter  of 
** Vulgar  Errors"  in  Sir  Thomas  Browne's  "Religio  Medici": — The  set  and 
statary  time  of  paring  of  nails  and  cutting  of  hair  is  thought  by  many  a  point 
of,  consideration  ;  which  is  perhaps  but  the  continuation  of  an  andent  supersti- 
tion. For  piaculous  it  was  unto  the  Romans  to  pare  their  nails  upon  the 
Nundinae,  observed  every  ninth  day  ;  and  was  also  feared  by  others  in  certain 
days  of  the  week,  according  to  that  of  Ausonius,  **  Ungues  Mercurio^  harbatn 
Jove,  Cy pride  crines"  and  was  one  part  of  the  wickedness  that  filled  up  the 
measure  of  Manasses,  when  'tis  delivered  that  *'  he  observed  times  "  (II  Chron. 

33  '  6). 

•  See  Vol.  XIII,  Pt.  i,  pp.  15,  16  of  T.  A.  S.  J.;  and  Vol.  VIII,  Ft.  4.  pp. 
442,  445,  446,  447. 


Clement :    Japanese  Calendars.  5  5 

"  *  Whether  this  day  can  really  be 

The  day  of  the  Rat  is  a  puzzle. — Ah  me  ! 

Were  a  fish-wife  but  here,  she  might  drag  from  the  water 

A  sea-pine  to  cheer  us  with  festival  glee/  " 

Japanese  children  would  welcome  certain  festival  days  on 
account  of  special  feasts  on  such  occasions,  as,  for  instance,  in 
addition  to  those  already  mentioned,  the  following  are  found : 
boiledj'red  beans  and  rice  {azuki-meshi)  on  days  sacred  to  Inari 
Sama ;  "  rice-flour  cakes  wrapped  in  the  leaves  of  a  species  of  oak 
called  kashrwa "  at  the  Boys'  Festival ;  and  sake  on  almost  all 
occasions,  "with  a  spray  of  peach  blossom  inserted  in  the  bottle" 
at  the  Girls'  Festival.  And  mochi  (the  rice-flour  cake  mentioned 
above)  is  the  special  food  of  the  New  Year's  season,  as  well  as  of 
many  other  festal  occasions. 

"  To  dream  of  riches  with  a  picture  of  Daikoku  purchased  at 
a  temple  under  the  head,  on  the  day  of  the  Rat,  ^^  ^  ^,  is  certain 
to  bring  an  accession  of  fortune  within  a  year." 

The  Occidental  "sweet  sixteen"  may  be  found  in  the 
Japanese  musume  nihachi  (a  girl  twice  eight :)  but  there  is  also  a 
proverb  that  **even  a  devil  is  pretty  at  eighteen,"  and  another  of 
**even  a  dragon  at  twenty." 

The  indefiniteness  of  Japanese  time-reckoning  and  the  dilatori- 
ness  of  the  people  are  further  illustrated  by  the  practical  meaning  of 
such  phrases  as  tadaima  (just  now),  sugu  ni  (directly),  Jiki  ni  (im- 
mediately), hayaku  (early),  etc.,  which  must  not  be  taken  literally!* 

Another  almanac  which  I  saw  gave  the  following  dates  for 
sowing  grain  in  1902:  Early  rice,  March  21  ;  Middling  rice, 
April  6;  millet,  April  21 ;  buckwheat,  June  22  ;  wheat,  Aug.  24. 

*  See  also  poem  on  page  69. 


56  Clement :     Japanese  Calemiars, 

Note  E. 

Brinklcy's  Dictionary  gives  the  following  explanation  of 
do  : — '' Ktnoe  (¥),  tree;  kinoto  (Zj),  herb;  hinoe  {K)^  fire;  hinoto 
(T),  charcoal  fire  ;  tsuchinoc  (ft),  earth ;  isuchinoto  (C),  earthen 
ware;  kcuioc  (Sf),  coin;  kanoio  (^*),  hardware;  mizunoe  (3i),  sea 
water;  mizunoio  (51),  stream."  Others  distinguish  "upper"  and 
**  lower ;"  or  "  male  "  and  **  female ;"  or  "  elder  brother  "  and 
"  younger  brother ;"  or  "  great "  and  "  small." 

The  following  explanation  is  from  Ix)ureiro's  "  Anglo-Chinese 
Calendar  ": — 

iCr'-«£^-r= growing  tree.  ir/-;/o-^=hewn  timber. 

/6-«<?-^= lightning.  Hi-no-to = burning  incense. 

Tsuchi-no-e = hills.  Tsuchi-no-to = earthenware. 

Ka-no-e = ore.  Ka-no-to = ketdes. 

Jlftzu-no-e =sa\i  water.  Afizu-no-/o= spring  water. 

NOTK   F. 

The  almanac  which  was  chiefly  used  in  the  preparation  ol 
this  paper  contained  a  loose  slip  giving  general  directions  for 
ascertaining  the  lucky  and  the  unlucky  days,  dates,  directions,  etc., 
t\e,,  for  telling  one's  fortune.  We  began  to  work  it  out,  but  soon 
found  that,  in  order  to  make  the  subject  at  all  intelligible,  it  could 
not  be  briefly  dismissed,  but  required  more  investigation  than  we 
had  time  to  undertake.  In  fact,  Japanese  divination  is  an  immense 
subject  by  itself.* 

•  Sec  Vol.  XII,  Pt.  4,  pj).  471,  472  of  the  Transactions  of  this  Society. 


Cletueni  :    Japanese  Calendars. 


:>/ 


Note  G. 

We  append  for  reference  the  following : — 

LIST  OF  VKAR  PP:RI0DS.* 


"SmvaB. 

(ThriHtian 
Kra. 

.IniNinese 
Name.                                 Kra. 

OhrUtiaii 
Kra. 

Taikwa 

1305 

645 

Tenan                     ] 

[517 

857 

Hakuchi 

I3IO 

650 

Jogwan                   ] 

[519 

859 

(Blank)        131 5 

•I33I    655.671 

Gwangio                 ] 

1537 

877 

Sujaku 

1332 

672 

Ninna                     j 

^545 

885 

Hakuho 

1332 

672 

Kwampei                ] 

^549 

889 

Shucho 

1346 

686 

Shotai                     1 

(558 

898 

(Blank)        1347 

-1360    6S7-7OO 

Engi                       ] 

(561 

901 

Daiho  [Taiho] 

1361 

701 

Enchu                     ] 

^583 

923 

Keiun 

1364 

704 

Johei                       ] 

[591 

931 

Wado 

1368 

708 

Tengio                   1 

[598 

938 

Reiki 

1375 

715 

Tenriaku          .      1 

[607 

947 

Yoro 

1377 

717 

Tentoku                 : 

[617 

957 

Jinki 

1384 

724 

Owa                        ] 

[621 

961 

'lembio 

1389 

729 

Koho                      ] 

[624 

964 

Tembio  shOho 

1409 

749 

Anna                       1 

[628 

968 

Tembio  hoji 

I417 

757 

Tenroku                 1 

1630 

970 

Tembi6  jingo 

1425 

765 

Ten-en                   1 

633 

973 

Jingo  keiun 

1427 

767 

Jogen                     1 

[636 

976 

Hoki 

1430 

770 

Tengen                   1 

1638 

978 

Teno 

I44I 

781 

Eikwan                   i 

1643 

983 

Enriaku 

1442 

782 

Kwanna                  i 

1645 

985 

Daido 

1466 

806 

Eien                        i 

[647 

987 

Konin 

1470 

810 

Eiso                        1 

[649 

989 

Tenchc") 

1484 

824 

Shoriaku                 i 

[650 

990 

Jowa 

1494 

834 

Chotoku                 ] 

(655 

995 

Kaj6 

1508 

848 

Choho                     1 

1659 

999 

Ninju 

I5II 

851 

KwankO                  i 

[664 

1004 

Saiko 

I514 

854 

Chowa                     ] 

[672 

1012 

♦  From  official  sources. 


t  From  660  B.  C\ 


58 


Clement :    Japanese  Calendars. 


Naiue. 

Japanese  ChriHtian 
Km.              lirft. 

Name. 

JapaneKe  CI 
Kra. 

^riatiaD- 
Em. 

Kwannin 

1677        I 

017 

Koji 

1802       I 

142 

Ji-an 

1681        1 

021 

Tenyo 

1804       I 

144 

Manju 

1684        J 

024 

Kiu-an 

1805       1 

145 

Chogen 

1688       1 

[O28 

Nimbio 

181I        ] 

151 

Choriaku 

1697       1 

^037 

Kiuju 

1814        1 

[I54 

Chokiti 

1700       1 

[O4O 

Hogen 

1816       1 

156 

Kwantoku 

1704        1 

044 

Heiji 

1819       1 

[I59 

Eijo 

1706       ] 

1046 

Eiriaku 

1820       ] 

[i6a 

Tengi 

I7I3        1 

^053 

Oho 

1821        1 

[161 

Kohei 

I718        1 

[O58 

Chokwan 

1823       ] 

[i6^ 

Jiriaku 

1725        ] 

[065 

Eiman 

1825       ] 

L165 

Enkiu 

1729       1 

[O69 

Ninan 

1826       ] 

[i66- 

Joho 

1734        1 

[O74 

Ka-6 

1829       ] 

[169 

Joriaku 

1737        1 

[O77 

j6-an 

183I        ] 

1171 

Eih6 

I74I        1 

[O81 

Angen 

1835        1 

ri75 

Otoku 

1744       1 

1084 

Jisho 

1837       1 

[177 

Kwanji 

1747        1 

[O87 

Yowa 

184I        ] 

[181 

Kaho 

1754 

[O94 

Ju-ei 

1842       ] 

[182 

Eicho 

1756       ] 

[096 

Genriaku 

1844       1 

[1 84 

Jotoku 

1757 

1097 

Bunji 

1845      ^ 

1185 

Kowa 

1759       ^ 

[O99 

Kenkiu 

1850 

1190 

Choji 

1764 

[IO4 

Shoji 

1859 

1 199 

Kajo 

1766 

1 106 

Kennin 

1861 

1 201 

Tennin 

1768 

[IO8 

Genkiu 

1864 

1204 

Tenei 

1770       1 

[IIO 

Kenei 

1866 

1206 

Eikiu 

1773 

III3 

J6gen 

1867 

1207 

Genei 

1778 

III8 

Kenriaku 

187I 

121 1 

H5an 

1780 

[1 20 

Kempo 

1873 

1215 

Tenji 

1784 

1124 

Jokiu 

1879 

I2IC^ 

Daiji 

1786 

[126 

Jo-6 

1882 

1222 

Tenjo 

1791        1 

[131 

Gennin 

1884 

1224 

Chojo 

1792 

1132 

Karoku 

J.885 

1225 

Hoen 

1795 

fi35 

Antei 

1887 

1227 

Eiji 

I  801 

[141 

Kwangi 

1889 

1229 

Clement :    Japanese  Calendars, 


59 


J« 

Name. 

Jo-ei                        1 

paneae 
[892 

ChrlfftUn 
En. 

1232 

Name. 

Gentoku 

Kra. 
1989        1 

hrUtUn 
Kra. 

'329 

Tempuku               i 

1893 

1233 

Shokio  f Genko] 

1992        ] 

^ZZ^ 

Bunriaku                i 

1894 

1234 

Kemmu 

1994        1 

I  334 

Katei                      i 

[895 

1235 

Rekio 

1998        1 

«338* 

Riakunin               i 

[898 

1238 

Koei 

2002        1 

1342* 

En-6                       ] 

[899 

1239 

Jowa 

2CO5        ] 

1345* 

Ninji                       ] 

[900 

1240 

Kwano 

2010       1 

[350* 

Kwangen                i 

[903 

1243 

Bunna 

2012        1 

'352* 

Hoji                       ] 

[907 

1247 

Embiin 

2016        1 

1356* 

Kencho                   ] 

[909 

1249 

Koan 

2021         1 

1 361* 

Kogen                    1 

[916 

1256 

Joji 

2022        1 

[362* 

Shdka                     ] 

1917 

1257 

Oan 

2028        1 

[368* 

Shogen                   i 

1919 

1259 

Eiwa 

2035        1 

'375* 

6un5                      ] 

[920 

1260 

Koreki 

2039        ] 

'379* 

Kocho                    1 

[921 

1261 

Eitoku 

2041        1 

'381* 

Bunei                     i 

[924 

1264 

Shitoku 

2044        1 

'384* 

Kenji                     ] 

^935 

1275 

Kakei 

2047        1 

1387* 

K6an                      i 

'938 

1278 

Koo 

2049        1 

[389* 

Sh6-6                       1 

[948 

(288 

Engen 

1996        J 

'336t 

Kmin                     1 

^953 

1293 

Kokoku 

1999        J 

'34ot 

Shoan                     i 

'959 

1299 

Shohei 

2006        1 

'346t 

Kengen                  i 

[962 

1302 

Kentoku 

2030       ] 

'37ot 

Kagen                    j 

[963 

1303 

Bunchu 

2032        ] 

'372t 

Tokuji                    ] 

[966 

1306 

lenju 

2035        1 

'375t 

Enkio                     ] 

[968 

1308 

Kowa 

2041        ] 

'38it 

Och6                      ] 

1971 

1311 

Genchu 

2044        1 

'384t 

Sh5wa                    1 

[972 

1312 

Meltoku 

2050       ] 

[390 

Buinp6                   ] 

[977 

'317 

O-ei 

2054        1 

1394 

Gen-6                     i 

[979 

1319 

Shocho 

2088       ] 

[428 

Genko                   i 

[981 

1321 

EikiO 

2089       ] 

[429 

Shochu                   J 

[984 

1324 

Kakitsu 

2IOI        ] 

1441 

Kariaku                  ] 

[986 

1326 

Bunan 

2104       1 

[444 

•  Northern  Dynas 

•ty. 

•\  Southern  Dynasty. 

-<)0 


Clemenl :    yapanese  Calendars, 


Nnine. 

Hotokii 
KStokii 
Kosho 
Choroku 
Kwansho 
Bunsho 
"Onin 
Bunimei 
ChokO 
Entoku 
Mei-o 
Bunki 
Eisho 
Dai-ei 
Koroku 
Tembun 
Koji 
Eirokii 
Genki 
Tensho 
Bunroku 
Keicho 
Genna 
KXvanei 
Shoho 
Kei-an 
Jo-o 
Meireki 
Manji 
Kwambun 
Empo 


npnne.sn    Christian 
Km.             Fm. 

2109 

1449 

2II2       ] 

r452 

2II5 

'455 

2II7 

1457 

2120       ] 

1460 

2126 

[466 

2127       ] 

1467 

2129       ] 

[469 

2147       1 

1487 

2149       J 

[489 

2152        1 

1492 

2161        ] 

[501 

2164        ] 

[504 

2181        1 

1521 

2188       ] 

[528 

2192        ] 

'532 

2215        ] 

^555 

2218       ] 

t558 

2230       ] 

[570 

2233        J 

^573 

2252        1 

[592 

2256        1 

[596 

2275        1 

615 

2284       \ 

[624 

2304       ] 

[644 

2308        ] 

[648 

2312        ] 

:652 

2315        ] 

1655 

2318       J 

[658 

2321        1 

661 

2333       1 

[673 

Name. 

Tenna 

Japanese    C 
Kra. 

2341        1 

hristian 
Rrm. 

[681 

Jokio 

2344       1 

[684 

Genrokii 

2348       ] 

[688 

H6-ei 

2364        1 

[704 

Shotoku 

2371        1 

[711 

Kioho 

2376       ] 

[716 

Gembun 

2396       ] 

[736 

Kwampo 

2401        ] 

[741 

Enkio 

2404       1 

t744 

Kwannen 

2408       1 

[748 

H6reki 

24II        ] 

[751 

Meiwa 

2424       1 

[764 

Anei 

2432        1 

1772 

Temmei 

2441        1 

[781 

Kwansei 

2449       1 

1789 

Kiowa 

2461        1 

[801 

Bunkwa 

2464       1 

[804 

Bunsei 

2478       1 

818 

Tempo 

2490       1 

830 

Kokwa 

2504        ] 

[844 

Ka-ei 

2508       1 

[848 

Ansei 

2514       ) 

1854 

Manen 

2520       1 

[860 

Bunki  u 

2521        ] 

[861 

Genji 

2524       ] 

1864 

Kei-6 

2525       ^ 

[865 

Meiji 

2528       1 

1868 

The  names  of  these  periods 
are  made  by  the  various  combi- 
nations of  68  Chinese  words  of 
good  omen. 


It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  these  year-periods  \neng6\ 
-do  not,   unless  accidentally,   correspond  with  the  reigns  of  the 


Clement :    Japanese  Calendars,  6  r 

Emperors,  become  "a  new  one  was  chosen  whenever  it  was 
deemed  necessary  to  commemorate  an  auspicious  or  ward  off  a 
malign  event."  But  hereafter  the  era  will  correspond  with  the 
reign  of  an  Emperor.  The  names  of  some  of  these  eras  are  cjuite 
^unous,  like  the  Elizabethan  or  the  Victorian  Era  in  English  history. 
As  the  first  era  was  a  time  of  j^eat  reforms,  it  is  known  as  the 
Taikwa  Reformation ;  the  Engi  Era,  in  the  tenth  century,  is 
celebrated  for  important  legislation :  the  (renroku  Era,  in  the 
seventeenth  century,  was  "a  period  of  great  activity  in  various- 
arts  ;"  and  the  Tempo  Era,  of  recent  clays,  was  "  the  last  brilliant 
period  of  feudalism  before  its  fall."  This  name  was  also  given  to 
the  large  8  rin  piece  coined  in  that  era.  The  Wado  Era,  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  was  so  named  on  account  of  the  discovery 
of  copper ;  and  the  second  era,  Hakuchi,  commemorates  a  '*  white 
pheasant/'  presented  to  the  Emperor ! 

A  few  more  illustrations  of  minor  importance  are  the 
following*: — Taiho  Statutes,  Tenkeif  Rebellions,  Hogen  Insur- 
rection, Heiji  Insurrection,  Shokiu  [Jokiu]  War,  Genko  War, 
Kenbu  [Kemmu]  Statutes,  GemiHi-no'Emhu  (the  battle-ending  Era 
of  Genwa),  Keicho-kingifi  (gold  and  silver  of  the  Keicho  Era), 
"the  peace  of  the  Ky6ho  Era,"  the  Meireki  conflagration,  Kwansei 
Peace,  Ansei  jail,  etc. 

There  are,  moreover,  other  expressions  which  more  closely 
resemble  such  common  Occidental  phrases  as  the  Victorian  Era, 
the  Elizabethan  Era,  the  Age  of  Pericles,  except  that  in  the 
impersonal  Orient  such  expressions  are  named  more  often  from 
places..    In  Japanese  history,  for  instance,  it  is  very  common  to- 

*  ''Oflicial  History  of  the  Empire  of  Jai>an." 
t  Or  Tengio. 


62  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars. 

read  of  the  Nara  Epoch,  the  Heian  Epoch,  the  Muromachi  Period, 
the  Kamakura  Period,  the  Yedo  Era,  the  Tokyo  Period  [Modem 
Japan].  Personal  names  are  applied,  however,  in  such  cases  as 
the  Hojo  Era,  the  Ashikaga  Period,  the .  Tokugawa  Era,  the 
Fujiwara  Period. 

The  terms  "  ancient,"  "  mediaeval "  and  "  modern  "  may  be 
applied  to  Japanese  history ;  but  those  periods  do  not  correspond 
chronologically  with  similar  periods  in  Occidental  history.  There- 
fore, it  seems  better  not  to  employ  them,  for  fear  of  misleading 
people ;  at  least,  careful  explanations  should  be  made  of  their 
meaning. 

Note  H. 

The  official  Japanese  almanac  contains,  of  course,  the  regular 
dates  for  the  celebration  of  the  annual,  or  semi-annual,  festivals  at 
various  local  shrines  throughout  the  Empire.  We  ought,  perhaps, 
to  have  supplied  explanatory  notes  in  connection  with  those  ;  but 
we  found  that  this  task  would  require  more  time  and  labor  than 
we  could  afford.  Therefore,  we  can  only  refer  the  reader  to 
Murray's  "  Hand-Book  for  Japan,"  in  which  a  great  deal  of 
interesting  information  can  be  obtained  about  the  most  important 
shrines  in  the  various  localities. 

.Note   I. 

There  are  said  to  be  poems  about  the  zoological  hours ;  but 
we  have  found  only  one  example*: — 

•  Said  to  have  been  written  by  the  famous  patriot,  Kusunoki :  certainly 
the  metre  is  too  irregular  for  a  good  poet ! 


Clement  :    Japanese  Calendars,  63 

Hito  to  nareba 

Ne  ni  fushi  tora  ni 

Oki-idete 

Hito  shiranu  ma  ni 

Suru  zo  gakumon. 
This  may  be  freely  and  prosaically  translated  as  follows  : — 
**  If  you  would  be  a  man,  go  to  bed  at  the  rat-hour,  get  up  at  the 
tiger-hour,  and  study  while  no  one  knows  it :  that  is  the  way 
of  learning." 

Note  K. 
The  following  items  about  the  superstitions  of  seasons  have 
been  obtained  from  a  booklet  by  Mr.  Hachihama  on  "  Supersti- 
tious Japan  "  {Meishin  no  Nippon^  : — If  one  swallows  seven  grains 
of  red  beans  {azuki)  and  one  go  of  sake  before  the  hour  of  the  ox 
on  the  first  day' of  the  year,  he  will  be  free  froni  sickness  and 
calamity  throughout  the  year ;  if  be  drinks  toso '  [spiced  sake]  at 
the  hour  of  the  tiger  of  the  same  day,  he  will  be  untouched  by 
malaria  through  the  year;  if  he  washes  his  armpits  with  his  own 
urine  at  the  hour  of  the  tiger  of  the  same  day,  he  will  be  free  from 
offensive  smell  in  those  parts.     On  the  7th  day  of  the  ist  month 
if  a  male  swallows  seven,  and  a  female  fourteen,   red  beans,  they 
will  be  free  from  sickness  all  their  lives  ;  if  one  takes  a  hot  bath 
on  the  same  day,  he  will  escape  calamity.     If  one  bathes  at  the 
hour  c^'the  dog  on  the  tenth  day  [of  the  same  month],  his  teeth 
will  become  hard.      If  one  bathes  on  the  2nd  day  of  the  2nd 
month  in  hot  water  into  which  Aida  has  been  put,  though  he  grows 
old,  he  will  have  no  wrinkles ;  if  one  washes  his  hair  on  the  first 
Jd-no^  day  of  that  month,  all  his  illnesses  will  be  cured ;  and,  as 
fish  are  poisonous  on  the  9th  day,  and  the  ha-no-e-iora  day,  of  that 


64  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars, 

month,  they  should  not  be  eaten.  If  one  bathes  at  sunset  of  the 
6th  day  of  the  3rd  month,  or  at  the  hour  of  the  monkey  of  the 
7th  day,  or  on  the  1 7th  day,  he  will  escape  calamity,  and,  more- 
over, will  become  talented ;  to  eat  salty  food  on  the  i8th  day  is 
a  way  to  increase  the  reproductive  powers  and  harden  the  teeth. 
If  one  bathes  in  the  evening  twilight  of  the  4th  day  of  the  4th 
month,  he  will  avoid  litigation ;  if  one  bathes  on  7th  day,  he  wil! 
become  wealthy ;  and  in  order  not  to  injure  the  human  energy,, 
during  this  month  it  is  well  not  to  eat  pheasant,  eel,  chicken  and 
garlic.  On  the  5th  day  of  the  5th  month,  if  one  eats  fruit,  he  will 
fall  sick,  and  if,  in  drying  duckweed,  it  smokes,  it  >vill  drive 
away  mosquitoes;  moreover,  as  the  5th,  6th  and  7th  days  of  that 
month  are  days  of  ''nine  poisons,"  men  and  women  should 
refrain  from  intercourse,  and  if  any  violate  this  rule,  their  lives 
will  be  in  danger  for  three  years.  If  one  bathes  on  the  ist  day 
of  the  6th  month,  he  will  escape  sickness  and  calamity ;  but  if 
one  bathes  on  the  6th  day,  he  will  lose  his  business ;  and,  if  one 
pulls  out  white  hairs  on  the  1 9th  day,  they  will  not  grow  out  for  a 
long  time.  On  the  7th  day  of  the  7th  month,  if  one,  taking  sweet 
flag,  and  putting  it  in  sake,  takes  such  medicine,  he  will  not  get 
drunk  during  the  year ;  if  one  bathes  on  the  1 7th  day,  he  will  not 
get  gray  hairs.  If  one  bathes  on  the  3rd,  7th  and  last  days  of  the 
8th  month,  he  will  escape  calamity,  become  clever  and  receive 
blessings  from  heaven  :  during  this  month  ginger,  fowls,  pheasant, 
eggs,  celery,  raw  fruit  and  raw  honey  must  not  be  eaten ;  and  if  any 
one  violates  this  rule,  he  will  become  sick  and  destroy  his  vitality. 
On  the  9th  day  of  the  9th  month,  if  one  makes  sake  with  chrysan- 
themum blossoms,  he  will  drive  away  the  head-ache,  and,  if  one 
swallows  hiba  in  sake^  he  will  not  get  gray  hairs  :  if  one  eats  ginger 


Clement  :    ya/xinese  Calendars,  65 

this  month,  he  will  become  blind,  and,  if  one  eats  melon,  he  will 
become  dyspeptic.  Bathing  with  hilhi  hot  water  on  the  ist  day 
of  the  loth  month  will  drive  away  sickness;  bathing  on  the  14th 
day  will  bring  long  life ;  moreover,  this  month  wild  boar,  onion 
and  potato  must  not  be  eaten.  In  the  nth  month,  lobster,  turtle 
and  such  shell-fish  must  not  be  eaten.  Bathing  on  the  ist,  2nd, 
13th  and  15th  days  of  the  12th  month,  will  drive  away  misfortune; 
and  in  the  evening  of  the  30th,  if  one,  offering  in  the  kitchen  a 
light  and  miki^  worships  the  small-pox  god,  the  children  of  that 
house  will  have  small  pox  very  lightly. 

Note  L. 

There  is  also  a  division  of  the  night  into  watches,  kd  [E],  five 
in  number,  as  follows  : — 

Shokd  (First  Watch) — Fifth  Hour  (7-9  p.m.) 
Ntko  (Second  Watch) — Fourth  Hour  (9-1 1  p.m.) 
Sahko  (Third  Watch) — Ninth  Hour  (11  p.m.-i  a.m.) 
Shiko  (Fourth  Watch) — Eighth  Hour  (1-3  a.m.) 
Goko  (Fifdi  Watch) — Seventh  Hour  (3-5  a.m.) 

Note  IVI. 

In  conclusion,  although  tliis  subject  oi  the  old  calendar  is  a 
very  interesting  one  to  the  student  of  ancient  customs,  super- 
stitions and  folk-lore,  yet  we  must  acknowledge  the  force  of  the 
objections  raised  in  the  following  clipping  from  the  Japan  Mail: — 

In  a  note  entitled  "Get  Ri^  of  the  Old  Calendar  Super- 
stitions," the  Kybiku  Gakujutsukai  calls  attention  to  the  uselessness 
of  perpetuating  childish  notions  connected  with  the  old  calendar. 
One  is  surprised,  says  the  organ  we  are  quoting,  to  find  newspapers 


66  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars, 

which  advocate  progress  devoting  so  much  valuable  space  to 
representations  of  the  tiger  this  year.  It  is  time  that  such  things 
were  consigned  to  obhvion.  If  the  newspapers  would  refuse  to 
lend  themselves  to  the  perpetuation  of  silly  superstitions,  their 
readers  would  soon  grow  ashamed  of  them.  But  instead  of  leading 
in  this  matter  the  press  follows  the  lead  of  the  unenlightened.  If 
the  old  calendar  and  all  that  associates  itself  with  it  could  be  put 
out  of  the  thoughts  of  the  masses,  a  great  obstacle  to  progress 
would  be  removed.  Opening  one  of  the  almanacks  published  for 
the  convenience  of  old-fashioned  thinkers,  we  find  notices  of 
divination,  fortune-telling,  face-reading,  &c.  We  are  told  how  to 
find  out  what  days  are  lucky  and  when  those  indecent  festivals 
called  inshi  maisuri  take  place — in  fact  these  publications  are  made 
the  medium  of  perpetuating  every  conceivable  harmful  superstition 
and  abomination.  Hence  it  is  we  write,  "Abolish  the  old 
calendar  and  all  its  belongings,"  says  the  Kyoiku  GakujiUsuhai, 

Note  N. 

There  seems  to  be  a  great  diversity  of  opinion  about  this 
proverb,  as  the  following  clippings  show  ;  and  other  good  authorities 
would  read  it  ''  isogeba  maivari'*:  — 

In  an  interesting  paper  read  by  Professor  Clement  before  the 
Asiatic  Society  on  the  subject  of  "  Japanese  Calendars,"  the  learned 
author  adduced  two  proverbs  to  show  that  the  Japanese  "take 
things  very  leisurely  and  calmly."  One  of  these  was  isogeba 
maivarCy  which  Mr.  Clement  translated  "if  in  a  hurry,  go  round/' 
the  suggestion  apparently  being  that  it  is  better  to  go  round  than 
to  be  in  a  hurry.  Certainly  the  form  isogeha  numvirc  is  sometimes 
used,  but  we  have  always  understood   that   the   correct  form  is 


Clement :    yapancse  Calendars.  67 

tsogeba  maivaru,  which  is  the  nearest  Japanese  equivalent  for  "  the 
more  haste,  the  worse  speed/'  Ota  Dokwan  paraphrased  the 
proverb  clearly  when  he  said  isogazu  iva  nurczaramaji  wo  (if  I  hadn't 
been  in  a  hurry,  I  should  n't  have  got  wet).  What  the  proverb 
inculcates,  in  our  opinion,  is,  not  that  time  has  little  value  or  that 
punctuality  is  unimportant,  but  that  haste  and  flurry  are  fatal  to 
successful  accomplishment.  Undoubtedly  it  is  a  point  of  Japanese 
etiquette  on  no  account  to  seem  in  a  hurry.  Just  as  the  character- 
istic of  a  manly  person  was  never  to  betray  emotion  {kido  airaku 
wo  omoleye  arawazu),  so  the  rule  of  the  gentleman  was  always  to 
be  calm  and  cool.  But  does  that  involve  indifference  to  the  value 
of  time,  or,  to  speak  more  correctly,  does  it  indicate  that  the 
Japanese  of  former  days  was  more  prodigal  of  his  time  than,  let  us 
say,  the  English  gentleman  of  modern  ideas,  who  regards  it  as  the 
essence  of  vulgarity  to  be  flurried  or  to  show  haste  in  society  ?  It 
can  not  be  denied  that  the  men  of  old  Japan  conducted  themselves 
on  all  occasions  in  a  calm,  leisurely  manner,  but  we  should  be 
disposed  to  say  that  what  they  sought  to  avoid  was  the  absence 
of  baffling  passion  or  perturbing  haste  rather  than  to  make  a 
parade  of  carelessness  about  hours  and  minutes.  Nothing  is  more 
conceivable  than  that  the  pursuit  of  such  a  purpose  should 
degenerate  into  procrastination  and  want  of  celerity,  but  the 
question  here  is  the  motive  of  the  habit,  not  its  abuses. — 

yapan  Mail. 
A  proverb.  In  another  column  we  publish  a  very  interesting 
paper  on  "  time "  in  Japan  which  has  been  kindly  placed  at  our 
disposal  by  Prof.  E.  W.  Clement,  and  which,  we  understand, 
formed  a  portion  of  a  lecture  delivered  by  him  at  a  recent  meeting 
of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Japan.     As  will  be  seen,   Mr.  Clement 


68  Clement :    yapanese  Calendars* 

quotes  a  well  known  saying  amongst  us, isoge/himazi^re,  in  support 
apparently  of  his  idea  that  we  Japanese  are,  on  the  whole,  innocent 
of  the  value  of  time.  We  venture  to  think  that  this  usually  well- 
informed  author  in  this  instance  misapplies  the  proverb,  which, 
freely  translated,  means,  if  in  a  hurry,  do  not  make  a  short  cut 
because  of  the  possible  presence  of  hidden  dangers  and  unexf>ected 
hindrances,  and  which  refers  rather  to  the  manner  of  attaining  an 
object  than  to  the  question  of  time.  It  is,  of  course,  based  on  the 
idea  of  time,  but  then  in  that  sense  its  object  is  to  emphasize  the 
ultimate  sdving  of  time  and  therefore  does  not  support  Mr. 
Cleraetit's  notion  that  we  are  proverbial  time-wasters.  As  for  the 
regrettable  habit  of  unpunctuality  which  still  obtains  largely  among 
our  people,  especially  on  occasions  of  meetings  and  entertainments 
— and  it  is  certainly  not  a  characteristic  that  deserves  to  be 
defended — we  may  say  thai  the  custom  has  its  origin  in  the  idea 
that  it  is  small  and  undignified  to  be  eager  to  be  before  others  and 
not  in  the  notion  that  there  is  always  plenty  of  time.  We  hope, 
however,  that  Mr.  Clement  will  not  try  to  contradict  us  here^  by 
pointing  to  the  scenes  often  observable  at  public  entertainments 
now-a-days  when  scrambles  are  made  at  the  free  lunch  table. 
Such  scenes  arc  thoroughly  disgraceful  and  we  denounce  them 
without  hesitation  and  without  qualification — indeed  the  habit  of 
unpunctuality  originally  arose  as  a  protest  against  such  scenes. 
By  the  way,  we  notice  that  the  Japan  Mail  is  of  opinion  that  Mr. 
Clement  misquotes  the  proverb  in  question,  its  correct  wording, 
according  to  that  journal,  being  isogeba  mairaru  and  not  isogcl>a 
mauHire.  Now  the  verb  maivaru  means  "  it  turns  round,  it  re- 
volves," whereas  maitwc  signifies  "  go  around,  take  a  circuitous 
course,"  and  so  on.     Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  Maifs  form 


Clement :    Japanese  Calendars.  69 

makes  no  sense  and  we  think  Mr.  Clement  is  quite  correct  in  his 
quotation  so  far  as  its  wording  goes. — Japan  Times. 

We  observe  that  the  Japan  Times  denies  the  correctness  of 
our  quotation  in  the  matter  of  the  familiar  proverb,  isogeba  mau^aru. 
Our  contemporary  alleges  that  the  form  isogeba  mawaru  "  makes 
no  sense,"  and  that  isogeba  maware  is  correct  Well,  this  is  a 
point  concerning  which  we  can  not  pretend  to  emulate  the  confi- 
dence of  the  Japan  Times,  What  wc  wrote  in  our  issue  of  the 
22nd  was  "certainly  the  form  isogeba  mazvare  is  sometimes  used 
but  we  have  always  understood  that  the  correct  form  is  isogeba 
mawaru**  As  to  the  latter  form  " making  no  sense, "  we  not  only 
&il  to  follow  the  Japan  'Times  argument,  but  we  have  the  direct 
authority  of  erudite  Japanese  for  saying  that  isogeba  matuaru  is  the 
correct  proverbial  form  and  that  it  does  make  excellent  sense, 

whereas  isogeba  nunvare  can  not  properly  be  called  a  proverbial 
form. — Japan  MaU, 

THE  LAND  OF  APPROXIMATE  TIME. 

Here's  to  the  Land  of  Approximate  Time  ! 

Where  nerves  are  a  factor  unknown, 
Where  acting  as  balm  are  manners  calm, 

And  seeds  of  sweet  patience  are  sown. 

Where  it  is  very  ill-bred  to  go  straight  to  the  point, 

Where  one  bargains  at  leisure  all  day, 
Where  with  method  unique  **at  once  "  means  a  week, 

In  the  cool,  easy  Japanese  way. 

Where  every  clock  runs  as  it  hapixjns  to  please. 

And  they  never  agree  on  their  strikes ; 
Where  even  the  sun  often  joins  in  the  fun, 

And  rises  whenever  he  likes. 

Then  here's  to  the  Land  of  Approximate  Time, 

The  Land  of  the  leisurely  Bow, 

Where  the  overcharged  West  may  learn  how  to  rest, 

The  Land  of  Inconsequent  Now  ! 

Jingles  from  yapan. 


70  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars. 

Note  O. 

Since  the  meeting  at  which  this  paper  was  read,  I  have  had 
the  privilege  of  an  interview  with  a  Japanese  who  has  made  the 
various  calendars  a  special  study.  He  is  Prof.  N.  Sakuma,  of  the 
Higher  Normal  School,  Tokyo.  He  has  a  collection  of  almanacs 
running  back  without  a  break  for  192  years,  and,  with  a  few 
breaks  here  and  there,  for  41  moie  years.  His  oldest  almanac  is 
that  of  1670.  He  has  also  a  large  collection  of  works,  official  and 
unofficial,  bearing  upon  all  subjects  connected  with  the  lunar 
calendar.  While  his  vocation  is  teaching  English,  his  avocation, 
or  his  recreation,  seems  to  be  along  astronomical  lines.  During 
the  year  1900,  he  made  out  the  calendars,  both  solar  and  lunar, 
for  1902  and  1903.  He  has  also  compiled  lists  and  references 
of  all  solar  eclipses  from  the  earliest  records  in  native  annals  to  the 
present  time.  At  my  request,  he  has  kindly  furnished  additional 
notes,  which  are  appended  from  page  71. 

An  English  "  globe-trotter  '*  declares,  probably  with  injustice,  that  Japan 
"  has  weather,  but  no  climate,"  and  that  the  weather  is  most  uncommonly 
bad.  He  quotes  a  foreign  resident  as  saying,  "  I  have  lived  ten  years  in  Japan, 
of  which  nine  and  three-quarters  have  been  wet,"  and  concludes  his  unfavor- 
able comments  by  "  dropping  into  poetry.** 

Dirty  days  hath  September, 
April,  June  and  November ; 
From  February  unto  May 
The  rain  it  raineth  every  day  ; 
All  the  rest  have  thirty-one. 
Without  one  l^lessed  gleam  of  sun. 
And  if  any  of  'em  had  two-and-thirty. 
They'd  be  just  as  wet  and  twice  as  dirty. 


Clement:    Japanese  Calendars,  71 

By  request  of  Prof.  Clement,  I  propose  to  offer  sundry  re- 
marks about  the  Japanese  Calendar  by  way  of  supplement  to  his 
paper  on  that  subject  read  by  him  before  the  members  of  the 
Asiatic  Society. 

At  the  outset,  I  have  to  mention  that  it  is  foreign  to  my 
present  purpose  to  enter  into  the  technique  of  the  construction 
of  the  JapKinese  Calendar,  though  it  is  my  own  hobby,  since  the 
necessary  computations  involved  in  it  are  of  too  intricate  a  nature 
to  make  them  a  subject  of  popular  treatment. 

Now,  by  the  Japanese  Calendar  I  mean  the  one  exclusively 
used  in  our  country  prior  to  the  adoption  of  the  Gregorian 
calendar  toward  the  close  of  the  5th  year  of  Meiji  (1872  A.  D.). 
Although  it  finds  its  place  in  the  almanacs  published  year  after 
year  by  the  Government  since  that  time,  scarcely  any  use  of  it,  if 
at  all,  has  ever  been  made  in  government  transactions ;  and 
besides,  its  use  among  the  urban  communities  at  large  has 
gradually  been  superseded  by  the  Gregorian  reckoning.  The 
village  communities,  however,  still  stick  to  its  use  \vith  something 
like  religious  zeal,  so  that  the  calendar  in  question  may  not 
inappropriately  be  called  the  "  Farmers'  Calendar." 

It  is  worth  mentioning  in  this  place  that  the  Japanese 
Calendar  is  not  lunar  in  the  sense  that  the  Jewish  or  the  Moham- 
medan calendar  is  lunar,  for  the  former  takes  into  consideration 
the  successive  positions  of  the  sun  in  the  zodiac  in  the  course  of 
the  year, — in  fact,  the  method  of  intercalating  months  depends  on 
that  very  fact, — while  the  latter  do  not  take  them  into  account. 
Thus,  strictly  speaking,  the  Japanese  Calendar  is  luna-solar  in  its 
character,  whereas  the  Jewish  and  Mohammedan  calendars  are 
purely  lunar. 


72  Clemeni :    Japanese  Calendar s* 

The  earliest  mention  in  the  native  annals  of  the  art  of  making 
calendars  occurs  in  the  loth  year  of  the  reign  of  Suiko  Tenno 
[Empress]  (602  A.  D.).  It  is  there  stated  that  the  art  just  referred 
to  was  introduced  from  Kudara  in  Corea.  But  what  its  special 
character  was,  and  what  calendar  was  its  outcome,  or  rather  its 
groundwork,  the  annals  do  not  tell  us ;  so  that  the  whole  thing  is 
lost  in  obscurity. 

Coming  to  later  times,  there  is  evidence  on  record  that  the 
Chinese  Genkareki,  that  is,  Genka  calendar,  was  first  adopted  in 
the  6th  year  of  the  reign  of  Jito  Tenno  (692  A.  D.),  and  that  it 
continued  in  use,  for  the  space  of  five  years,  till  the  end  of  the 
loth  year  of  her  reign  (696  A.  D.),  when  its  error  is  said  to  have 
amounted  to  53  kokii  [/.  e.,  I2h.  43ni.]  less  than  true  time. 

[This  calendar  was  devised  by  a  Chinese  by  the  name  of 
Kashoten  in  the  time  of  the  So  Dynasty,  and  was  first  used  in 
China  in  the  22nd  year  of  Genka  (445  A.  D.).] 

In  view  of  making  the  above  loss  good  and  of  adjusting  time 
more  accurately,  a  different  Chinese  calendar  called  Gihoreki, 
otherwise  known  as  Rintokureki,  was  next  adopted  in  the  year 
immediately  following,  that  is,  in  the  ist  year  of  the  reign  of 
Mommu  Tenn5  (697  A.  D.).  It  was  in  use,  for  the  space  of 
sixty-seven  years,  till  the  end  of  the  7th  year  of  Tempyohoji 
(763  A.  D.),  when  it  was  again  found  that  the  error  amounted  to 
14  koku  [/'.  e.,  3h.  22m.]  less  than  true  time. 

[This  calendar  was  planned  by  a  Chinese  called  Kijumpu  in 
the  time  of  the  To  Dynasty ;  it  was  first  used  in  China  in  the  2nd 
year  of  Rintoku  [665  A.  D.).] 

Again,  to  adjust  time  with  a  view  to  correctness,  another 
Chinese  calendar  widely  known  as  Taiyenreki  was  immediately 


Clement :    yapanese  Calendars.  73 

adopted  in  the  ensuing  year,  that  is,  in  the  8th  year  of  Tempyohoji 
(764  A.  D.).  It  was  in  use,  for  the  period  of  ninety-four  years, 
till  the  I  St  year  of  Tenan  (857  A.  D.),  when  its  error  amounted  to 
1 7  koku  [/.  ^.,  4h.  8m.]  in  excess  of  true  time. 

[This  calendar  was  formed  by  a  Chinese  priest  called  Ichigyo 
during  the  To  Dynasty,  and  was  first  used  in  China  in  the  1 7th 
year  of  Kaigen  (729  A.  D.).] 

In  the  year  following,  that  is,  the  2nd  year  of  Tenan  (858 
A.  D.),  still  another  Chinese  calendar  called  Gokireki  was  adopted 
in  order  the  better  to  regulate  the  seasons.  It  was  used  for  four 
years  till  the  close  of  the  3rd  year  of  Jokwan  (861  A.  D.),  and 
then  was  abandoned,  for  its  error,  amounting  to  10  koku  [1*.  <?.,  2h. 
24ra.]  less  than  true  time,  became  manifest  in  so  short  a  period. 

[This  calendar  was  projected  by  a  Chinese  called  Kwakuken- 
shi  during  the  To  Dynasty,  and  was  first  used  in  China  in  the  ist 
year  of  H66  (762  A.  D.).] 

Since  the  above  calendar  fell  far  short  of  expectation,  it  was 
supplanted  in  the  next  year,  that  is,  the  4  th  year  of  Jokwan 
(862  A.  D.),  by  that  well-known  Chinese  calendar  called  Semmei- 
reki,  which  was  supposed  to  be  tolerably  accurate.  It  was  in  use 
for  the  space  of  eight  hundred  and  twenty-three  years,  till  the  ist 
year  of  Jokyo  (1684  A.  D.),  when  its  error,  amounting  to  one  day 
and  ninety-five  koku  [1.-^.,  id.  22h.  48m.]  less  than  true  time,  was 
discovered. 

[This  calendar  was  designed  by  a  Chinese  called  Joko  in  the 
time  of  the  To  Dynasty,  and  was  first  used  in  China  in  the  2nd 
year  of  ChOkei  (822  A.  D.).] 

The  different  calendars  above  enumerated  were  all  that  were 
borrowed  wholesale  from  China,  the  allowance  for  the  difference 


■T   ^M  ^     _ 


74  Clement:    Japanese  Calendars, 

of  longitude  being  out  of  the  question. 

Now  dawned  a  new  era  upon  the  history  of  the  Japanese 
Calendar.  The  time  was  now  ripe  for  our  savants  to  construct  an 
independent  calendar  on  new  data,  both  by  observation  of  the 
heavenly  bodies  and  by  instituting  rigorous  comparison  of  some 
of  the  chief  Chinese  calendars.  Among  others,  a  man  of  the  name 
of  Yasui  Santetsu  Minamoto-no-Shunkai  stands  prominent  in  this 
connection.  He  was  at  once  a  skilful  mathematician  and  an 
adept  at  the  intricate  game  o^ go.  It  was  he  who,  by  command 
of  the  authorities,  first  set  about  constructing  a  new  calendar  based 
on  the  principles  of  his  own  elaboration.  As  a  result  of  his  labour, 
he  produced  the  so-called  Jokyoreki.  By  imperial  decree  it  \yas 
put  to  use  on  and  from  the  ist  day  of  the  nth  moon  of  the  ist 
year  of  Joky 6  (1684  A.  D.),  whence  the  name.  This  is  em- 
phatically the  first  reformation  of  the  genuine  Japanese  Calendar. 

The  Jokyo  calendar  continued  in  practice  till  the  4th  year 
of  Horeki  (1754  A.  D.),  for  seventy-one  years,  when  it  was 
superseded  by  another  calendar  called  Horeki -koshureki,  where 
koshu  means  the  cyclic'  characters  for  that  particular  year.  It  was 
framed  by  Shibukawa  K5k6  and  others  by  the  direction  of  the 
government  It  came  into  use  on  the  nth  moon  of  the  4th 
year  of  Horeki. 

The  Horeki-koshu  calendar  continued  to  be  used  till  the  9th 
year  of  Kwansei  (1797  A.  D.),  for  forty-four  years,  when  it  was  in. 
turn  supplanted  by  still  another  calendar  styled  Kwanseireki.  It 
was  prepared  chiefly  by  Shibukawa  Keiyu  by  the  instruction  of 
the  government.  It  came  into  operation  in  the  nth  moon  of  the 
9th  year  of  Kwansei. 

The  Kwansei  calendar  continued  in  use  till  the  13th  year  of 


Clement:    Japanese  Calendars,  75 

Tempo  (1842  A.  D.),  for  forty-six  years,  when  it  was  finally 
replacad  by  the  last  lunar  calendar  under  the  old  regime.  It  was 
called  TempO-jininreki,  where  jinin  means  the  cyclic  characters 
for  that  special  year.  This  also  was  prepared  chiefly  by  Shibu- 
kawa  Keiyti  under  government  auspices,  and  was  put  into  opera- 
tion in  the  nth  moon  of  the  13th  year  of  Tempo. 

The  Tempo-jinin  calendar  continued  in  practice  till  about  the 
close  of  the  5th  year  of  Meiji  (1872  A.  D.),  for  thirty-one  years, 
when  it  was  suppressed  by  reason  of  the  adoption  of  the  Gregorian 
calendar.  On  the  occasion  of  this  radical  change,  twenty-seven 
days  were  docked  from  the  old  calendar,  and  as  a  consequence 
the  3rd  day  of  the  12th  moon  of  the  year  was  called  and  reckoned 
as  the  1st  day  of  January  of  the  year  next,  that  is,  the  6th  year 
of  Meiji  (1873  A.  D.). 

A  general  discontent  was  shown  by  the  populace  at  this  novel 
change  in  their  almanac,  and  "  Give  us  back  the  days  we  have 
lost"  was  their  unanimous  outcry,  just  as  it  is  said  to  have  been  in 
England  when  she  adopted  the  New  Style  in  place  of  the  Old. 
Besides,  some  scurrilous  language  was  used  by  the  more  bigoted 
in  giving  vent  to  their  indignation,  and  such  an  expression  as 
*' Naee  ha  misoka  ni  Isuki  ga  deru^*  ['*  For 'tis  no  wonder  that  the 
moon  should  rise  on  the  last  day  of  the  month,"]  which  was 
employed  to  wind  up  some  vulgar  songs  made  in  laughing  to 
scorn  the  late  innovation. 

The  Gregorian  calendar  first  appeared  in  printed  form  in  the 
almanac  for  the  7th  year  of  Meiji  (1874  A.  D.),  the  year  made 
memorable  by  the  feasibility  of  the  observation  of  the  transit  of 
Venus  at  Tokyo  and  other  places  in  the  Empire.  This  almanac 
also  contained  the  old  or  lunar  calendar  as  computed  from  the 


76  Clement:    Japanese  Calendars^ 

British  Nauikal  Ahnanac  for  that  year,  and  all  the  succeeding 
almanacs  up  to  the  present  time  have  embodied  both  the  Gregorian 
and  the  lunar  calendars.  Now,  two  kinds  of  almanacs  have  been 
yearly  issued  by  the  goverment  from  about  this  period ;  namely, 
the  Honreki  (the  standard)  and  the  Ryakureki  (the  abridged). 
The  former  contains  additional  information  on  astronomy,  such  as 
the  sun's  declination  at  the  Tokyo  Imperial  Observatory  for  each 

• 

day  of  the  year;  on  the  high  tide  at  Reiganjima,  Tokyo,  with  its 
time-constants  for  certain  other  localities :  its  later  issues  also 
contain  yearly  averages,  etc.,  bearing  on  meteorology,  taken  at 
different  meteorological  stations  scattered  over  the  Empire.  In 
preparing  the  Honreki,  besides  the  British  Nautical  Almanac y  the 
French  Connaissance  des  Temps,  the  German  Berliner  Astrono- 
mi'ches  Yahrhuch,  and  the  American  Ephemeris  and  Nautical 
Almanac  are  laid  under  contribution. 

To  return  to  the  old  calendar,  its  yearly  issues  in  printed 
form  date  from  the  6th  year  of  Genna  (1620  A.  D.),  and  are 
extant.  These  contain  from  the  very  first  issue  the  predictions 
of  solar  and  lunar  eclipses,  but  those  of  the  earlier  ones  proved  far 
from  being  correct,  on  account  of  the  very  crude  mode  adopted  in 
handling  the  problem.  In  the  almanac  for  the  14th  year  of 
KyohS  (1729  A.  D.),  the  entry  of  the  Nijushi-setsu  (/'.  ^.,  the 
twenty-four  solar  terms),  with  the  time  of  the  beginning  of  each 
setsu  in  terms  of  koku  taken  as  parts  of  the  JUnishi  (i,  e.,  the  twelve 
terrestrial  branches)  occurs  for  the  first  time.  Thus,  the  almanac 
in  question  says  that  Shumhun  begins  on  the  23rd  day  of  the  2nd 
moon  at  -the  8th  koku  of  the  dog  hour,  which  means  that  the  sun 
enters  Aries  at  that  instant*  The  almanac  also  gives  the  time  of 
the  sun's  rising  and  setting  and  the  lengths  of  day  and  night,  in 


Clement :    yapafiese  Calendars.  77 

terms  o^  koku  taken  as  parts  of  one  day,  on  the  day  ot  the  com- 
mencement of  each  Selsu,  In  the  almanac  for  the  ist  year  of 
Kokwa  (1844  A.  D.),  the  indication  of  time  by  means  of  the 
twelve  terrestrial  branches  was  finally  dispensed  with,  and  the 
number  showing  the  strokes  of  the  bell  was  for  the  first  time 
introduced  In  the  almanac  for  the  7th  yeiu-  of  Meiji  (1874 
A,  D.),  the  European  division  of  time  into  twenty -four  hours,  of 
hours  into  minutes,  of  minutes  into  seconds,  was  for  the  first  time 
introduced. 

Now,  the  yikkan  (1.  e.,  the  ten  heavenly  branches)  and  the 
yunishi{i.  e.y  the  twelve  terrestrial  branches),  which  go  to  make  up 
the  sexagenary  cycle,  are  both  of  ihem  clearly  of  Chinese  origin, 
and  their  first  use  in  our  country  in  fixing  dates  is  cc>eval  with  the 
advent  of  the  Chinese  calendar  itself  A  discussion  on  their 
antiquity  in  China  may  be  seen  in  Mr.  Chalmers'  contribution  to 
Dr.  Legge's  Chinese  Classics. 

The  method  of  distributing  the  lunar  months  of  29  and  30 
days  in  a  given  lunar  year,  as  actually  employed  before  the 
adoption  of  the  Gregorian  calendar,  is  too  tedious  to  be  explained 
in  this  place.  It  is  now  the  work  of  a  minute  ;  for  by  taking  the 
figures  for  the  new  moon  on  page  XII  for  each  month  in  the 
British  Nautical  Almanac,  adding  to  them  9  hours,  the  *  standard 
time'  for  Japan,  and  converting  the  sum  into  civil  time  by  a  well- 
known  rule,  we  shall  obtain  the  time  of  the  new  moon  for  our 
country.  It  will  then  turn  out  that  the  interval  of  two  successive 
new  moons  is  either  29  or  30  days,  and  by  carrying  the  process 
fer  enough,  the  distribution  of  the  long  and  short  months  in  a 
given  lunar  year  will  at  once  be  known.  It  is  evident  that 
the  Nautical  Almanac  for   two   consecutive  years   is   recjuired  in 


78  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars, 

determining  the  length  of  each  month  of  a  lunar  year,  since  a 
lunar  year  stretches  over  two  solar  years. 

The  method  of  intercalating  a  lunar  month  can  generally  be 
explained  thus :  that  month  is  made  intercalary  where  there  is  an 
absence  of  the  commencement  of  a  chukL  Now,  out  of  the 
Nijushi'Selsu  (/'.  e,.  the  twenty-four  solar  terms)  taken  in  order, 
beginning  with  Risshuny  all  the  even  ones  are  known  as  chuki ; 
namely,  Usuiy  Shumbun,  Kokuu,  Shomany  Ges/it,  Taishby  Shosho, 
Shubun,  Soko,  Shosetsu^  T(lji\  and  Taikan ;  the  rest,  that  is,  the 
odd  ones,  are  called  kiselsu.  Generally  speaking,  the  commence- 
ment of  two  solar  terms  is  found  in  one  lunar  month.  Thus,  in 
the  almanac  for  the  12th  year  of  Meiji  (1879  -^-  ^O'  S^imei  zxid 
Kokuu  respectively  begin  on  the  14th  and  the  29th  of  the  3rd 
moon,  corresponding  to  the  5th  and  20th  of  April.  The  next 
moon  of  the  year  is  intercalary,  for  it  contains  the  commencement 
of  but  one  solar  term  that  is  not  chukL  In  feet,  the  only  solar 
term  that  has  its  beginning  in  it  is  Rikka,  which  is  a  kiselsu^  and 
it  begins  on  the  i6th  of  the  intercalary  3rd  moon,  corresponding 
to  the  6th  of  May.  Again,  in  the  13th  year  of  Meiji  (1880  A.D.), 
only  one  solar  term  has  its  commencement  in  the  5th  moon ;  that 
is,  Geshi  begins  on  the  14th  of  the  moon,  corresponding  to  the 
2 1  St  of  June.  It  is,  however,  a  cfiuki,  so  that  the  moon  in 
question  is  not  intercalary.  Now,  seven  intercalary  months  are 
generally  found  in  the  space  of  nineteen  years,  as  will  be  seen  in 
the  following  table : — 


Clement :    yapanese  Calendars. 


79 


Total 
No.  of 
Days. 

JJ 

^ 

lo 

lO 
»0 

s 

to 

^ 

to 
to 

<? 

to 
to 

S 

<^*-    to 
lO    to 

••o 

00 

fO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO     CO 

CO 

Inter- 
calary 
Moon. 

^ 

a 

CD 

lO 

CO 

00 

to 

Ew  Year's 
Day. 

i 

00 

»-      M       CO-^U-ivO      tN.00       a^ 
O^ONO^Q^Q^O^CNQ^Q^ 
CAOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 

»i4 

•i4          M 

1 

• 

• 

15 

s 

• 

« 

• 

« 

• 

c 

• 

• 

• 

Si 

• 

J3 

• 

i 

^ 

(S4 

•— > 

U^ 

t— k 

'^ 

;^ 

•— » 

Ui 

;xh 

•— » 

'y^ 

U^ 

t— k 

^ 

•— » 

(z^     (l< 

»— » 

"i^ 

tn 

^ 

^ 

N 

ki« 

ON 

ON 

o 

r«- 

VO 

to 

^ 

« 

N 

O 

»4 

Ov    00 

ON 

•• 

M 

•i« 

fO 

M 

CO 

"• 

N 

"■ 

W 

1^ 

CO 

"• 

N 

"5* 

#>■ 

» 

* 

» 

•V 

•k 

•^ 

« 

•V                   CK 

«^ 

s 

• 

•^ 

» 

•^ 

•^ 

^ 

v«. 

#• 

•» 

•i 

«h 

^ 

•« 

U 

oo 

o^ 

o 

M 

N 

CO 

^ 

\r% 

vO 

tN. 

00 

Ov 

O 

aa 

c« 

CO 

^    CO 

vO 

N4 

c« 

M 

N 

N 

C« 

c* 

C* 

c* 

C* 

M 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

3"Ss. 

tn 

**• 

CO 

»o 

CO 

\r% 

u-» 

-*♦■ 

""J- 

^ 

•^*- 

^ 

^ 

•^*- 

lO 

^ 

to    -^ 

^ 

\f\ 

»i^ 

00 

M^ 

00 

\r\ 

\r% 

00 

to 

to 

00 

to 

to 

00 

to 

00 

to    to 

00 

fo 

ro 

CO 

fO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

fO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO    CO 

CO 

Inter. 
caJary 
Moon. 

^ 

S 

CO 

lO 

CO 

t- 

iO 

tf: 

^ 

IN. 

OO 

5> 

0 

^ 

ci 

CO 

^ 

to 

o 

00 

ON 

& 

M 

C»       CO 

c? 

^2 

NO 

^r 

»>. 

tN. 

I'* 

t^ 

»>. 

r- 

r^ 

t^ 

tN. 

r>» 

95 

00     00 

n 

w 

M 

TO 

00 

00 

00 

00 

oo 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00     00     00 

00 

•2  X 

• 

!*5 

• 

• 

c 

ft 

■ 

• 

• 

• 

13 

• 

• 

• 

• 

** 

• 

• 

c 

• 

i 

•              • 

rt 

Ix* 

u* 

•— > 

P^ 

»iM 

li. 

;^ 

►— > 

Pu 

Pu 

t— k 

•-H 

U. 

•— » 

U. 

•— » 

b    \u 

Z 

»o 

tn 

1^ 

M 

»i4 

Ov 

ON 

CN 

tN. 

VO 

VO 

CO 

N 

N 

o 

o 

00     00 

00 

•■ 

N 

■* 

»4 

N 

"* 

c< 

■■ 

N 

•m4 

CO 

*M 

c< 

• 

4; 

*5 

•V 

»• 

^ 

^ 

•V 

•^ 

». 

»i 

» 

#>■ 

9s 

.^           .« 

1 

CO 

z 

M 

CO 

VO 

»>. 

00 

Ov 

o 

C» 

CO 

»4 

to    VO 

Total 
No.  of 
Days. 

^ 

$ 

^ 

to 
to 

$ 

to 

'I- 

to 

<;? 

to 

<2- 

to   T^ 

to    to 

<3- 

fO 

fO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO 

CO      CO 

CO 

li  >»c 

1 

^.§8 

"d* 

eg 

t- 

CO 

CO 

lO 

^  s:s 

00 

M 

r^ 

00 

r^ 

o 

^ 

c« 

CO 

Tf 

to 

VO 

r>» 

Ov 

% 

*4 

N 

ro     ^ 

to 

•fc. 

^ 

^ 

T^ 

to 

\r% 

\ri 

\r\ 

»o 

to 

to 

to 

to 

to 

^ 

VO 

VO     VO 

VO 

rS 

00   00   oo 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00 

00     00 

OO 

• 

■• 

• 

»4 

a 

»4 

• 

• 

"* 

>m 

• 

*i« 

^^ 

"• 

•                 • 

»4 

i^ 

X 

£ 

(2 

^ 

2 

rs 

1 

^ 

£ 

c 

rt 

2 

rt 

X3 

i 

Si    s 

:? 

\f\ 

ITi 

s 

W 

^^ 

M 

00 

O 

r^ 

vO 

VO 

'I- 

CO 

to 

o 

O 

oo     00 

tN. 

"■ 

»4 

C4 

M 

N^ 

c* 

^ 

c* 

"^ 

rO 

■* 

c» 

c 

•3 

1 

^ 

•g 

•^ 
•K 

• 
•it 

• 

i 

•■ 
•• 

•% 

rt 

-:«: 

•H 

•  — % 

o 
'3 

t>< 

M 

< 

S 

« 

'O 

^ 

'*' 

- 

« 

fO 

^ 

U^ 

NO 

*« 

N 

CO 

^ 

to 

VO 

»4 

»4 

M 

CO      ^ 

X4 

8o  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars, 

From  the  above  table  we  see  that,  when  there  is  an  intercalary 
moon  in  a  lunar  year,  its  New  Year's  Day  always  happens  in 
January,  with  this  exception,  that  it  might  occur  in  the  second 
February,  when  New  Year's  Day  occurs  in  February  for  four 
consecutive  solar  years.  The  length  of  an  ordinary  lunar  year  is 
either  354  or  355  days,  but  it  may  rarely  be  353  days,  as  it  was 
with  the  1st  year  of  Kyoyen  (1744  A.D.).  The  length  of  a  lunar 
year  containing  an  intercalary  month  is  either  383  or  384  days. 

The  celebration  of  what  is  known  as  Sakutantoji  had  often  to 
do  with  the  length  of  a  lunar  month.  Now  by  Sakutantoji  is 
meant  the  coming  on  of  the  winter  solstice  on  the  ist  day  of  the 
nth  moon.  According  to  "  Shoku-Nihongi,"  the  event  was  first 
celebrated  in  the  3rd  year  of  Yenryaku  (784  A.D.),  as  such  a 
coincidence  actually  occurred.  Subsequent  to  that  year,  the 
^tf>6///a«/J5/V  happened  in  the  22nd  year  of  Yenryaku  (803  A.  D.), 
the  13th  year  of  Konin  (822  A.D.),  the  8th  year  of  Showa  (841 
A.D.),  the  2nd  year  of  Jokwan  (860  A.D.),  when  it  was  artificially 
brought  about  in  the  following  manner.  In  that  year  the  winter 
solstice  fell  on  the  2nd  day  of  the  nth  moon,  and  the  preceding 
loth  moon  was  an  intercalary  one  of  29  days.  But  by  adding  an 
extra  day  to  this  moon  at  the  expense  of  the  ist  day  of  the  nth 
moon,  thus  making  it  a  moon  of  30  days,  the  2nd  day  of  the  nth 
moon  was  in  consequence  reckoned  as  the  ist  day  of  the  same 
moon.  Thus,  by  this  adjustment,  the  winter  solstice  was  in  this 
instance  made  to  fall  on  the  ist  day  of  the  nth  moon.  The  feet 
is  detailed  in  one  of  the  classical  annals  called  "  Sandai-jitsuroku. " 
Such  a  practice  was  not  uncommon  in  subscc^uent  periods.  From 
Jokwan  till  the  present  year,  the  Sakutanlbji  has  happened  about 
forty-five  times,  either  naturally  or  by  adjustment,  the  last  one 


Clement:    y apanage  Caleruiarsi^  Si 

before  the  adoption  of  the  Gregorian  calendar  being  in  the  3rd 
year  of  Meiji  (1870  A.  D.),  but  scarcely  any  notice  has  of  recent 
years  been  taken  of  the  event  to  which  so  much  importance  was 
attached  in  times  of  old.  It  might  be  well  to  mention  in  this 
connection  that  one  occurred  in  the  33rd  year  of  Meiji  (1900 
A.  D.),  it  being  thus  far  the  first  and  last  since  the  advent  of  the 
Gr^;orian  reckoning  in  our  country. 

Now,  space  forbids  me  to  dwell  on  the  nature  and  usages  of 
such  days  as  Higan,  HangeshOy  Shanic/u,  Doyb,  etc  For  the 
elucidation  of  such  matters  the  reader  is  referred  to  a  work  called 
yunhvanreki,  from  the  pen  of  Koizumi  Shotaku.  I  shall,  how- 
ever, mention  the  way  they  are  inserted  in  the  current  almanacs. 
Higan  is  placed  on  the  3rd  day  before  the  beginning  of  Shumbun 
and  Shulmn  respectively  (that  is,  it  happens  on  the  3rd  day  before 
the  Vernal  Ecjuinox,  and  again  on  the  3rd  day  before  the 
Autumnal  Equinox).  Thus,  when  Shumbun  happens  on  the  21st 
day  of  March,  as  it  actually  did  last  spring,  Higan  occurs  on  the 
18th. 

Hangesho  is  placed  on  the  1  oth  day  after  Geshi  (that  is,  the 
Summer  Solstice),  when  the  latter  begins  before  1 2  o'clock  noon 
on  the  day  of  its  occurrence;  but  Hangesho  is  placed  on  the  i  ith 
day  after  Geshi,  when  the  latter  begins  after  12  o'clock  ncxjn  on 
the  day  of  its  commencement  Thus,  in  the  33rd  year  of  Meiji 
(1900  A.D.),  Geshi  began  (that  is,  the  sun  entered  Cancer)  at 
6h.  39m.  A.  M.  on  the  22nd  day  of  June,  so  that  Hangesho 
happened  on  the  2nd  day  of  July.  Hut  in  the  current  year,  (ieshi 
will  begin  at  6h.  15m.  P.  M.  22nd  June,  so  that  Hangesho  will 
happen  on  the  3rd  day  of  July. 

Shanichi  is  placed  on  the  nearest  day  of  tsuchinoye  either 


82  Clement :    Japanese  Calendars. 

before  or  after  the  commencement  of  Shumbun  and  SfMun 
respectively.  It  sometimes  happens  that  the  nearest  days  of 
isuchinoye  occur  on  the  same  number  of  days  both  before  and  after 
the  beginning  of  either  Shumbun  or  Shiibun,  In  that  case  the 
time  of  its  commencement  is  necessarily  taken  into  account 
When  it  begins  in  the  morning,  the  nearest  day  of  isuchinoye 
before  its  beginning  is  taken  up ;  when  it  begins  in  the  afternoon, 
that  after  its  beginning  is  made  available.  Thus,  in  the  14th  year 
of  Meiji  (188 1  A.D.),  the  vernal  equinox  commenced  at  8h.  32m. 
39  s.  P.M.  on  the  20th  day  of  March,  and  the  i6th  and  the  25th 
days  of  the  month  were  the  days  of  isuchinoye  nearest  to  the 
equinox.  As  the  latter  began  in  the  afternoon,  the  25th  of  the 
month  was  made  Shanichi,  The  same  thing  happened  last  spring, 
as  will  be  evident  from  a  glance  at  the  proper  page  of  the  current 
almanac. 

Doyo  is  now  calculated  from  the  sun's  longitude.  When  it 
reaches  297°,  27°,  117°,  and  207°,  those  respective  instants  are 
the  beginnings  of  the  Doyo  of  January,  April,  July,  and  October. 

N.  Sakuma. 


N.  B. 

In  the  study  of  this  subject  of  time  reckonings  in  Japan, 
Bramsen's  "  Chrc>nc>logical  Tables"  are,  of  course,  invaluable;  but 
they  are,  unfortunately,  not  easily  accessible. 

E.  W.  C. 


*«. 


.'•■*Si 

■  .  .J  ■ 

■■''X'. 

■■■'^&. 
■  i-r 

■I  /.-. 

■ .  4. .; 

\\  *i  t     • 
■I        J 

I  1  Ul 


A  CHINESE  REFUGEE  OF 
THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

BY 

Ernest  W.  Clement,  M.A. 


In  a  paper  read  before  this  Society  on  April  8,  1896,  upon 
the  subject,  "Chinese  Refugees  of  the  Seventeenth  Century  in 
Mito,"  the  writer  referred  in  notes  *  to  other  Chinese  refugees  who 
found  refuge  about  that  time  in  various  localities  of  Japan.  One 
of  these  was  called  Tai  Ryu  [R28il,  or  Tai  Man  K6  CKtt^],  who 
was  both  a  priest  and  a  physician.  In  that  paper  allusion  was 
made  to  the  fact  that  a  stone  monument  had  been  erected  to  his 
memory,  by  pupils  of  his,  at  Kawagoye,  near  Tokyo. 

In  January  of  this  year  [1902],  after  instituting  more 
particular  inquiries  about  this  matter,  and  ascertaining  that  the 
monument  was  in  the  precincts  of  the  temple  known  as  Ileirinji, 
between  T6ky6  and  Kawagoye,  we  started  out  in  company  with 
a  Japanese  friend  to  find  the  place.  It  tiirneil  out  to  be  in 
Nobitome  Village,  Niikura  County,  of  the  Province  of  Musashi, 
and  the  Saitama  Prefecture.  The  temple  is  situated  on  a  little 
knoll  called  Kimpo2an,t  about  half  a  mile  off  the  main  road  to 
Kawagoye,  and  about  6  ri  from  Tokyo. 


•  T.  A.  S.  J.,  Vol  XXIV.  pp.  27,  28,  38.        t  See  Note  A. 


84  Clement :    A  Chinese  Refuged, 

We  found  here,  not  only  the  aforesaid  monument,  but  also 
many  relics,  of  Tai  Man  Ko.  It  is  true  that  the  monument  was 
first  erected  at  Kawagoye ;  but  it  did  not  then,  and  does  not  now, 
mark  the  place  of  his  burial ;  it  is  only  an  honorary  monument, 
a  cenotapJh,  and  the  place  of  interment  is  not  definitely  known. 
The  monument  is  of  wood,  black  lacquered,  and  about  5  feet  high 
and  4  feet  wide ;  the  inscription  thereon  is  to  the  following 
purport*  : — 

Epitaph  on  the  Monument  of  the  Independent  Zen  Teacher. 
By  Kogentai  [K^ffi],  disciple. 

The  teacher  was  bom  at  Ninwa  [t  ft],  Koshu  [fti  >HJ,  China. 
His  fether  was  an  official  and  known  as  a  man  of  good  deeds. 
His  mother  was  a  Ching  [Mil.  Seven  children  were  born  to 
them  ;  and  the  last  was  the  teacher.  His  birth  took  place  on  the 
19th   day   of  the   2nd  month   of  the— year  of  Manreki   [A.   D. 

i595(?)]- 

The  child  was  bright  by  nature  and  had  an  excellent  mem- 
ory ;  so  that  he  could  repeat  whatever  he  had  once  glanced  at 
in  a  book.  Though  he  was  sent  to  school  when  very  young,  he 
had  very  little  inclination  to  write  compositions,  (a  task  which 
constituted  the  chief  pursuit  of  students  in  those  days). 

When  he  was  grown  up,  he  wandered  about  from  one  place 
to  another,  searching  for  beautiful  mountains  and  clear  streams 
and  other  sublime  scenery  worthy  of  admiration.  When  he  was 
3D  years  old,  he  had  not  yet  written  a  verse.  One  day  a  friend 
of  his  urged  him  to  compose  a  poem.  Then,  to  the  astonishment 
and  admiration  of  all    present,  he  spoke   out,   off  hand,  a  fine 

•  Translated  by  Prof.  Y.  Chiba,  of  Duncan  Academy,  Tokyo. 


Clement :    A  Chinese  Refugee  85 

rhyme.  After  this  he  was  always  ready  to  write  poetry  whenever 
a  subject  was  suggested  to  him.  His  productions  came  out 
spontaneously  and  showed  perfect  originality. 

Previous  to  this  an  important  political  change  had  taken 
place  in  his  own  country,  that  is  to  say,  the  Ming  dynasty  had 
been  overthrown  by  the  Shing.  He  could  scarcely  bear  to  enjoy 
life  under  the  latter  government,  thinking  that  it  was  an  awful 
thing  and  a  disgrace  to  serve  two  masters:  and  this  caused  him 
a  heartfelt  desire  to  leave  that  country  and  come  over  to  our 
country.  As  a  boat  was  leaving  for  Japan,  he  seized  the  oppor- 
tunity and  came  to  Nagasaki.  This  was  on  the  2nd  day  of  the 
3rd  month  in  the  3nd  year  of  Showo  [A.  D.  1645]. 

In  this  city  he  met  Fusho  [#.fB],  a  Buddhist  priest  of  wide 
learning,  who  had  been  invited  from  China  as  a  religious  teacher. 
The  teacher  [Tai  Man  Ko]  was  not  a  little  impressed  by  the  priest 
and  listened  with  unusual  interest  to  his  teaching.  At  last  he  was 
converted  from  Confucianism  to  Buddhism.  He  changed  his 
name  to  Eki  [A  ]  and  sumamed  himself  Dokuriisu  Tenka  Ichikan- 

He  was  a  man  of  unfettered  disposition  ;  he  was  an  extensive 
reader,  especially  of  religious  books,  and  soon  became  known  to 
the  world.  He  entered  a  monastery  and  was  there  made  a  scribe. 
During  the  1st  year  of  Manji  [1658],  he  came  with  the  priest  to 
the  capital.  The  reputation  of  his  learning  and  virtue  became 
known  among  the  high  officials  and  noblemen,  so  that  some  tried 
to  secure  him  for  a  teacher. 

During  the  2nd  year  of  Manji  [1659]  he  was  obliged  to  return 
to  Nagasaki  on  account  of  illness.  Having  recovered  from  this 
sickness,  he  began  a  pilgrimage  all  over  the  c(juntry.     Wherever 


86      ,  Clemeni :    A  Chinese  Re/ui^ee, 

he  went,  he  gave  medicine  and  drove  away  diseases.     The  people 
called  him  "  divine." 

He  excelled  in  penmanship.  His  style  of  writing  exactly 
corresponded  with  the  ancient  standards  in  penmanship :  and  his 
ideographs  made  a  wonderful  impression  upon  those  who  looked 
at  them.  To  get  a  piece  of  paper  containing  his  writing,  or  even 
a  single  character,  was  considered  the  same  as  to  obtain  a  precious 
jewel  or  treasure. 

A  few  years  later,  his  teacher  Fusho  died  ;  and  he  came  over 
to  the  capital  again.  Soon  afterward,  he  was  made  the  priest  of 
Kirapoji,  which  was  called  Heirin,  a  Buddhist  temple  ten  ri  out 
of  the  city.  This  temple  had  been  established  by  Nobutsuna 
Minamoto,  the  Lord  of  Izu.  When  he  came  to  this  temple,  he 
opened  up  the  country,  drew  water  from  the  Tama  River  for  the 
convenience  of  the  people,  and  added  elegant  buildings.  He 
went  around  the  neighboring  country,  teaching  the  people  and 
comforting  them. 

He  had  not  forgotten  his  own  country,  and  would  often  write 
out,  with  indignation,  treatises  denouncing  the  great  crime  of  the 
Shing  dynasty,  and  sympathizing  with  his  own  people,  who  were 
ovenvhelmed  by  the  terrible  calamity  which  had  befallen  them. 
May  we  not  call  him  one  faithful  to  his  own  country  and  a  true 
disciple  of  Buddha  ? 

He  died  in  the  12th  year  of  Kwambun  [1672J  at  the  age 
of  77. 


Clement :     A  Chinese  Refugee,  87 

Note  A. 

Kimpozan  Heirinji  [ftHlIl^ttc?],  also  called  Voshinin 
[fll<&IS],  which  is  located  about  8  chb  east  of  the  Nobitome  Road, 
belongs  to  the  Zen  Sect.  This  temple  was  opened  in  the  ist 
yearofK6w6  [1389]  by  the  great  priest,  Sekihitsu  Zenkyu. 
The  temple  was  originally  built  in  Iwatsuki  Village,  between 
Omiya  and  Kasukabe,  but  it  was  moved  to  this  place  in  the 
3rd  year  of  Kwambun  [1663].  There  are  four  buildings  con- 
nected with  the  temple.  One  of  them  is  called  Taikeido  [K88^], 
which  contains  an  image  of  Kwannon,*  i  foot  and  2  or  3  inches 
tall,  dressed  in  white,  which  was  worshipped  by  Tai  Man  K6,  and 
a  wooden  statue  of  the  latter.  There  is  also  a  wooden  tablet  with 
the  following  inscription  :  Min  {no)  Dokuritsu  Eki  Zen'ihi  Kwakui,'\ 
which  seems  to  have  been  only  an  honorary  apf)ellation. 


*  This  had  been  stolen  just  a  little  while  before  our  visit. 


d 


Clitnenl :     A  CArnesr  Refugee. 


Note  B. 


I  have  recently  been  so  fortunate  as  to  run  across  a  small 
photograph  of  Mitsukuni  (Giko),  the  3rd  Tokugawa  Prince  of 
Mito,  who  was  the  patron  of  learning  and  gave  sevefal  Chinese 
refugees  a  shelter  in  his  clan.  For  inibrmation  concerning  this 
Japanese  Maecenas,  see  papers  on  "The  Tokugawa  Princes  of 
Mito"  (Vol.  XVIII,  Part  I),  "  The  Mito  Civil  War "  (Vol.  XIX, 
Rirt  i).  "  Chinese  Refugees  of  the  Seventeenth  Century  in  Mito  " 
(Vol,  XXIV),  and  "  Inslnictions  of  a  Mito  Prince  to  His  Re- 
tainers" (Vol.  XXVII).  The  above-mentioned  photograph  is 
here  reproduced  :— 


Mitsukuni  [Giko] 


BOOK    I. 


IN  PRIVATE  LIFE, 


FATHER  AND  GRANDFATHER. 

When  four  years  old  father  lost  his  mother,  and  when 
nine  his  father  died.  He  knew  little  of  them.  Grand- 
fathers name  was  Kageyu,  and  grandmother  was  the 
daughter  of  someone  named  Someya.  I  do  not  know 
their  native  place  'but  both  died  in  the  village  Shimotsuma, 
in  the  province  of  Hitachi. 

Our  name  Arai  came  from  the  Minamoto*  family  of  the 
province  Kodzuke,  and  Someya  from  the  Fujiwara  family 
of  Sagami  province.  I  do  not  know  why  they  went  to 
Hitachi.  There  are  those  who  profess  to  know,  but  as 
father  died  without  telling  me  I  do  not  believe  them. 
He  told  me  that  grandfather  lost  his  estates  and  was 
concealed  by  his  farmers  for  a  while. 

His  eyes  were  large,  his  beard  heavy,  and  his  appearance 
stern.  His  hair  dkl  not  turn  grey  before  he  died.  He 
always  ate,  so  father's  old  nurse  told  him,  with  chopsticks 
which  he  took  from  a  highly  ornamented  lacquer  box, 
and  after  eating  he  put  the  chopsticks  back  and  carefully 


*  The  Minamoto  family    was    in   3  branches — Seiwa  Genji,  Chini-no- 
Genji  and  Kai-no-Genji. 


go  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuscki. 

put  the  box  away.  In  some  battle  he  had  taken  a  <Tood 
head,  and  when  he  showed  it  to  the  general  the  latter 
said, — **  You  must  be  tired,"  and  passed  him  his  own  tray 
and  dinner,  giving  him  the  chopsticks.  But  father  heard 
the  story  when  so  young  that  he  did  not  remember  the 
name  of  the  general,  nor  what  battle  it  was. 

One  other  story  father  told  of  him, — When  an  old 
comrade  said  to  him,  **  You  are  contemptuous,"  grand- 
father replied,  "  Contempt  cannot  be  endured.  You  spoke 
in  jest  but  jests  invite  contempt." 

After  grandfather's  death  father's  adopted  brother  gave 
him  to  a  wealthy  man  whose  place  was  not  like  grand- 
father's but  was  full  of  servants,  guns,  bows  and  spears. 
This  man  loved  father  well,  but,  when  13  years  old,  father 
quarrelled  with  a  comrade  and  was  asked,  **  what  good  is 
there  in  arguing  with  one  who  does  n6t  know  his  place 
as  a  dependent  ?"  Father  did  not  understand  and,  as  there 
was  no  one  else,  asked  his  old  nurse.  She  told  him  not 
to  mind,  but  as  he  persisted  at  last  she  cried  and  said  : — 
"  Your  father  once  had  an  establishment  like  this  but 
though  he  remembered  regretfully  the  past  he  died  in 
peace.  This  man,  with  his  wealth,  might  adopt  any  one's 
son,  but  he  has  taken  you  and  loves  you  better  than  his 
own  child,  for  you  are  the  son  of  his  lord.  Obey  him 
like  a  father." 

When  father  heard  this  he  hated  his  adopted  brother, 
borrowed  some  pence  from  the  priest  his  teacher,  did  up 
his  clothes  and  wrapped  them  in  paper,  stuck  his  pence 
into  his  girdle,  put  on  his  sword  and  went  away.  After 
going  a  few  miles  he  met  the  postmen  from  Mito  who 
asked  him  to  join  them  and  told  him  so  young  a  lad  was 
in   danger  from  thieves  if  he   went  alone    to  Kdo.      For 


KnoX' : — -  hitobiography  of  Aral  llakuseki.  g  i 

a  while  he  refused  to  answer  their  questions,  but  as  they 
were  very  kind,  and  put  him  on  the  horse  when  he  was 
tired,  at  last  he  told  them  about  himself.  So  they  cared 
for  him  in  Kdo  and  found  him  employment.  Twenty  years 
after  father  returned  to  Shimotsuma  to  observe  the  twenty- 
fifth  anniversary  of  his  father's  death.  Of  father's  brothers 
three  were  dead,  and  the  survivor  told  him  that  the  second 
brother  had  deeply  mourned  him  and  made  unaviling 
search  for  him  in  Edo. 

Soon  this  remaining  brother  died  also,  aiid  father  had 
no  further  friends  in  Shimotsuma. 

Father's  youth  was  passed  in  the  period  soon  after  the 
wars,  when  men  were  chivalrous  and  righteous,  very  dif- 
ferent from  now.  He  wandered  about  until  he  was  thirty 
years  old  and  then  found  employment  with  the  Kodu, 
Minamoto  Tsuchiya.* 

Three  foot  soldiers  who  were  accused  of  murder  and 
confined  in  the  arrow-room  above  the  gate  were  put  in 
his  charge.  He  accepted  this  position  on  condition  that 
the  swords  of  the  men  were  returned ;  and  when  this  was 
done  he  said.  *'  If  you  escape,  cut  off  my  head  and  take 
it  with  you.  I  cannot  fight  three  men.  My  sword  is 
useless.'*  So  he  wrapped  it  in  a  long  strip  of  cloth  and 
put  it  aside.  He  slept  and  ate  with  them  for  ten  days, 
when  they  were  acquitted.  But  they  were  dismissed  the 
service  as  they  had  suffered  in  reputation.  When  leaving 
they  said  to  father."  It  was  shameful  that  three  of  us 
were  put  in  charge  of  one  man  and  we  purposed  to  show 

*  Kobu — was  an  honorary  litlc  and  was  equivalent  to — Minister  in 
charge  of  Embankments.  Arai  always  calls  his  lord  by  this  title.  He  was 
a  heUamoio  daimyo  of  21.000  kokuy  and  his  estates  were  in  Kururi  in 
Kururi  in  Kadzusa,  across  the  bay  from  Tokyo. 


92  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuscki, 

our  strength.  Ikit  when  you  put  your  sword  aside  we 
felt  our  shame  would  be  increased  should  we  kill  aii  un 
armed  man ;  nor  could  we  commit  suicide  without  art 
antagonist.  Then  we  planned  to  take  our  revenge  after 
our  release,  but  our  swords  were  restored  to  us  and  we 
can  still  enter  the  society  of  samurai  Your  kindness 
has  taken  way  our  wrath  and  we  shall  not  forget  your 
sympathy. 

Soon  after,  father  was  promoted  and  given  permanent 
position  in  the  Kobu*s  household.  Gradually  he  rose  to 
be  censor.  * 

From  this  on  I  write  of  my  own  remembrance. 

Father's  life  followed  a  strict  and  uninterrupted  routine. 
He  awoke  at  the  tiger  hour  (four  a.m.),  bathed  in  cold 
water  and  dressed  his  own  hair.  In  very  cold  weather 
mother  wished  him  to  use  warm  \vater  but  he  would 
not  as  It  would  make  the  servants  trouble.  When  he  was 
past  seventy  fire  was  kept  in  the  foot  warmer  at  night, 
for  mother  suffered  from  the  cold,  and,  as  water  could  be 
heated  there  without  trouble  to  anyone,  he  used  hot  water. 
'  Father  and  mother  were  Buddhists  and  after  their  bath 
put  on  their  special  garments  and  worshipped  the  Buddhas. 
On  their  parent's  anniversaries  they  prepared  the  rice 
without  help  from  the  servants.  When  they  awakened 
before  dawn  they  sat  up  in  bed  and  silently  awaited  the 
day.     When  it  was  light  enough  to  see  they  arose. 

Father's  road  lay  to  the  north  but  he  always  went 
out  of  the  south  gate  and  turned  to  the  east.  Returning 
he  went  to  the  west  and  entered  by  the  north  gate.     His 


*  "  Grandfather  died  in  1609,  and  grandmother  in   1604.     Father   v^'as 
horn  in   1 602,  and  went  to  Kdo  in  1613.'' 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuscki,  93 

sandals  had  iron  knobs  and  he  walked  with  resounding 
stq3S  giving  notice  of  his  approach.  All  knew  his  tread 
and  hushed  crying  children  at  the  sound.  * 

The  Kobu  went  year  by  year  to  his  estates  in  Modagdri> 
province  of  Kadzusa,  spending  the  time  from  the  eighth 
to  the  twelfth  month  there.  On  his  return  he  would 
ask  father  for  the  news  and  be  told,  **  There  is  none." 
After  some  years  he  said,  **  How  is  this !  Among  so 
many  samurai  surely  something  has  happened  these  years 
past!"  But  father  replied,  **  Great  matters  we  communicate 
to  you  at  once,  trifles  we  arrange  and  tlicre  is  notliing 
to  tell."  TlKireafter,  when  the  Kobu  returned,  he  called 
fatlier  and  told  him  the  happenings  in  Kadzusa  to  which 
father  listened  and  retired. 

In  the  autumn  of  1645,  the  Kobu  was  put  in  charge  at 
Siiruga>  and  in  his  stead  father  went  to  Kadzusa.  The  fol- 
lowing spring,  he  u'as  summoned  in  haste  to  Suruga  to  look 
after  the  young  samurai  who  climbed  the  bamboo  fence  at 
night,  and  went  out  for  their  amusement,  not  heeding  the 
rebuke  of  the  officials.  Father  wished  to  prevent  the  scan- 
dal of  piunishments  for  such  offences,  so  he  set  up  four  or 
five  guard  houses  with  two  foot-soldiers  in  each  and  himself 
went  the  rounds  all  night.  This  wholly  put  a  stop  to  the 
offence. 

In  1647,  the  Kobu  was  put  in  charge  of  the  fire  dei>art- 
ment  in  Nikko,  and  in  1649,  of  the  Osaka  castle.  Father 
went  with  him  to  keep  the  young  sanmrai  in  order  en  route. 
So  he  did  not  sleep  at  all  at  night,  but  dozed  on  horseback 
ift  the  day  time  or  when  the  company  halted.     He  suffered 


*  Not  to  lie  down  after  awaking,  to  walk  with  resounding  stejjs  and 
Cttrn  to  the  "east  on  leaving  his  gate  was  to  fT>llow  the  classical  examples. 


i 


94  K^wx  :— Autobiography  of  Aral  HakusekL 

so  from  night  blindness  that  when  he  returned  to  Mishima 
he  could  not  see  the  lanterns.  His  real  object  was  the 
protection  of  the  Kobu  against  the  vengeance  of  a  young 
samurai^  who  had  committed  a  flagrant  crime  and  had  fled. 
The  Kobu  was  determined  to  take  him,  but  could  not,  and 
put  his  aged  mother  in  prison,  thinking  he  would  come  for 
her  relief  But  he  did  not  come  and  the  woman  died  in 
prison.  So  the  samurai  disguised  himself  that  he  might 
kill  the  Kobu.  Father  knew  all  this,  and  feared  the  journey 
might  afford  advantage  to  the  criminal. 

A  boy  named  Ashizawa  had  been  left  an  orphan  at  an 
early  age.  He  was  given  office  and  honourably  employed 
by  the  Kobu.  When  Ashizawa  was  twenty  years  old  the 
Kobu  one  day  called  father.  The  Kobu  was  seated  with 
his  sword  by  his  side  and  his  countenance  ehanged.  He 
said,  "  Come  close  to  me."  Father  thought  there  was 
need  for  his  sword  and  started  to  get  it,  but  the  Kobu  said, 
*'  Come  as  you  are.  I  shall  kill  Ashizawa  myself.  Stay 
and  see."  Father  stood  in  silence  and  soon  the  Kobu  said 
again,  **  What  is  your  opinion?"  And  Father  replied i-7- 
'*  Ashizawa  acknowledges  that  your  kindness  to  an  orphan 
deserves  an  extraordinary  return.  He  is  naturally  strong 
but  is  still  very  young,  often  does  wrong  and  has  given 
cause  for  your  wrath.  But,  are  not  men  of  a  different 
mould  useless  when  mature  ?  Thinking  of  all  this  my 
answer  was  slow  and  I  beg  pardon."  At  this  the  Kobu 
.  was  lost  in  thought  and  father  too  stood  in  silence.  Tlie 
moquitoes  gathered  on  their  faces  until  the  Kobu  spoke 
again,  when  six  or  seven  fell  gorged  and  father  carefully 
picked  them  up  and  put  them  in  a  paper.  At  last  the 
Kobu  said,"  You  may  go  now  and  rest." 

Ashizawa  had  been  given  to  drink  and  rioting,  but,  as 


Kfiox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki,  95 

father  and  father's  friend  Seki  urged  him  now,  he  reformed. 
After  a  few  years  he  was  given  his  father's  office,  and  when 
the  Kobu  was  dead,  father  said,  '*  See  that  you  do  not 
forget  the  past !"  for  he  had  taken  to  drink  again. 

Jn  the  Kobu's  household  was  a  man  named  Kato,  who 
was  about  sixty  years  old  when  I  was  twenty.  He  had  two 
famous  swords — **dish  cutter"  and  "monkey  leader."  I  have 
seen  the  first,  it  was  narrow  and  three  feet  long,  but  not 
the  other.  That  he  had  from  a  monkey  leader.  When 
Kat5  was  sixteen  years  old  he  killed  one  of  his  samurai^ 
cutting  quite  across  his  body  and  clean  through  a  dish. 
But  after  father  retired  from  office  he  told  me  the  facts 
as  a  secret. 

"  One  can*t  believe  all  that  men  say,  that  sword  I  gave 
you  when  young  is  the  true  dish-cutter.  Katd's  apartment 
adjoined  mine  anci  one  day  I  heard  him  from  the  second 
story  quarrelling  in  a  loud  voice  with  one  of  his  young 
samurai  who  was  cleaning  fish  below.  What  a  miserable 
row,  I  thought,  and  just  then  Kato  nished  down  stairs, 
and  I  picked  up  my  sword  and  went  to  see.  He  had 
struck  the  samurai  but  had  been  too  weak  to  injure  him, 
and  he  had  turned  on  Kato  with  his  knife.  So  I  cut  down 
the  man  from  the  shoulder,  my  sword  going  quite  acro.ss 
liis  body  and  through  the  dish.  As  he  fell,  I  said  to  Kato, 
*  Now  stick  him !'  wiped  the  blood  from  my  blade  and 
went  home.  So  when  others  came  rushing  in  they  called 
Kato's  sword  "  the  dish-cutter." 

"  My  sword  had  belonged  to  a  man  named  Goto,  and  he 
had  it  from  his  elder  brother  who  had  cut  a  man's  head 
in  two  with  it.  Half  the  head  he  kept  in  proof  of  the 
sword's  qualities.     From   Goto  it  came  to  me.     Have  a 


96  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki. 

care  for  it !     '*  I  have  kept  it  for  cerenK>niaI  occasions  and 
for  service  and  call  it  lion." 

I  have  also  a  sword  which  once  belonged  to  the  grand- 
son of  Okabe,  Lord  Tambu.  Once  when  going  out  into 
the  forest  with  a  young  companion  they  met  a  wild  boar. 
The  companion  ran  and  climbed  a  tree,  but  his  lord  waited 
with  his  back  to  a  tree.  When  the  boar  charged  him 
with  its  tusks  he  cut  it  across  the  mouth  and  the  brute  bit 
the  sword  and  ran  with  it  in  its  mouth  and  struck  against  a 
tree,-destroying  the  ornaments  of  the  sword  and  killing  it- 
self. This  boy  did  many  such  deeds,  and  father  begged 
the  sword  from  him  and  gave  it  to  me.  But  father  added 
**  I  never  talk  of  the  quality  of  my  sword,  for  when  men 
talk  of  their  swords  they  soon  come  to  testing  them  in 

fight." 

A  certain  old  man  constantly  swore  by  the  gods  and  the 
Buddhas,  and  father  cautioned  me,  "  Men  who  lie,  swear 
as  a  proof  of  truth.  This  old  man  is  not  a  liar,  but  is  care- 
less in  his  talk,  and  has  acquired  this  habit.     Beware  of  it !" 

Father  had  a  friend,  five  or  six  years  his  junior,  named 
Seki,  who  became  imbecile  when  more  than  .seventy  years 
old,  and  father  thought,  "  How  pitiable  one  is  when  his 
powers  fail  with  age ;  and  there  is  no  help  for  it  unless 
preparation  is  made  in  youth.  Old  men  do  and  say  wrong 
things  from  forgetful ness.  Old  and  young  have  a  certain 
routine,  if  they  attempt  more  they  may  do  it  or  may  not. 
So  from  my  youth  I  have  undertaken  few  duties,  but  those 
I  have  done  with  my  strength  and  have  not  left  them  to 
others.  I  have  a  place  for  everything,  so  I  can  find  it  in 
the  dark,  just  as  we  learn  the  parts  of  our  bodies  and  use 
them  involuntarily.  And  there  is  profit  in  asking  old  men 
of  their  youth  ;  for  that  they  do  not  forget  and  answer  well 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki,  gy 

if  asked;  but  we  should  not  speak  of  the  new  and  wonderful 
things  we  hear.  I  forget  names  heard  only  once,  and  tinies 
and  places  escape  me  soon.  Nothing  is  thought  of  it  if  a 
youth  forgets,  but  if  it  is  an  old  man  they  say,  He  is  im- 
becile. So  I  take  special  care  not  to  forget.  Seki  was 
honest  and  skillful,  but  be  was  careless  in  speech  and  act. 
So  he  has  become  imbecile.'* 

As  I  remember  father  he  was  very  grey,  his  face  was 
square,  and  his  forehead  high.  His  eyes  were  large,  and 
his  beard  heavy.  He  was  short,  large-boned,  strongly  built. 
He  showed  no  sign  of  emotion  in  his  face,  he  did  not  laugh 
loudly  nor  scold  in  an  angry  voice.  His  words  were  few 
and  his  movements  dignified.  I  never  saw  him  surprised, 
amazed  or  lacking  in  self  control.  For  example,  he  thought 
small  moxa  useless  and  would  have  five  or  seven  large  ones 
applied  at  once,  showing  no  sign  of  suffering. 

When  off  duty,  he  cleaned  his  room,  hung  up  some 
ancient  painting,  arranged  a  few  flowers  of  the  season  and 
sat  silent  all  day  or  painted  pictures.  He  did  not  care  for 
colored  pictures. 

When  well  he  did  not  have  servants  wait  on  him  at 
meals.  He  ate  two  bowls  of  rice  and  a  variety  of  other 
things  that  he  might  not  hurt  himself  eating  too  much  of 
any  one.  He  did  not  pick  and  choose  but  ate  what  was 
set  before  him  whether  he  fancied  it  or  not,  weighing  the 
several  dishes  in  his  hands  to  determine  their  quantity.  He 
did  not  order  his  meals,  though  he  insisted  upon  having  the 
fresh  food  of  the  four  seasons  as  soon  as  it  was  in  the 
market,  and  ate  it  with  the  family.  He  was  easily  affected 
by  wine,  and  merely  took  the  cup  in  his  hand  at  the  cere- 
monies.    Tea  he  much  liked. 

At  home,  he  wore  carefully  washed  clothes,  nothing  soiled 


98  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuscki. 

even  in  bed.  When  he  went  out,  his  dress  was  new  and 
fine,  but  not  extravagant  or  beyond  his  rank  for,  like  the 
famous  men  of  old,  he  wished  no  criticisms  after  death. 
He  associated  things  with  their  owners  and  thought  char- 
acter revealed  by  possessions,  and  that  it  was  a  shame  to 
forget  one's  things. 

His  ordinary  fan  was  of  an  ancient  pattern  with  white 
ribs,  and  its  paper  splashed  with  silver  and  gold,  but  at 
times  he  used  a  fan  ornamented  with  pictures,  and  was  care- 
ful to  get  pictures  by  famous  artists.  Still  more  was  he 
particular  as  to  the  ornaments  of  his  swords  and  armour. 

When  past  seventy  his  left  elbow  troubled  him  and  he 
wished  to  retire,  but  the  Kobu  would  not  consent.  So 
father  wore  only  one  sword,  a  short  one  a  foot  long  and 
an  inch  wide,  with  its  scabbard  wound  with  silk,  and  his 
servant  followed  bearing  his  long  sword.  That  \vas  extra- 
ordinary, but  the  Kobu  permitted  it.  *  Father  thought  a 
sword  for  use,  and  not  to  be  worn  when  it  could  not  be 
handled,  and  so  wore  only  his  short  one.  That  he  kept 
until  death,  and  then  gave  it  to  his  adopted  son  in  Oshu. 
Its  ornaments  were  iron,  its  scabbard  had  black  lacquer 
waves  ornamented  with  ebony.  When  he  took  the  tonsure 
he  put  it  away  in  a  leathern  bag. 

Some  years  after  his  death  the  late  head  of  the  Kotoku 
temple  told  me  that  when  father  was  past  eighty  a  drunken 
fellow  came  to  the  temple  flourishing  his  sword,  and  no  one 
faced  him  until  the  old  man  came  out,  caught  him  by  the 
arm,  tripped  him,  threw  his  sword  into  the  drain,  and  went 
back  into  the  temple.     Then  the  young  priests  came  out 


*  Extraordinary,  because   the  swords  of  Daimyo   were  thus  carried  by 
servants. 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hahiseki,  99 

and  guarded  the  fellow  where  he  lay,  until  sobered,  and 
finally  sent  him  home.  The  priest  thought  father's  deed 
should  not  be  mentioned,  lest  people  think  it  a  mere  display 
of  vanity  on  the  part  of  an  old  man.  But  persons  of  dis- 
crimination will  see  the  reason  for  his  act. 

When  I  was  seventeen  or  eighteen,  I  dropped  a  green 
colored  cord  with  a  hook  at  its  end  used  for  securing 
criminals.  "  What  is  that  he  asked,"  "  When  I  was  a 
censor  I  had  such  a  cord  for  years,  for  fear  my  servants 
might  not  have  one  in  time  of  need.  When  I  gave  up 
office  I  used  it  to  tie  the  cat.  That  is  the  cord  you  have. 
A  samurai  should  take  care.  Each  one  has  things  to  do 
and  other  things  not  to  do.  That  is  not  for  you,  and  you 
are  too  old  to  be  heedless. 


STORIES  OF  THE  PAST:   FATHER'S  RE- 
TIREMENT AND  DEATH. 

Father  told  me  this  story  of  Takadaki  Kichibei,  of 
Harima  a  samurai  of  Shizawa.  He  was  very  fond  of  fish- 
ing and  one  day  left  his  swords  with  his  servant  and  waded 
into  the  water  with  his  net.  He  went  into  the  boundaries 
of  a  neighboring  daimyoy  and  was  taken  by  two  guards  and 
bound  up  with  his  net.  With  tears  of  blood  he  begged  off, 
but  keenly  felt  his  disgrace  as  the  story  got  around.  He 
had  much  desired  that  which  is  not  for  samurai,  and  so  was 
led  into  these  misfortunes. 

On  the  New  Year's  day  following  he  went  to  the  great 
gate  of  the  neighboring  daimyo,  and  there,  in  the  crowd,  cut 


lOO  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki. 

down  one  of  the  best  samurai  and  fled  leaving  a  card  with 
this  writing, — '*  I  cut  him  down  to  cover  my  shame."  They 
searched  the  neighborhood  but  could  not  find  him.  Next 
day  he  cut  down  another  samurai,  left  his  card  and  dis- 
appeared, and  again,  on  the  seventh  day  repeated  his 
exploit.  They  could  not  find  him.  Once  to  do  such  a 
deed  is  easy,  to  do  it  three  times  showed  his  strength  and 
audacity. 

I  used  to  tell  tliis  story  while  I  was  employed  by  the 
Kofiu ;  and  once,  wlien  in  Kadzusa  my  attention  was  at- 
tracted by  a  man  standing  among  the  farmers.  He  kept 
looking  at  me  and  averting  his  face  as  he  caught  my  eye. 
He  did  not  seem  an  ordinary  man,  and  I  went  to  his  side 
and  asked  who  he  might  be  ?  At  first  lie  said,—''*  I  am 
of  this  place,"  and  averted  his  face.  But  as  I  insisted  at 
last  he  said,  **  I  am  the  Takadaki  whom  you  once  knew. 
This  was  the  home  of  my  ancestors,  and  hither  I  fled  and 
was  taken  in  for  my  family's  sake.  When  I  heard  that 
Arai  was  here  I  came  to  see  if  it  was  indeed  you,  and  was 
overcome  with  shame  as  I  recalled  the  past." 

Father  told  me  anotlier  stor>\  of  an  Echizen  man  named 
Kurv4xi  who  had  disap|K*ared.  Years  after,  fatlier  was 
crossing  the  1  lakonc  pass,  going  to  I iarima  in  the  west  on 
business.  Just  beyond  I  lata  he  s;\w  a  coolie  with  a  bundle 
ixf  w^.Kxl»  and  fussing  him  a  little  hoard  a  call.  He  looked 
back  auil  s*\w  that  the  c*.K^lic  had  Uiid  down  his  wood,  taken 
iho  cloth  tVvMU  his  face,  and  was  coming  toward  him.  "  So," 
iv*  toll  the  slv^n*  in  t'athcrV  words.  "  I  turned  back  and  he 
said,  *  You  do  not  ronKuibcr  me  ?  I  am  Kurobci.  Why 
arc  vou  sv>  foolish  a<  to  come  here  alone  ? '  Then  as  I 
Kv^kv\{  at  him  I  so^Mticd  to  remember  him.  but  as  in  a  dneom. 
so  Ullon  was  he,     *  \  low  did  vo;i  oonw  to  this  ? '     I  asked 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Haktiseki,  loi 

and  told  him  of  myself.     So  he  said,  *  As  you  have  leisure, 
and  I  wish  to  talk  with  you  come  to  my  house.     It  is  near.' 

As  we  went  togctlier  he  said,  *  I  have  an  aged  father,  and 
as  I  could  not  support  him  otherwise  took  to  his  work. 
When  I  saw  you  I  could  not  restrain  my  desire  for  a  talk 
of  the  old  times,  though  I  was  ashamed  to  call.  But  father 
is  very  old  fashioned  and  will  not  see  strangers,  so  I  must 
explain  to  him.     Wait  here  a  little.* 

So  he  left  me  and  went  into  a  wretched  hut,  but  soon 
came  again,  and  took  me  in.  There  was  an  old  man  of 
eighty  making  a  fire.  *  I  have  nothing  for  guests  '  he  said, 
'  but  must  not  be  shamefaced  before  my  son's  friend.  You 
shall  have  such  as  we  have,  and  pray  spend  the  night.'  So 
lie  gave  me  rice  mixed  with  wheat  and  some  bulbs.  I^ter 
on  he  said,  *  I  interrupt  your  talk,'  bade  us  good  night  and 
went  into  another  room. 

We  sat  by  the  fire,  feeding  it  with  faggots,  until  after 
midnight  and  then  he  went  into  his  father's  room  and 
brought  out  two  bamboo  sticks.  From  them  he  took  his 
swords  fine  in  make  and  beautiful  in  ornament.  He  wept 
and  said,  '  As  a  samurai  I  could  not  support  my  father, 
and  he  had  no  one  else.  I  sold  all  but  my  swords.  These 
I  shall  keep  while  my  strength  lasts.  As  you  see,  my 
father  is  not  long  for  this  world.  If  I  can  support  him  to 
the  end  I  shall  be  happy.  Afterwards  you  may  meet  mc 
again.' 

The  next  morning  he  prepared  food  for  his  father  and 
me,  went  with  me  a  distance  on  my  way,  and  took  his 
leave  I  never  heard  of  him  again. 

Father  was  unmarried  when  he  entered  the  Kobu's  ser- 
vice. He  adopted  a  boy  named  Ichiya  Masanobu,  the  son 
of  a  dear  friend.     Ichiya  became  a  retainer  of  the  Kobu's 


1 02  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki, 

second  son  and  went  with  him  to  Dshu.  When  father 
retired,  Ichiya  supported  him  until  I  was  able  to  do  so. 
I^ater,  Ichiya  gave  his  possessions  to  his  eldest  son  and 
became  a  priest.  He  died  soon  after  1  obtained  my  position, 
and  his  eldest  son  soon  followed  him.  Then  his  second 
son  died,  and  now  his  property  is  in  the  hands  of  his 
son's  son. 

Father  was  well  past  forty  when  he  married  mother. 
Their  first  two  children  were  girls,  and  both  died  before 
they  were  three.  The  third  was  also  a  girl  and  died  when 
nineteen,  and  my  younger  sister  died  at  eighteen.  Father 
was  fifty  .seven,  and  mother  forty  two,  when  I  was  born. 

I  do  not  know  certainly  of  my  mother's  parents.  I  knew 
her  sisters,  elder  and  younger.  When  I  was  old  enough 
to  understand,  I  earnestly  asked  after  my  grand  parents  but 
she  replied,  '  Nothing  should  be  concealed  from  a  son,  but 
I'll  not  tell  you.  Often  have  men  of  rank  been  born  of 
humble  mothers  and  it  will  not  disgrace  you  to  be  ignorant 
of  your  mother's  family.  But  this  much  I  will  say,  all 
know  of  my  father  and  my  grandfather.  The  latter  was 
distinguished  in  Nobunaga's  history;  and  my  mother's 
grandfather  distinguished  himself  in  the  Korean  expedition.' 
My  mother  told  me  this  in  detail,  weeping  bitterly. 

Mother  was  in  the  service  of  the  Lady  of  Gcishu,*  and 
went  with  her  to  Oshu  when  she  became  a  nun.  There 
mother  met  and  married  father. 

She  wrote  a  fine  hand,  composed  good  verses,  and  read 
many  books.  She  taught  all  this  to  my  sisters.  She  was 
a  skillful  player  of  ''go''  and  chess,  and  taught  me  to  play. 
She    had   the   finger  tips   for  the  "  koto''      She   thought 


*  The  wife  of  the  lord  of  Geishu. 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Haknscki.  103 

women  should  weave  cloth  and  make  clothes ;  and  she 
made  father's  and  mine.  I  have  some  of  her  making  still. 
The  proverb  says,  "  like  marry  like,"  and  so  it  was  with 
my  parents.     They  were  alike  in  words  and  actions. 

When  father  shaved  his  head,  mother  did  the  same.  She 
was  sixty  three  when  she  died.  The  Kobu  had  died  when 
father  was  seventy  five.  He  was  very  ill  at  the  time  but 
recovered  after  he  had  been  given  up.  He  would  not 
resume  his  office.  The  Kobu's  heir  pensioned  father  and 
praised  him  highly  for  his  faithful  service  for  so  many 
years.  Father  and  mother  shaved  their  heads,  and  took  a 
small  dwelling  in  the  temple  H5-on,  Asakusa. 

The  next  winter,  Yorinao's  distant  cousin,  a  Minister 
of  Kobu's  and  an  intimate  friend  of  father  s  consulted  him 
about  deposing  Yorinao  and  making  his  young  son  heir. 
Father  vainly  tried  to  dissuade  his  friend,  as  the  attempt 
was  premature.  The  scheme  failed  and  I  too  lost  my  posi- 
tion as  I  belonged  to  that  party.  (26th  March  1677).  My 
younger  sister  died  the  same  year,  and  mother,  sorrowed 
by  these  things,  took  ill  on  the  20th  June  1678  and  died 
suddenly  on  the  22d.     So  father  was  left  alone. 

In  April  1679  Yorinao  lost  his  rank  and  his  son  was 
given  only  a  fraction  of  his  possessions.  The  son  sent  for 
me,  but  I  refused  to  go  while  father  remained  in  disgrace. 
It  was  done  as  I  wished  and  I  went  to  the  young  man.  He 
had  as  yet  no  *'  true  name,"  and  at  his  request  I  gave  him 
one,  Tatenao.  Thus  a  way  was  opened  for  me  *  and  I 
took  service  with  Furukawa  no  Shosho,  Masatoshi,  Asson 
Hctta  Chikuzen  no  Kami,  Tairo. 

Now  I  purposed  to  care  for  father,  and  the   15th  July 

*  While    in  disgrace  he   could  get  no   enii^loyment.     His    new   aUow- 
ance  was  500  koku. 


I04  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  HakusekL 

1679  he  spent  with  me  in  talk  and  mutual  solace.  He 
went  home  the  next  day  and  the  day  following  I  heard 
that  he  was  ill  and  went  to  him  at  once.  He  was  dying. 
He  heard  that  I  had  come,  opened  his  eyes,  took  my  hand, 
and  died  as  one  goes  to  sleep. 

It  was  only  an  hundred  days  after  I  had  become  a  samu- 
rai. It  was  a  great  grief;  but  he  was  comforted  as  he 
knew  that  I  had  a  position  and  that  his  name  had  been 
cleared.     He  was  eighty  two  years  old. 

I  remember  father  well,  as  he  was  when  over  eighty.  He 
had  remained  unchanged  from  my  youth,  and  this  both 
because  of  his  natural  superiority,  and  his  careful  habits  in 
every  thing.  I  well  remember  hLs  oft  repeated  teachings 
and  especially  the  following : — "  Men  should  persevere. 
Attack  the  greatest  difficulty  first,  and  the  others  will  not 
seem  formidable.'*  I  have  greatly  profited  by  that,  and 
especially  as  to  my  temper,  for  I  am  naturally  impatient 
and  restraii  myself  with  difficulty.  But  with  good  fortune 
I  have  passed  through  many  dangers,  and  my  years  and 
strength  decay  together.  Probably  I  am  not  so  impulsive 
as  in  the  past.  I  desire  this  teaching  to  be  handed  down 
to  the  future  members  of  my  family.*' 

Again  father  said, — *'  I  left  home  when  thirteen  and  lived 
among  strangers.  I  have  had  many  intimates  and  have 
kept  their  friendship  by  avoiding  avarice  and  lust.  Men 
differ  by  nature,  rank  and  education  but  all  alike  destroy 
friendship  by  these  two  vices.  As  my  teacher  said.  Lust 
and  avarice  weave  a  hatred  nothing  can  undo.  Let  old 
and  young  beware  of  them." 


Knox  : — AiUobiography  of  Aral  FlakusckL  105 


CHILDHOOD  AND  EDUCATION. 

The  Kobu's  mansion  burned  in  the  great  fire,  4th  March 
1657^  and  all  fled  to  Yanagiwara.  There  I  was  born  in  a 
temporary  dwelling  on  March  25.  So  the  Kobu  called  me 
when  very  young,  Spark  (i.e.  the  Son  of  the  Fire).  His 
mother  took  a  fancy  to  me  and  I  was  much  at  her  dwelling. 
The  Kobu  saw  me  there  when  I  was  three  and  aftenvards 
sent  for  me  daily  and  treated  me  with  a  kindness  beyond 
that  shown  his  own  son.    So  folks  thought  me  a  natural  son. 

When  I  was  six  Oshu  Nambu  Shinano  no  Kami,  Toshi- 
nao,  said  to  the  Kobu,  "  I  have  no  son.  Give  this  boy  to 
me."  But  the  Kobu  explained  that  I  was  the  son  of  one 
of  his  retainers,  whereon  Toshinao  said, — *'  I^end  him  to 
me.  ril  care  for  him,  educate  him  and  give  him  an  allow- 
ance of  a  thousand  koku.**  But  the  Kobu,  for  his  own  and 
his  mother's  fondness,  would  not.  Folks  thought  it  a  pity, 
as  the  Kobu  could  not  do  so  well  by  me. 

On  New  Year's  day,  my  seventh  year,  I  broke  out  with 
malignant  small-pox.  The  Kobu's  mother  daily  sent  mes- 
sengers, and  priests  to  pray  at  my  bed  side.  That  fatlier 
did  not  fancy,  but  permitted  it.  The  Kobu  .sent  two  of  his 
attendants  and  was  much  troubled  when  they  told  him  that 
the  doctor  had  given  me  up.  He  told  him  to  redouble  his 
efforts  and  sent  me  medicine  with  unicorn  in  it.  So  the 
spots  came  out  and  turned  red,  and  folks  said, — **  So  then 
he  is  for  tlie  world,  but  he  is  not  the  doctor's  son."  Dr. 
Ishikawa  told  me  this  when  I  was  twenty  four  years  old. 
When  I  had  recovered  the  Kobu's  mother  gave  me  a  feast, 
and  my  savmrai  sword  and  outfit.  She  died  when  I 
was  nine. 


lo6  Knox : — AufoNo<:^t'(i/yhy  of  Ami  Hakuseki, 

When  three  years  old,  I  was  sitting  one  day  tracing  the 
pictures  and  ideographs  in  the  Ueno-inonogatari  of  people 
going  to  see  the  flowers,  and  mother  said  several  of  the 
ideographs  were  well  made,  and  showed  my  work  to  father. 
Others  thought  it  extraordinary,  and  it  was  shown  to  a 
number.  I  saw  it  in  Kadzusa  when  I  went  there  in  my 
seventeenth  year.  I  also  wrote  my  name  on  a  screen  and 
two  of  the  ideographs  were  well  made.  The  screen  burned 
in  a  conflagration.  From  that  time  I  constantly  amused 
myself  reading  and  writing  but  had  no  teacher  and  so 
studied  the  pictured  guide  books. 

The  Kobu  had  a  retainer  named  Tonda,  who  had  a  com- 
mentary on  the  Taihciki  which  he  used  sometimes  to  ex- 
pound in  father's  house,  folks  assembling  to  hear  it.  In 
my  fourth  or  fifth  year,  I  sat  up  by  father  and  listened  to 
the  end,  however  late  it  might  be,  and  then  asked  questions, 
to  the  astonishment  of  those  present. 

When  six  years  old  I  was  taught  a  Chinese  poem  with 
its  explanation  and  music,  so  that  I  could  comment  on  it, 
by  a  scholar  named  Uematsu,  who  also  taught  me  two 
others.  He  advised  sending  me  to  some  good  master,  but 
the  old  conservatives  said  ;-r-**  No  one  can  become  a  scholar 
without  talent,  diligence  and  w^ealth.  The  boy  has  talent, 
but  whether  diligent  or  no  we  do  not  know.  He  surely 
has  not  wealth."  And  father  said,  **  The  Kobu  is  too  fond 
of  him  to  send  him  away  to  school."  But  still  the  Kobu 
took  pride  in  my  writing  and  wanted  me  to  learn,  and  when, 
in  my  eighth  year,  he  went  to  Kadzusa,  he  set  me  this  task, 
to  write  three  thousand  ideographs  every  day  and  one 
thousand  every  evening.  When  the  winter  days  were  too 
short  for  my  task,  I  moved  my  table  out  on  the  verandah 
so  as  to  finish  by  day  light,  and  when  I  grew  sleepy  at 


Knox : — Atitobiograpliy  of  Aral  Ilakuscki,  107 

night  I  put  two  ijots  of  water  by  my  side.  Then  as  I 
began  to  nod  1  threw  back  ni)'  gown  and  my  friend  emptied 
one  of  the  pots  over  me,  and  as  I  gradually  grew  dry  and 
warm  and  sleepy  again,  he  threw  the  other  over  me  and  so 
I  got  tlirough  the  task.  This  was  in  the  winter  and  autumn 
of  my  ninth  year,  and  from  that  time  I  conducted  father's 
correspondence. 

In  the  autumn  of  my  eleventh  year  I  learned  the  Tcki- 
norai  by  heart  in  ten  days,  wrote  it  out  and  presented  it  to 
the  Kobu  who  was  greatly  pleased.  From  my  thirteenth 
year  I  conducted  his  correspondence. 

When  I  was  eleven  father  had  a  friend  named  Seki, 
whose  son  was  a  clever  fencer,  and  taught  the  art.  I  asked 
for  lessons,  but  was  refused  as  too  young,  w^hen  I  replied, 
"  If  I  cannot  use  my  sword  why  should  I  wear  it  ?"  Then 
he  consented,  and  taught  me  one  style  so  well  that  in  a 
contest  with  wooden  swords  with  a  youth  of  sixteen  throe 
times  I  was  beaten  and  thrice  victorious,  the  lookers  laugh- 
ing in  their  interest.  So  I  took  up  martial  exercises  and 
read  all  the  old  war  stories  to  the  neglect  of  my  writing. 

In  my  seventeenth  year  I  saw  a  copy  of  the  Okina- 
Hondo*  in  the  house  of  a  fellow  page  and  borrowed  it. 
Out  of  it  I  first  learned  of  the  "  Way  of  the  Sages."  I 
liked  it  at  once  and  wished  to  study  it,  but  had  no  teacher. 
However,  a  physician  of  .some  attainments  heard  of  my 
desire.  He  came  daily  to  the  Kobu  s  mansion,  and  taught 
me  the  *'  Introduction  to  the  Little  Learning,"  and  then 
the  history  by  Chuki.  Day  and  night  I  .studied  the 
"  Little  Learning  "  and  the  "  Four  Classics."  So  far  the 
physician  helped  me  but  as  I  went  on  to  the  "  Five  lk>oks  " 
I  had  no  teacher  and  worked  at  them  with  a  le.xicon  and 

*  Trans.  As.  Soc.  Vul.  XX.  pp.  13  ff. 


io8         Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 

made  many  mistakes  as  I  now  know.  So  I  studied  by 
myself,  and  understood  only  in  part  and  took  up  composi- 
tion and  rhetoric  and  poetry,  making  my  first  poem  of  fifty 
six  characters  in  the  twelfth  month  of  that  year.  Then  I 
wrote  an  essay,  my  first  attempt  at  prose,  in  explanation  of 
my  verse,  as  I  had  heard  a  man  ridicule  and  criticise  it.  I 
kept  these  boyish  studies  from  the  knowledge  of  father  and 
his  friends,  but  as  I  needed  books  I  made  a  confidante  of 
mother. 

When  twenty  one  I  left  the  Kobu's  mansion  and  con- 
tinued my  studies  with  congenial  friends  but,  for  reasons 
of  my  own,  without  a  teacher.  The  scholar  Ahiru  of 
Tsushima  was  one  of  my  friends  and  when,  in  the  autumn 
of  my  26th  year,  I  was  in  .service  again,  and  a  Korean 
ambassador  arrived,  I  sent  an  hundred  verses  of  my  own  to 
him  by  Ahiru  with  a  request  for  an  introduction  for  the 
book.  He  liked  the  verses,  and  asked  to  meet  me,  and  so 
I  had  an  evening  with  him  and  his  two  attendants,  writing 
poetry,  and,  at  the  close,  the  ambassador  wrote  tlie  intro- 
duction to  my  verses,  as  I  had  asked. 

The  same  year  Kinoshita  first  took  office  from  the  Sho- 
gun.  (1682).  I^ter  I  went  to  Yamagata  and  kept  a 
journal  which  Ahiru  showed  to  Kinoshita  who  was  his 
master.  Ahiru  also  showed  Kinoshita  my  book  of  poems 
and  he  liked  the  books  and  asked  to  see  me,  and  so  I  met 
him.  When  Ahiru  died  he  asked  me  to  request  Kinoshita 
to  prepare  his  epitaph,  and  I  acted  as  amanuensis. 

So  I  became  a  disciple  of  Kinoshita  and  very  intimate 
with  him,  though  the  usual  ceremonies  of  initiation  were 
omitted.  For  years  he  had  many  distinguished  disciples, 
but  I  was  put  at  their  head  and  he  sent  me  to  teach  the 
heir  apparent  of  the  Shogun. 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki,  109 

As  I  review  my  life  it  would  appear  that  I  shouki  have 
made  much  greater  progress  had  I  had  good  teachers,  when 
I  began  to  write  at  three  years,  study  poetry  at  six,  and  the 
"  Way "  at  seventeen.  When  employed  by  the  Shogun 
I  bought  many  books  and  was  given  many,  but  was  so 
pressed  by  my  duties  that  I  found  little  time  for  reading. 
Itefore  that  I  was  so  poor  that  my  books  were  borrowed 
or  copied  and  therefore  few.  In  this  matter  of  study  no 
one  has  been  more  unfortunate.  That  I  have  so  far  suc- 
ceeded is  because  I  have  followed  father's  advice  and  done 
the  most  difficult  task  first.  What  others  learn  at  once,  I 
master  only  with  ten  repetitions  and  what  others  with  ten, 
I  with  an  hundred  rcixititions. 


YOUTH. 

The  year  before  the  Kobu  died,  (I  was  then  eighteen),  I 
went  with  him  on  his  usual  visit  to  Kadzusa. 

In  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  month  I  was  accused  of 
leaving  my  post,  when  on  guard,  to  see  the  hunt,  and  was 
imprisoned  in  my  own  house.  Toward  the  end  of  that 
month  the  younger  samurai  quarrelled  and,  together  with 
their  relatives  formed  two  parties.  All  joined  one  side  or 
the  other  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  month  ihcy 
met  and  decided  to  fight.  All  father's  friends  were  with 
Seki,  and  were  expecting  to  go  to  the  fight  at  the  hour  of 
the  sheep. 

I  was  told  about  the  affair,  and  sent  a  trusty  servant  to 
bring  mc  word  when  all  should  be  ready,  telling  him  not 


I  1  o  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  HakusckL 

to  come  even  when  the  party  should  go  forth,  but  to  wait 
until  the  fight  began.  The  other  servants  I  told  to  report 
me  ill,  and  in  bed  with  a  cold  since  morning,  should  any 
one  call  for  me.  Then  I  put  on  my  chain  armour  under  my 
clothes  and  went  to  bed  and  waited  for  my  messenger.  Hut 
he,  to  my  surprise,  did  not  come  until  evening,  until  the 
middle  of  the  dog  hour,  and  then  he  said  ;  **  They  expected 
to  start  at  the  bird  hour,  but  men  went  back  and  forth  and 
made  peace  at  last.  Uesugi  asked  me  my  business  and  I 
told  him,  what  you  had  said." 

The  next  evening  one  of  Seki's  sons  called  and  said, — 
**  So  you  were  coming  to  help  us?"  **  Yes,'*  I  replied. 
*'  But  you  are  imprisoned ;  and  how  did  you  expect  to  get 
out  ?'  he  asked.  "  By  the  small  gate  on  the  west."  **That" 
he  said,  **  is  guarded  by  day  and  shut  at  night.  How  did 
you  expect  to  get  through?"  **  The  other  gates  are  strong- 
ly guarded  :  that  only  by  an  old  man  and  woman  who  keep 
the  key  in  a  little  house  by  the  side.  Should  they  let  me 
out  I  could  go  and  die  and  no  one  be  the  wiser,  nor  their 
fault  be  known.  I  expected  assent,  but  should  they  refuse 
I  purposed  to  cut  off  their  heads,  take  the  key  and  go." 

Whereon  he ; — **  My  father  and  yours  were  old  friends 
and  it  was  a  matter  of  course  that  you  should  help  us.  But 
you  were  under  arrest  and  could  not  come  out !  To  have 
killed  those  two  old  folks,  and  have  forced  the  gate  would 
have  been  a  dreadful  crime  !"  And  then  I  laughed, — **  Was 
it  not  a  crime  then  to  collect  a  band  and  fight  ?  You 
purposed  killing  the  leading  samurai^  I,  two  old  people. 
We  are  like  in  this — we  both  purposed  killing  the  people 
of  our  lord,  but  considering  the  difference  in  the  rank  of 
our  intended  victims  my  crime  was  small.  But  when  I 
knew  of  your  plan,  if  I  had  not  joined  you  the  Kobu  would 


Knox  : — Autobu\^riiphy  of  Aral  Hakuscki.  1 1 1 

have  thoui^ht  me  no  samuiuxi,  tliouMi  of  course  he  would 
have  said  nothing.  Had  I  been  a  real  criminal  I  should 
have  been  bound  hand  and  foot,  but  not  being  bound  I  was 
at  liberty  to  go  out  at  a  time  like  this.  Had  I  remained 
a  spectator,  the  law  would  have  been  silent  as  I  was  under 
arrest,  and  I  might  have  taken  contemptible  advantage  of 
my  position  and  so  have  saved  my  life.  Or  had  I  been  of 
the  good  natured  age  I  might  have  worked  for  peace,  but 
I  am  not  yet  twenty,  and  peace-making  is  not  my  virtue. 
Not  to  help  my  friends  would  be  my  shame.  You  need 
not  thank  me  for  it.  In  joining  an  unlawful  deed  one  more 
unlawful  deed  goes  for  nothing."  He  had  nothing  to  say 
but  went  away  and  told  his  father,  who  exclaimed, — **  Ah ! 
He  is  his  father's  son!"  and  wept  joyful  tears. 

When  I  was  in  disgrace  I  had  thought  with  sorrow, — 
Father  will  not  forgive  me  even  if  the  Kobu  does,  but 
when  the  Kobu  restored  me  to  my  old  place  father  was 
greatly  pleased.  Seki  wrote  him  in  full  of  this  affair  and 
he  did  not  ask  even  why  I  had  been  punished.  For  when 
father  joyfully  showed  mother  Seki's  letter  with  its  account 
of  my  purpose,  and  conversation  with  Seki's  son  she  said, — 
"Because  of  this  forgive  him  for  the  past."  As  I  now 
see,  this  event  was  the  beginning  of  the  sad  fall  of  the 
Kobu's  house. 

When  the  Kobu  died  his  eldest  son  succeeded  him  as 
YoshO,  lyo  no  Kami.  This  man  who  destroyed  his  house 
was  very  displeasing  to  his  father,  and  the  two  had  met 
only  on  New  Year's  day  for  a  long  time.  The  household 
did  not  know  of  Yoshii's  bad  conduct,  but  thought  it  a  plan 
on  the  Kobu's  part  to  make  his  son  by  a  concubine  his 
heir.  Yoshu  divorced  his  wife  and  she  bore  him  a  son 
afterwards,  whom  the  Kobu  sent  to  Kadzusa  and  left  there 


1 1 2  Kfiox : — ' Autobiography  of  Arai  HakusekL 

until  he  was  twcK^e  or  thirteen.  Then  the  Kobu  sent  for 
him  that  he  might  show  him  to  the  household,  but  YoshO 
thought  the  boy  was  to  be  made  heir  and  kept  him  away 
on  v^arious  pretexts,  and  finally  let  him  come  only  when  the 
Kobu  was  fatally  ill.  So  the  Kobu  died  with  the  thought, 
"  My  house  will  perish  with  my  son." 

So  the  Kobu's  intimate  retainers  did  not  look  upon 
Yoshij  as  heir,  especially  father  who  did  not  perform  his 
duties  for  a  day.  Yoshu  was  greatly  angered  for  he  knew 
it  was  from  distrust,  and  so  he  accepted  father's  resignation 
giving  him  only  just  enough  for  subsistence;  and  did  not 
kill  nor  exj^el  him.  Yoshij  feared  to  do  that.  Nor  did  I 
get  father's  allowance  but  was  left  unemployed,  for  I  was 
not  liked  as  I  had  been  brought  up  from  childhood  at  the 
Kobu's  knee. 

A  year  later  father  was  slandered  and  so  Yoshu  took 
away  his  allowance,  exf)elled  us,  and  shut  the  door  to 
employment  on  me.  My  parents  were  cared  for  by  their 
adopted  son  in  Oshij  and  I  did  not  know  in  the  least  what 
I  should  do.  I  became  a  ronin,  with  only  two  followers, 
and  lived  with  the  merchants.  My  friends  wished  to  em- 
ploy me  as  a  teacher  for  their  sons,  but  I  did  not  fancy  it. 
Instead,  I  attended  the  lectures  of  famous  teachers  mornings 
and  evenings,  and  paid  my  respects  to  my  parents  at  noon. 

About  that  time  I  saw  my  elder  sister,  who  had  died 
when  nineteen,  in  a  dream.  I  was  greatly  troubled  and  at 
day  break  went  to  my  parents.  They  told  me  my  younger 
sister  was  confined.  So  I  went  to  her  place.  Her  child 
was  born  easily  but  sister  died  soon  after.  So  I  was  with 
my  parents  more  than  ever.  The  next  summer  I  again 
saw  sister  in  a  dream  and  hurried  to  my  parents.  Nothing 
was  the  matter :  but  in  a  brief  hour  mother  was  taken  ill 


Knox. ': — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuscki,  \  1 3 

and  after  a  while  died.     So  father  and  I  were  left  in  our 
sorrow,  lonely  beyond  expression. 

There  was  an  old  ronin  who  had  often  been  at  the 
Kobu's  that  came  to  father  and  said ; — **  Yoshu  will  never 
employ  your  son  again,  for  he  particularly  hates  all  who 
were  trusted  by  the  Kobu ;  I  have  known  your  boy  from  his 
youth  and  share  your  grief  that  he  cannot  be  a  samurai. 
Now  I  have  a  rich  merchant  friend  who  has  a  daughter  but 
no  son,  and  wants  to  marry  his  daughter  to  a  samurai  and 
will  leave  all  his  fortune  to  his  son-in-law.  He  has  en- 
trusted the  affair  to  me,  and  if  your  son  will  have  her  he 
can  provide  amply  for  you.  "  It  is  to  talk  this  over  that 
I  have  called.'*  Father  replied,  "  Many  thanks,  but  my 
son  is  not  a  child  and  I  decide  nothing  for  him.  Consult 
with  him."  So  father  told  me  when  next  I  saw  him  and 
I  promised  to  see  the  man  and  went  to  his  place.  "  Very 
many  thanks  for  your  kindness,"  I  said  to  him,  *'  but  I 
have  other  plans  and  cannot  consent."  Then  I  went  home 
and  told  father, — "  I  know  it  is  a  grief  to  you  that  we  are 
in  such  a  condition  and  so  poor,  but  I  was  born  your  son 
and  shall  never  become  the  son  of  another.  And  in  spite 
of  poverty  and  of  the  fact  that  I  cannot  be  employed  any- 
where, I  shall  not  forsake  that  samurai  path  which  my 
father  and  grandfather  trod  and  become  a  merchant." 
Father  was  highly  pleased.  **  There  are  many  men  of 
many  minds,"  he  said  "  and  though  your  father  I  cannot 
decide  such  things  for  you.  You  answered  well.  It  is 
filial  piety  to  throw  one's  self  away  to  help  one's  aged 
parent  but  such  conduct  as  yours   is  great  filial  piety.  *     I 

*  Mencius  gives  the  differing  degrees  of  filial  pictj.  The  samurai  on 
Hakone  Pbss  p.  13  ante  illustrated  filial  piety  but  Anii  nourished  his  father's 
heart  instead  of  his  body  and   so  showed  '*  great    filial   piety."      He  also 


114  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuscki, 

purposed  to  endure  this  poverty  when  I  resigned  my  oflfice 
and  you  need  feel  no  concern  at  all." 

Another  man  planned  a  physician's  career  for  me  and 
said, — "  Most  physicians  now-a-days  are  ignorant  and  with 
your  learning  and  ability  you  can  soon  surpass  them  all. 
The  profession  is  not  ignoble.  Will  you  not  learn  it  and 
so  support  your  father?"  But  I  replied,  **  Medicine  is  for 
the  aid  of  others,  and  I  might  well  adopt  this  profession 
since  I  have  no  other  prospects.  But  I  have  neither  the 
learning  nor  the  ability,  and  were  I  to  hurt  men  I  should 
not  have  the  physician's  benevolence.  I  cannot  do  this 
well,  and  the  Ancients  said,  '  Do  not  kill  innocent  men.'  ** 

At  this  time  I  had  a  student  friend  who  was  the  son  of 
the  richest  man  in  Japan,  and  he  said  to  me, — *'  Father 
thinks  you  will  be  a  famous  scholar  and  told  me  to  propose 
a  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  my  deceased  elder  brother. 
Father  will  give  you  a  mansion  costing  three  thousand  ryo 
and  all  you  need  for  your  studies."  I  replied,  "  I  shall 
nev^er  forget  your  kindness  but  must  tell  you  this  old  story, 
— One  summer  a  man  was  resting  in  the  Divine  Monntain 
with  his  feet  in  the  water  when  a  tiny  snake  came  and 
licked  his  toe.  Soon  it  went  away,  but  only  to  return  at 
once  grown  bigger.  It  licked  his  toe  again,  and  a  third 
time  came,  still  bigger,  and  took  his  toe  into  its  mouth. 
So  when  it  went  away  the  man  put  his  short  sword  on  his 
toe  and  when  the  snake  came  back  again,  yet  larger  than 
before,  it  took  toe  and  sword  into  its  mouth  and  the  man 
jerking  the  sword  cut  the  snake's  mouth.     It  fled  and  he 


showed  loyalty — by  remaining  unemployed  until  restored  by  his  owii  lortL 
For  to  be  employed  by  another  would  indicate  that  he  had  been  unworthy 
of  punishment  and  this  would  reflect  upon  his  master.  "  Though  the 
Lord  ceases  to  l>e  Lord,  the  retainer  is  still  retainer,"  Sho  Kyo. 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Ann  Hakiiscki.  1 1 5 

wont  into  the  house  and  shut  the  door,  and  lo,  a  great 
hubbub  without.  After  an  hour  he  went  out  and  there 
dead  before  the  house  was  a  monstrous  snake,  ten  feet  long , 
with  a  frightful  wound  a  foot  in  length  across  its  head. 

The  story,  as  likely  as  not,  is  not  true  but  it  serves  to 
illustrate  your  proposal.  The  small  snake  got  a  small 
wound,  but  the  cut  grew  with  its  growth  and  became  a 
foot  in  length.  Should  I,  ignorant  and  unknown,  accept 
your  proposal  the  wound  would  be  small,  but  should  I  really 
become  famous  it  too  would  be  great.  To  make  a  wounded 
scholar  with  three  thousand  ryo  .is  not  amusing,  and  besides, 
I  do  not  want  the  small  wound  even  now.  Tell  your 
father  what  I  say."  The  girl  afterwards  married  a  well 
known  scholar.  Father  fully  approved  my  act,  thinking  it 
a  matter  of  course  and  my  illustmtion  pat. 

In  the  summer  of  my  twenty  third  year  Yoshu's  house 
was  destroyed  and,  as  I  have  written,  I  was  again  given 
employment.  When  twenty-six  I  was  recommended  to 
Ki  no  Masatoshi  Asson,  Hotta  Chikuzcn  no  Kami.  In  the 
autunm  of  my  twenty-eighth  year  he  was  killed,  having 
been  charged  with  plotting  against  the  emperor,  though 
there  was  no  proof  of  his  guilt.  His  son  was  very  unfor- 
tunate and  cut  down  the  allowance  of  his  samurai  and 
many  left  his  service.  I  was  not  in  confidential  relations 
with  him  or  with  his  father,  but  would  not  leave  at  such  a 
time,  for  if  one  has  enough  for  himself  and  family  such 
desertions  are  not  loyal,  even  though  the  service  be  unsatis- 
factor}^  It  is  natural  that  a  samurai  should  be  poor,  yet 
he  must  maintain  his  station,  but  finally  my  funds  all 
gave  out. 

So  in  the  spring  of  my  thirty-fifth  year  I  wrote  out  my 
thoughts  and  presented  the  paper  to  my  lord,  asking  dis- 


lili 


1 1 6  K710X : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Haktiseki, 

missal.  I  told  my  friends  I  had  long  desired  tins,  but 
remained  because  of  my  lord's  misfortunes.  They  urged 
me  to  remain  saying,  **  Your  livelihood  is  provided  for  and 
if  you  go  away  you  lose  even  that.  Consider  your  wife  and 
children  if  you  do  not  care  for  yourself."  But  I  told  them 
**  either  I  should  have  left  the  .service  long  before  or  have 
accomplished  something  i:i  it,  had  he  been  fortunate.  But 
in  his  misfortune  it  was  the  duty  of  a  samurai  to  endure 
for  years.  Now  this  going  forth  without  knowing  the 
future  and  with  wife  and  children,  will  show  my  true  quality 
and  purpose.  Heavens  knows  all,  and  there  is  no  such 
fear  as  you  suggest."  But  my  lord  made  no  reply,  nor 
told  me  his  thought  and  so  summer  passed  into  autumn 
while  he  refused  his  consent.  In  the  early  autumn  my 
child  was  born  and  when  I  again  asked  for  my  dismissal 
it  was  given  me. 


LFXTURER  TO  LORD  KOFU. 

I  had,  say,  thirty  cents  in  money  and  a  few  quarts  of 
rice,  so  there  was  no  danger  of  hunger  for  a  few  days. 
With  wife  and  children  I  went  to  the  temple  Kdtoku  in 
Asakusa,  (we  had  long  been  p.irishioners  there),  and  took  a 
house  in  the  neighborhood.  A  man  servant  and  a  maid 
went  with  us.  I  tried  to  dissuade  them  and  told  them  I 
had  nothing  for  them,  but  they  would  go  and  said  they 
could  provide  for  their  own  wants. 

The  younger  brother  of  a  man  I  had  formerly  taught 
heard  of  our  circumstances  and  most  une.x[x:ctedly  offered 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  -  \rai  HaktisckL  1 1 7 

to  provide  for  us  until  I  should  find  employment.  Toward 
the  end  of  autumn  I  moved  to  the  cast  of  the  castle  and 
there  the  number  of  my  pupils  constantly  increased  and 
there  were  many  men  of  position  among  them. 

The  next  spring  a  man  named  Tani  said  to  me, — **  You 
are  from  a  house  that  is  in  ill  repute  with  the  Shogun  and 
you  follow  a  master  who  is  unemployed.  So  your  advance- 
ment is  slow  and  difficult,  though  your  learning  is  great. 
Consider  your  interests  and  change  your  school."  At 
first  I  only  laughed  at  the  suggestion,  but  when  it  was 
repeated  the  third  time  I  replied  : — "  You  mean  it  for  my 
good  but  you  mis'ake.  You  remember  how  the  disciples 
of  Confucius  still  thought  his  teaching  that  which  they 
should  learn,  even  when  he  was  unemployed  by  the  govern- 
ment, and  suffered  with  him  and  followed  him  out  of  office 
as  when  he  was  in  power.  In  gratitude  for  their  favours 
we  are  taught  to  follow  father,  lord  and  teacher  until  death.    ^ 

My  father  is  dead  :    I  have  no  lord,  and  can  only   follow 
my  teacher  until  death."     So  Tani  was  silenced.  * 

Kinoshita  recommended  me  to  his  old  lord,  the  prince 
of  Kaga,  but  a  man  named  Okajima  Chushiro,  from  that 
province,  begged  me  to  give  place  to  him  as  he  wished  to 
return  to  Kaga  to  care  for  his  aged  mother  ;  but,  he  added, 
the  recommendation  must  come  from  Kinoshita.  So  I 
told  Kinoshita  that  I  was  ready  to  serve  any  daimyo  but 
should  refuse  this  appointment  as  I  did  not  wish  to  stand 
in  the  way  of  Okajima.     Kinoshita  wept  at  my  words  and 


♦  Hayashi  was  Minister  of  Kducation  and  in  favour  with  the  liflh 
Shogun.  He  was  the  head  of  the  ofllcial  scholars.  And  so  Tani  advised 
Aral  to  leave  Kinoshita  and  enn>ll  liis  name,  as  a  matter  of  form,  amon^ 
liayashi's  followers. 


1 1 8  Knox : — Atitobiograpliy  of  Aral  Ilakuseki, 

said, — **  Such  conduct  in  these  times  is  extraordinary.  It 
IS  wortliy  of  the  ancients !"  And  he  recommended  Okajinia 
forthwith  and  told  everj'one  what  I  had  done. 

On  the  tenth  day  of  the  tenth  month  of  my  thirty-seventh 
year,  Koriki  lo  no  Kami  asked  Kinoshita  who  was  first 
among  his  followers,  adding  **  Toda  Nagato  no  Kami  sent 
me  to  ask."  (Now  Toda  was  chief  minister  of  Ixjrd  Kofu, 
the  Shogun's  heir.)  Kinoshita  replied,  Arai  of  course,  as 
you  know."  And  on  the  fifteenth  he  said  to  mc,  "  Koriki 
has  not  been  here  for  a  long  time.  Go  and  see  him."  So 
I  went  to  him  and  was  asked  many  questions.  On  tlic 
fifth  day  of  the  twelfth  month  Koriki  again  visited  Kino- 
shita, told  him  Toda's  views,  and  arranged  for  my  recom- 
mendation. However,  Kinoshita  thought  the  salary  too 
small  and  said  he  must  first  consult  with  me.  He 
cmie  to  me  that  night,  the  next  day  saw  K5riki  again, 
was  with  me  the  following  evening  when  I  gave  him  my 
answer,  and  on  the  morning  of  the  seventh  our  letter  was 
sent  in. 

The  first  offer  was  an  allowance  for  thirty  men,  but 
Kinoshita  refused  at  once  saying,"  Though  learning  can- 
not be  measured  by  the  pay  yet  the  world  judges  by  that. 
Some  of  my  pupils  who  are  inferior  to  Arai  get  more  than 
you  offer  him.  Iksides,  he  has  not  always  been  a  teacher 
but  has  twice  held  office  as  a  samurai  and  so  has  his  rank." 
So  Koriki  came  again  and  said,  "  You  are  right  and  we'll 
give  him  an  allowance  for  forty  men.  Let  him  take  that 
and  we  will  see  as  to  the  future.**  Kinoshita  would  not 
agree  even  then,  but  I  thought,  I^rd  Kofu  is  heir  and  so 
cannot  be  compared  with  other  princes.  If  I  now  refuse 
I  must  hereafter  refuse  all  offers  unless  the  salary  is  larg^er. 
We  do  not  know  our  fate,  and  I  will  accept.     Kinoshita 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hahiscki.  \  19 

thought  I  should  wait  a  while  before  answering  but  I  wish- 
ed to  reply  at  once  and  so  our  letter  was  sent. 

I  afterwards  heard  that  Hayashi,  Minister  of  Education, 
had  refused  the  place  for  his  disciples  and  that  Toda  heard 
of  me  and  wished  to  recommend  me  but  could  not,  as  I 
was  not  enrolled  among  Hayashi's  followers.  And  this 
was  the  reason  Tani  had  come  to  me.  A  follower  of 
Hayashi  got  the  place,  but  was  soon  given  other  employ- 
ment, and  then  my  engagement  followed. 

On  the  fifteenth  I  was  summoned  to  the  residence  of 
Lord  Kofu  and  going  on  the  morning  of  the  sixteenth  was 
made  his  retainer  by  Toda  and  the  other  ministers.  On 
the  eighteenth  I  met  my  lord,  and  began  my  lectures,  on 
the  twenty-second,  with  an  exposition  of  the  **  Great 
learning." 

At  the  beginning  of  the  new  year  my  lord  said  to  me, — 
"  I  have  thrice  read  the  *  Four  Classics,"  the  *'  Little  learn- 
ing "  and  the  Kin-shi-roku  (A  Cento  from  the  Ancients) ; 
but  still  do  not  fully  understand  the  Way  of  the  Sages. 
What  should  I  study  now?"  I  replied  in  substance  that 
the  four  great  scholars  teach  the  Ancient  Sages'  Way  for 
the  government  of  self  and  others,  and  must  be  our  teachers 
in  act  and  heart.  Great  government  and  great  laws  are 
set  forth  in  the  "  Five  Books  "  and  these  must  be  studied 
with  the  others.  You  have  still  time  and  with  diligence 
your  great  ability  will  .soon  be  apparent.  Let  us  begin 
with  the  Book  of  Odes  and  the  l^ook  of  Rites."  So  I 
expounded  the  former  and  Yoshida  (a  scholar  of  Hayashi's 
school)  the  latter,  in  daily  lectures. 

Toward  the  end  of  that  month  my  daughter  died  of  the 
small  pox  and  my  son  had  the  disease,  so  I  began  my  lec- 
tures on  the  thirteenth  of  the  second  month  and,  that  year, 


1 20  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  HakiisckL 

lectured  one  hundred  and  sixty  two  days,  finishing  on  the 
twentieth  of  the  eleventh  month.  I  illustrated  my  lectures 
with  sketches. 

The  next  year  I  lectured  upon  the  Hook  of  History  and 
as  we  still  had  time  left  each  day,  at  my  lord's  request,  we 
read  the  History-  of  China  by  ChQhi.  That  year  I  lectured 
seventy  one  days  and  ended  on  the  eleventh  day  of  the 
twelfth  month. 

The  following  year  I  began  the  Spring  and  Autumn,* 
using  the  great  commentaries,  and  Yoshida  lectured  on  the 
Hook  of  Changes.  For  six  years  I  lectured  on  the  Spring 
and  Autumn,  one  hundred  and  fifty  .seven  days  in  all,  and 
kept  on  with  Chuhi's  history  until  my  lord's  death,  t 

After  my  lecture  we  usually  went  to  another  room  and 
took  our  ease.  My  lord  would  ask  me  questions  about 
China  and  Japan  and  especially  as  to  the  history  of  the 
House  of  Tokugawa.  So,  at  his  request,  I  wrote  a  history 
of  all  the  daimyo  of  more  than  ten  thousand  kohi.  I 
would  first  make  an  outhne  and,  as  he  approved,  would  fill 
it  out,  making  careful  inquiry  of  the  different  daimyo.  I 
began  to  write  on  the  eleventh  of  the  seventh  month  and 
finished  in  the  tenth  month.  The  history  was  chiefly  oc- 
cupied with  the  events  of  the  eighty  years  from  1600  to 
1660.  It  relates  how  the  estates  of  337  daimyo  were  won, 
inherited,  augmented  or  decreased.  It  is  in  twenty  parts, 
one  part  introduction,  two  for  conclusion  and  index  and 
ten  for  the  Tokugawa  family.  I  wrote  tlie  preface  myself 
and  presented  it  to  the  Shogun,  the  eighteenth  March, 
1702.     He  named  it  Hankanpu. 


*  A  history  by  Confucius. 

t  The    work    is    in    500  vols.     'Hie    Five    Hooks  are  llie  five  classical 
Scriptures  of  the  Chinese. 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki,  1 2 1 

At  first  I  expounded  the  Book  of  Odes,  then  the  Four 
Classics  with  the  Book  of  Filial  Piety,  and  parts  of  the 
Book  of  Rites.  After  my  lord  became  Sho<jun  I  went  as 
his  messenger  to  Kydto,  and  when  the  Korean  embassy 
came  I  met  it.  Excepting  these  times,  nineteen  years 
were  given  to  learning  and  I  lectured  1299  times  before 
my  lord.  Others  also  lectured  occasionally  or  regularly, 
especially  on  the  Classics  and  thus  history  and  the  Classics 
were  studied  thoroughly.  I  have  heard  of  no  other  ruler 
so  fond  of  learning  in  China  or  Japan. 

In  the  end  of  the.  autumn  of  1695  my  lord  told  me  to 
make  a  list  of  the  books  he  should  read,  and,  with  Kino- 
shita's  help,  I  made  one,  naming  one  hundred  and  some 
tens  of  works.  In  the  twelfth  month  he  set  two  men  to 
cataloguing  his  other  books,  and  their  list  embraced  two 
hundred  works  in  Chinese  and  Japanese.  He  told  several 
of  us  to  put  our  own  mark  on  any  work  we  desired, 
but  each  so  deferred  to  the  others  that  very  few  were 
taken.  I  took  only  eleven  books  of  those  left  by  the 
others,  for  some  of  the  works  I  Ixad  and  others  I  thought 
more  useful  to  the  other  retainers.  But  my  lord  detained 
me  and  said,  **  Here  are  some  books  I  am  particularly 
fond  of.  I  send  them  to  your  son  ;"  and  he  gave  me  the 
Six  Classics.  The  next  New  Year's  day  I  made  a  special 
feast  for  Kinoshita,  showed  him  the  books  and  got  him  to 
write  an  introduction  for  them. 

The  fifth  October,  1698,  my  house  was  burnt  and  my  lord 
sent  me  fifty  gold  ryo  to  help  build  my  temporary  dwelling. 
Others  of  his  retainers  lost  their  dwellings  but  I  was  the 
only  one  thus  favored.  But  as  I  could  rebuild  with  my 
own  funds,  and  as  the  gift  would  be  lost  should  the  new 
house  bum,  I  determined  to  buy  something  with  the  money 


122  Kn(yx : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Ilakuscki, 

that  could  not  burn.  So  I  bought  a  suit  of  armour  and  a 
hehiict,  and  thus  showed  my  readiness  to  die  in  his  service. 
I  give  them,  with  the  sword  1  afterwards  received,  to  my 
eldest  son  that  my  descendants  may  know  my  purpose. 
Five  years  later,  December  1703,  my  house  again  burned, 
but  the  armour  and  hehnet  were  saved  and  I  have  tliem  yet. 

Kinoshita  died  the  twenty-fourth  December  1698  (aged 
J^i)  and  at  his  request  I  had  charge,  with  another  scholar, 
of  his  obsequies. 

Yearly,  when  the  lectures  began,  we  had  an  opening  cere- 
mony, and  the  courses  of  study  for  the  year  were  deter- 
mined. At  the  end  of  the  ceremony  I  was  always  given 
two  suits  of  clothes. 

lectures  began  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  first  month 
and  were  continued,  even  on  ordinary  festivals  days,  until 
the  end  of  the  twelfth  month,  being  interrupted  only  by 
very  great  events. 

When  I  became  feeble  my  lord  bade  me  come  in  the 
evening  during  the  hot  weather,  and  in  the  middle  of  the 
day  in  winter.  He  had  a  fire  box  set  between  us  and  an- 
other behind  me  when  the  weather  was  very  cold.  When 
it  rained  or  snowed  he  always  sent  a  servant  to  bid  me 
stay  at  home. 

He  wore  his  robes  of  cerembny  at  the  lectures  save  in 
summer  when  he  wore  his  unextended  robes  and  a  Itakafna,* 
He  did  not  sit  on  the  dais  but  on  the  mats,  nine  feet  from 
me.  Even  in  the  hottest  weather  he  did  not  use  his  fan, 
nor  brush  away  the  mosquitoes,  and  when  he  had  a  cold 
he  carefully  averted  his  head  when  he  blew  his  nose. 
Though  the  lecture  laiited  two  hours,  all  present  sat  im- 
movable throughout. 

*  The  skirt  worn  In*  sainumi. 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  HakusekL  1 2  3 

Spring  and  autumn  he  took  me  with  him  to  his  villa,  and 
gave  me  a  special  apartment  with  wine  and  tea.  •  Often  he 
asked  us  to  write  verse. 

My  lord  gave  me  costumes  at  the  four  seasons  and  at 
the  end  of  the  year  gifts  of  gold  and  silver ;  and  he  began 
this  before  he  became  Shogun.  When  he  moved  to  the 
Castle  he  sent  very  fine  silks  for  my  wife  and  children  in 
the  spring,  and  in  the  sunmier  fine  thin  silks  for  them,  with 
cakes.  He  often  sent  these  last,  and  this  became  the 
custom  and  was  continued  by  his  successor,  although  it 
was  done  for  no  one  else. 


THE  GREAT  EARTHQUAKE. 

On  the  thirtieth  of  December,  1703,  when  I  was  living  in 
Yushima,  Hongo,  at  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  I  was 
astonished  by  a  violent  movement  of  the  earth.  Ojiening 
my  eyes  I  seized  my  sword  and  rushed  out  as  the  slides 
about  my  room  and  those  about  the  house  fell.  Going 
to  the  rooms  of  my  wife  and  children,  I  found  them  gone. 
There  was  high  ground  at  the  back  of  my  house  which 
I  feared,  and  so  we  gathered  at  the  front  and  lAit  wooden 
slides  (doors)  under  us  lest  the  earth  should  open. 

There  I  left  my  family  while  I  put  on  my  robes  of 
ceremony  and  went  to  my  lord's,  taking  tliree  servants 
-with  me  and  leaving  the  others  with  my  wife.  We  went 
on  the  run.  I  feared  I  should  be  very  thirsty  and  had 
taken  out  some  medicine  and  put  it  on  one  side  while  I 
dressed,  but  disgracefully  forgot  it  as  I  ran  out  in  my  haste. 


1 24  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arat  Hakuseki, 

As  I  hurried  by  the  east  gate  of  Kanda  Myojin  there 
was  anotlicr  violent  shock.  All  the  merchants  left  their 
houses  and  gathered  in  the  plaza,  and  I  told  them  to  put 
out  the  lights  in  their  shops  for  fear  of  fire.  At  Megane 
bridge,  I  met  my  wife's  younger  brother  going  to  our 
place,  and  told  him  to. go  on  and  take  charge  there. 

Crossing  the  bridge  I  turned  south,  then  west,  then 
south  again,  and  by  the  light  of  the  moon  saw  a  man  on 
horseback  in  the  middle  of  the  street.  It  was  Fujieda, 
lord  of  Wakasa,  and  he  had  been  stopped  by  some  water 
whose  depth  he  did  not  know.  Followed  by  my  servants 
I  jumped  across  and  wet  my  feet  but  put  on  other  sandals 
and  went  on.  At  Kanda  bridge  there  was  another  terrible 
shock.  The  crash  of  houses  was  like  the  breaking  of 
chopsticks,  and  the  cries  of  men  mingled  with  the  noise. 
The  stones  of  the  castle  wall  fell  on  the  dogpath  with 
clouds  of  dust.  We  thought  the  bridge  would  fall,  and 
were  separated  from  the  bank  by  a  gap  of  three  or  four 
feet  which  we  jumped,  and  ran  into  the  gateway.  The 
boards  which  covered  the  plaster  on  the  houses  shook 
like  cloth  and  fell  with  a  crash. 

As  I  came  to  the  Tatsu-no-kuchi,  I  saw  fire  arising  in 
my  lord's  enclosure,  and  as  it  was  low  down  feared  the 
mansion  had  fallen.  So  I  was  greatly  troubled  and  my 
heart  rushed  ahead  at  such  a  pace  that  my  feet  seemed 
to  .stand  still. 

Going  a  quarter  of  a  mile  or  .so  I  heard  a  horse,  and 
looking  back  saw  I^^ujieda. — "  I  am  greatly  troubled  by  the 
fire,"  I  said,  '*  you  are  the  lord  of  Waka.sa  I  take  it." 
**  Yes,"  he  answered,  "  pardon  my  preceding  you."  At 
the  Hibiya  gate  the  guard  house  had  fallen  and  I  heard 
cries  of  the  dying.     A  little  further  on  was   Fujieda,  dis- 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki,  1 2  5 

mounted,  stopped  by  a  hill  of  tiles  fallen  from  the  guard 
house  of  the  Sakurada  gate  which  his  horse  could  not 
pass.  **  Please  come  with  me/'  I  said,  and  we  climbed 
over  and  went  in.  As  we  went  in  through  the  small  gate 
we  saw  that  the  guard  house  had  fallen  and  was  in  flames, 
and  that  the  mansion  still  stood ;  and  we  were  comforted. 

The  great  west  gate  stood  o\)^x\  though  the  guard  house 
had  fallen  and  Fujieda  passed  in,  but  I  said,  "  I'll  go 
through  the  small  west  gate  as  usual."  Ikit  the  buildings 
had  so  fallen  that  1  could  not  get  in,  and  I  again  met 
Fujieda  and  took  him  to  the  kitchen  entrance  where  we 
got  through  at  last.  The  ceiling  was  hanging  from  one 
comer  but  I  |>assed  through  and  went  to  my  usual  place 
near  my  lord's.  There  I  met  the  present  lord  of  Echizen, 
Zembo  Asson  and  asked  him  of  my  lord's  safety,  and  told 
him  1  had  ventured  to  come  without  waiting  to  be  sum- 
moned, and  we  went  to  my  lord's  apartment.  The  roof  of 
the  verandah  on  the  east,  was  covered  by  a  house  which 
had  fallen  on  it,  and  the  attendants  were  all  in  the  garden 
at  the  south,  and  they  told  us  that  my  lord  was  in  the 
garden  still  beyond.  Toda,  Koidc,  Inoue  and  others  were 
in  the  south  garden  and  we  consulted  with  Igarashi  who 
was  in  charge  of  the  apartments  and  took  out  some  ten 
mats  and  spreading  them  in  the  garden  all  sat  down. 

The  shaking  continued  and  the  hills  by  the  garden 
pond  fell,  making  the  broad  pond  narrow.  Sakae  Saemon- 
no-jo  Masatada  was  commanded  to  put  out  the  conflag- 
ration ;  and  indeed  w^ere  it  to  continue  we  should  all  have 
to  move  again. 

My  lord  was  dressed  in  hakaitia  with  an  outer  robe,  and 
as  he  went  to  the  south  of  his  ai)artment  he  .saw  and 
called    me.      I  went    to  him,   and    was   asked  about  past 


1 26  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki. 

earthquakes  and  then  he  went  to  his  apartment.  When 
day  dawned  he  said,  **  I  shall  go  to  the  office."  I  said 
in  the  ear  of  the  lord  of  Nagato,  **  With  these  severe 
shocks  continuing  is  that  wise?"  "No,"  he  replied,  **but 
I  could  not  venture  to  stop  him,"  and,  meanwhile,  he  was 
gone.  As  I  could  not  accompany  him  I  went  to  see 
the  fire. 

Many  bodies  had  been  pulled  from  the  ruins,  and  as 
the  wells  were  dry  there  was  no  water,  except  in  the 
pond  and  it  was  forbidden  to  use  that. 

The  lord  of  Oki  took  me  to  breakfast  to  Zenbo's  house. 
During  the  night  I  had  eaten  nothing  but  a  trifle  Dr. 
Sakamoto  had  given  me  from  his  sleeve,  which  I  had 
soaked  in  water,  and  I  was  very  hungry  and  ate  much 
and  drank  some  wi  le.  Going  away,  as  I  passed  the  house 
of  the  lord  of  Ichi,  I  was  invited  in  and  given  tea. 

When  I  heard  that  my  lord  was  returning  I  went  to 
meet  him,  and  went  back  across  the  gardens  with  him  and 
his  two  ministers  to  the  place  where  he  had  asked  me 
about  the  earthquakes.  He  said  that  the  crowds  reminded 
him  of  the  throngs  he  had  seen  in  his  youth  wlien  he 
went  to  Ueno  to  see  the  flowers. 

The  fire  was  put  out  at  last ;  and  at  one  o'clock  my 
lord  came  out  again  and  called  for  me  and  asked  about 
my  family.  I  told  him  I  had  heard  nothing  since  the 
previous  night  when  I  had  left  them.  Then  he  said, — 
**  When  I  went  to  my  villa  at  Yanaka,  I  was  told  that 
your  house  stands  at  the  foot  of  a  hill."  "  So  it  docs/'  I 
replied.  **This  shaking  may  continue  fur  days,"  he  said, 
and  if  there  is  another  shock  as  severe  as  last  night  you 
need  not  come  again.     Now  go  home." 

As    I    went    out    1   found   some  of  my  people.     Those 


Knox  : — Autobiof^raphy  of  Aral  Hakuscki.  1 27 

who  had  come  with  me  had  been  relieved  by  others,  and 
had  been  back  to  my  house  and  had  come  again ;  and 
their  report  that  all  was  well  removed  my  anxiety.  I  got 
home  at  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon. 

The  next  day  when  I  went  to  my  lord's,  I  found  that 
the  mansion  was  so  aslant  that  a  temporary  building  had 
been  set  up  on  the  eastern  ix)lo  ground  and  that  my 
lord  w^s  there. 

The  earthquakes  continued  and  I  feared  fire.  The 
plaster  had  fallca  off  my  storehouse  and  I  had  it  moistened 
and  put  on  again.  As  I  expected,  on  the  night  of  the 
sixth  there  was  a  fire.  I  put  all  my  valuables  in  the 
storehouse ;  but  as  I  feared  the  plaster  would  fall  off 
again  with  the  repeated  shocks  we  dug  a  big  hole,  and 
put  my  books  and  manuscripts  in  it,  covered  it  with  six 
mats  and  put  earih  on  top  and  fled.  The  neighboring 
houses  burned  and  when  we  returned  we  found  one  had 
fallen  across  our  hole  and  was  still  on  fire.  We  put  it  out 
and  pulled  away  the  timbers  They  had  displaced  the 
earth  and  one  of  the  mats  was  on  fire.  We  pulled  it  away 
and  put  it  out.  The  store  house  was  unharmed  ;  and  we 
laughed   at  our  misplaced  labour. 


PROMOTION. 

On  the  thirty-first  of  December,  1704,  my  lord  was  made 
the  heir  apparent.  I  hurried  with  my  congratulations  as 
SOCHI  as  I  heard  the  news.  All  passers  were  stopped  at 
Tatsu-no-guchi  because  of  the  preparations  for  his  removal 


1 28  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Ilakuscku 

to  the  western   castle.      Giving  my  name  and  business   I 
was  permitted  to  pass. 

At  my  lord's  mansion  I  met  a  crowd  of  officials  who 
had  come  to  accompany  him  ;  and  I  sought  out  Zembo 
Asson  who  was  eating.  I  sent  in  my  congratulations 
through  him  and  said,  as  he  finished  his  meal.  '*  Tell 
my  lord  that  I  have  nothing  to  add  to  my  instructions 
given  in  the  years  past.  Remember  them  and  it  will  be 
well  with  the  empire.  I  came  to  say  this."  Afterwards 
I  was  told  that  my  lord  replied. — **  Surely  I  shall  not 
forget  them.     Have  you  forgotten,  Zembo?" 

Then  I  remained  at  home  for  twenty  days  or  so  when 
a  man  .said  to  me,  **  All  Lord  Kofu's  retainers  have  been 
promoted  and  made  retainers  of  the  Heir  Apparent  ex- 
cepting ycui  and  me.  Others  sent  in  their  petitions  and 
I  shall  send  in  mine.  Join  me."  But  1  replied,  **  That 
him  we  served  so  long  has  reached  this  exalted  position 
is  enough.  I  ask  no  other  reward.  In  spite  of  my  worth- 
lessness  I  have  long  been  his  teacher  and  now  shall  do 
nothing  on  my  own  account  unless  summoned.  I  prefer 
to  ri.se  or  fall  in  accordance  with  the  precedents  and  for 
the  sake  of  the  empire.  Though  others  petition  yet  with 
these  views  I  cannot.  Thanks  for  your  infonnation  but 
I  cannot  act  with  you." 

After  one  day,  on  the  evening  of  the  twentieth,  I  was 
told  that  preparations  were  being  made  for  the  promotion 
of  .several  of  us  to  the    immediate   presence   of  the  Heir. 

The  twenty-first,  at  the  monkey  hour  (four  p.m.) 
Z'jmbo  came  for  me  and  I  uent  at  once.  Others  also 
had  been  detailed  for  our  reception,  there  were  seven  of 
us,  and  conducted  us  to  the  appointed  place  and  there 
three  nobles  met  us.     Zembo  and  Koide  gave  us  our  in- 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Ilakuseki.  1 29 

struction  from  the  ITcir  and  then  all  dej^arted,  I  only 
being  asked  to  remain.  I  was  told  who  were  my  supe- 
riors, what  would  be  my  duties  and  my  place  of  atten- 
dance. Koide  said  to  me,  **  Our  lord's  affairs  arc  now  the 
affairs  of  the  empire  and  we  alas  !  are  wanting  in  ability 
and  knowledge.  Do  not  fail  to  remonstrate  and  advise 
freely  for  we  depend  upon  your  great  learning."  This 
was  when  we  two  were  alone.  Alas !  Shortly  after  he 
died,  through  evil  fortune.  Zembo  came  to  me  after  the 
others  were  gone,  and  told  me  the  events  of  the  past 
weeks  and  when  my  lectures  should  begin  and  their  hours. 
I  went  home  an  hour  later.  (After  this  I  entered  my 
lord's  enclosure  by  the  middle  gate,  passed  her  grace's 
apartments  and  entered  my  lord's  private  rooms.) 

On  the  twenty-third  came  a  letter  bidding  me  to  the 
New  Year's  festival. 

The  next  day  I  went  to  the  castle  and  on  the  eleventh 
began  my  lectures,  and  continued  daily  as  before. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  September,  1705,  I  was  advanced 
one  grade  in  rank. 

The  next  year,  twenty-fifth  of  June,  1706,  I  was  given 
land,  timber  and  two  hundred  ryo  for  a  new  house,  and 
removed  to  it  on  the  second  of  September.  On  the  seventh 
of  the  same  month  I  was  permitted  to  go  to  the  castle 
by  the  private  gate  of  the  mapletree  hill  and  the  back 
entrance. 

When  my  lord's  child  was  born,  I  was  informed  with 
the  family  and  went  with  them  to  pay  my  respects. 

When  my  lord  heard  of  my  removal  he  gave  me  per- 
mission to  use  another  entrance  to  the  castle.  I  lived 
near  the  Pheasant  bridge  and  the  gate  was  a  small  one 
near  by.     On  the  last  day  of  the    month    I    was    invited 


1 30  K7tox : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuscki, 

to  the  **  No  '*  performance  in  the  castle  in  honor  of  the 
infant,  and  1  went  in  company  with  its  uncle,  the  younger 
brother  of  its  mother.  (This  child  lived  only  a  little 
while.) 

On  the  seventeenth  of  December,  1706, 1  was  summoned 
to  the  castle.  Tlie  night  before  there  had  been  an  earth- 
quake, that  morning  there  were  sounds  like  thunder, 
ashes  covered  the  ground  like  snow  and  a  thick  cloud 
in  the  south-west  flashed  like  lightning.  As  I  entered 
the  castle  the  ashes  covered  the  ground,  and  trees  and 
grass  were  white.  My  l(3rd  had  gone  to  the  palace  of 
the  Shogun  and  returned  at  the  sheep  hour  (two  p.m.). 
The  heavens  were  black  as  I  went  to  him  and  I  lectured 
by  candle  light.  The  ashes  ceased  fdling  in  the  dog 
hour,  (eight  p.  m.)  but  the  earth  continued  its  shaking 
and  roar.  On  the  nineteenth  again  the  heavens  were 
darkened,  tliere  were  thunderings  and  at  evening  ashes 
fell  in  abundance.  We  learned  that  day  that  Mt.  Fuji 
was  in  eruption.  Black  ashes  fell  constantly  until  the 
eleventh  of  January  (1708).  On  the  twentieth  it  snowed 
and  every  one  had  a  cold.  On  New  Year's  day  it  rained 
heavily.  (23  Jan.   1708). 

On  the  first  of  March  an  edict  commanded  the  removal 
of  the  ashes  from  the  base  of  Mt.  Fuji,  in  the  four  prov- 
inces of  Musashi,  Sagami,  Suruga  and  Mikawa ;  and  as 
the  expense  was  great,  a  tax  of  six  ?y3  per  hundred  koku 
of  land  was  laid  upon  each  daimyo. 

On  the  fifteenth  a  new  currency  called  "  toju  "  was  made. 
In  April  was  a  wonderful  fall  of  white  hair,  some  of  it 
coming  on  my  own  ground.  Folks  fiirther  reported 
many  wonderful  things,  but  I  put  down  only  what  I  saw. 

Toward  the  end  of  July  the  people  who  lived  near  my 


.  i 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Ilaknscki.  1 3 1 

house  were  compelled  to  move,  to  make  room  for  the 
erection  of  a  new  palace  at  the  north  of  the  castle. 

Near  the  end  of  September  a  law  was  issued  forbidding 
the  cutting  of  horses'  hair,  and  all,  both  those  led  and 
those  ridden,  soon  looked  like  beasts  from  the  wilderness. 

In  early  November  the  **  toju  "  were  issued. 

In  the  same  month  three  laws  for  the  protection  of 
birds  and  beasts  were  issued,  and  so  even  men  whose 
duty  it  was  to  ride   walked    instead  and  led  their  horses. 

Shopkeepers  disliked  the  **  tbju  "  and  would  not  take 
them,  so  the  government  conmiandcd  every  one  to  send 
in  his  promise  to  accept  them  at  once,  and  while  this 
work  was  still  incomplete  the  year  ended.* 

The  Shogun  was  ill,  and  my  lord  held  the  New  Year's 
reception  in  his  stead.  (loth  Feb.  1709)  I  was  ill  and 
remained  at  home.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  tenth  I  saw 
a  great  hurrying  to  and  fro  and  in  the  evening  was 
astonished  to  learn  that  the  Shogun  was  dead.  (20th 
February  1709). 


*  The  **/(^«"  were  inconvenient  in  .sliape  and  worth  only  three 
tenths  of  their  nominal  value.  The  jxiople  naturally  did  not  want  to  use 
them  and  very  severe  jienalties  were  threatened.  Tor  the  laws  al>out 
beasts  see  supra  p-3  intri».  The  new  mansion  was  llie  (inal  extravagance 
of  the  fifth  Shogun. 


►><— 


BOOK    II. 
ADVISER  TO  THE  SHOGUN. 


CHAPrrER    I. 

Tlir:  SHOGUN'S  TREASURY. 

On  the  tcntli  day  of  the  new  year  I  heard  of  the  Shogun's 
death  and  we  were  all  summoned,  for  the  next  day,  to 
the  western  castle.  I  took  a  confidential  communication 
for  the  Shogun  and  purposed  sending  it  to  my  lord  by 
Zembo  but  he  was  so  occupied  that  I  could  not  see  him 
and  I  sent  it  in  by  his  younger  brother,  Akihira.  I  had 
written  of  the  three  most  important  things  that  needed 
immediate  reform.  That  evening  rain  fell,  the  first  since 
the  second  December. 

I  went  daily  but  did  not  meet  Zembo  until  the  fifteenth 
when  I  asked  as  to  my  papers.  On  the  17th  the  "  toju  " 
were  recalled,  and  again  it  rained  all  night.  At  this  time 
the  removal  of  the  dwellings  from  the  north  of  the  castle 
was  likewise  stopped. 

On  the  nineteenth  the  Shogun  asked  me  about  the 
Gcmva-rci^  of  leyasu  and  I  went  home  and  wrote  an  ex- 
position of  it  and  before  I  had  started  the  next  day  was 
summoned  in  haste.  And  that  afternoon  as  I  intended 
to  go  home  the  Shogun  sent  for  me  again.  That  day 
the  decree  for  the  protection  of  birds  and  beasts  was 
rejxialed. 


*  The  Gt-imui-ici  is  a  colled  ion  of  laws  or  maxims  for  the  guidance 
of  ihe   Tokuj^awa  House,  supposed  to  have  been  formed  by  leyasu. 


Knox  : — AntohiograpJiy  of  Ami  Ifakuscki.  1 33 

The  funeral  rites  were  on  the  twenty-second.     They  had 

en  postponed  because  of  the  rain  which  fell  from  the 
7th  to  the  20th.  * 

Many  servants  of  the    late    Shogun  desired  to  become 

riests  at  his   death   and    Kippo   his   prime    minister    was 

old  to  select  eleven.     He    himself  wished    to    be    of  the 

umber  as  he  had  been  especially  favored  by  his  master  and 

ad  been   elevated   from    a   low    position    to    his    present 

nk.      The  Shogun  recognised  the  force  of  his  plea  but 

vould  not   grant   the    recjucst  as   it  did    not    accord    with 

sage  and  might  be  made  a  precedent.      Hut  Kippo   was 

old  that  he  might  resign,    give    his    honois    to    his    son 

nd    then    become   a  priest  if  he  so  wished  ;  and  this  he 

-^id.t 

On  the  1 8th  Hayashi,  Minister  of  I^ducation,  was  told 

"9.0  write  the  epitaph  for  the  late  .Shogun,  as  this  had  been 

"•he  duty  of  Hayashi's    house    for    generations    past.      So 

lie  wrote  it  and  on  the   19th  i)rescnlcd  it  with  his  j)roofs 

"that  it  accorded  with  the  precedents.     But  I  showed  the 

Shogun  that  it  was  badly    written,    mistakxii  and  not  ac- 


*  The  Classics  teach  that  llic  actions  of  statosmcn  inlUicncc  Heaven. 
"The  evil  laws  of  the  late  Shojjun  brought  Fuji's  eniplion,  carlh<iuakcs, 
^a,  and  drought ;  but  their  rci)eal  brouj^ht  the  lonj^cd  for  rain.  The 
iimeral  was  postponed  to  permit  the  rc|)eal,  for  the  Classics  say,  "Change 
not  your  father's  way  for  three  years,"  but  by  a  legal  fiction  while  the 
late  Shogun  was  unburied  he  was  not  dead  and  the  rcfxial  was  ix)ssible, 
as  his  act. 

t  During  ancient  times  certain  servants  were  buried  with  their 
lords,  but  later  images  were  substituted  for  the  men.  During  the  ages  of 
feudal  strife  the  custom  revived,  as  an  expres.sion  of  enthusiastic  loyalty 
and  love.  I^eading  samttrai  desired  the  honour.  The  custom  was  finally 
aholished  in  A.D.  1664.  ^^"t  the  ministers  and  confi<U'nlial  officials  gave  uj) 
office — and,  as  alwvp,  often  entered  monasteries  on  the  death  (»f  tlieir  lord 
— construing  literally  the  maxim — a  samurai  cannot  serve  two  masters. 


1 34  Knox : — Autobiography  oj  Ami  llakuscki, 

cording  to  precedent.  So  I  was  bidden  to  write  one  and 
mine  and  Hayashi's  were  sent  to  the  priest  in  Nikko 
who  judged  that  mine  was  right.  So  it  was  sent  to 
Hayashi  and  he  was  told  to  write  with  it  as  model,  and 
so  he  did. 

On  the  27th  I  sent  in  another  communication  to  the 
Shogun  : — **  leyasu  was  endowed  with  courage  and  wisdom 
and  won  the  Empire.  Moreover,  his  long  line  of  illus- 
trious ancestors  so  transmitted  their  virtues  to  him  that 
he  was  enabled  to  bequeath  the  ICmpire  to  his  heirs.  He 
had  many  children  and  while  some  died  young  four  be- 
came lords  of  great  provinces.  The  second  Shogun  had 
three  sons  but  after  the  trouble  of  the  lord  of  Suruga 
only  the  adopted  son  of  the  lord  c)f  Aidzu  was  left,  be- 
sides the  heir.  Two  sons  of  the  third  Shogun  became 
daimyo.  The  fourth  Shogun  had  no  son  but,  at  his 
death,  adopted  his  brother  as  his  heir.  He  had  a  son 
who  died  immediately  his  father  became  Shogun,  and  as 
there  was  no  other  son  Lord  Kofu  was  made  heir.  Thus 
twice  has  the  line  failed  and  twice  have  heirs  been 
adopted  since  the  third  Shogun,  surely  a  grievous  thing 
within  an  hundred  years  of  leyasu.  It  has  not  been 
without  its  cause. 

"  Now  that  your  Highness  has  become  Shogun  I  deeply 
feel  the  need  of  a  reform  in  the  government,  and  for  a 
renewed  connection  with  the  virtue  of  leyasu  for  Heaven 
has  taken  notice  of  the  evil.  However,  after  my  teaching 
for  so  many  years  I  need  not  dwell  on  this. 

But  one  thing  ^ihould  be  done  at  once,  lA:t  the  children 
of  the  Emperor  no  longer  be  forced  to  become  monks 
and  nuns  but  </ive  his  sons  establishments  and  let 
his  daughters   be    married.      Xobunaga  began    the    work 


Knox  : — Autobioi:;rapliy  of  Arai  Ilakuscki.  1 35 

of  restoring  the  state  of  the  Imperial  Family,  Hide- 
yoshi  continued  it  and  leyasu  completed  it  but  still  the 
Prince  Imjxirial  only  is  provided  with  an  establishment. 
The  others  are  left  as  before,  to  save  expense  as  other- 
wise the  family  mij^ht  become  too  numerous ;  and  to 
avoid  entanglinej  alliances  and  a  possible  revolt  against 
the  Tokugawa  rule.  Neither  reason  is  good.  The  Toku- 
gawa  Shogun  prepare  estates  for  their  children.  Even 
common  men  do  the  same  and  it  is  the  esjx:cial  wish  of 
men  of  rank.  Why  should  the  Kmpcror  only  be  for- 
bidden to  provide  for  his  own  ? 

**  The  expense  will  not  be  too  great  for  the  Empire  to 
sustain,  as  the  number  of  the  Emjx^ror's  family  is  or- 
dained by  Heaven  and  cannot  be  exceeded.  So  in  the 
Tokugawa  line  there  have  been  two  failures  in  an  hund- 
red years." 

"  Nor  is  there  danger  from  alliances.  When  as  in  the 
<jenji  and  Hojo  times  there  is  misgovernment,  though  the 
lEmperor's  sons  be  priests  th.y  may  leave  their  retire- 
xncnt  and  head  armies  like  Takakura-no-Miva  and  Dai- 
^o-no-Miya.  If  the  government  is  good  there  is  no  cause 
ibr  fear,  and  if  evil  there  is  no  escape  ;  so  let  us  stop  this 
3)ractice  and  set  up  establishments  for  the  sons,  and  marry 
the  daughters  to  the  members  of  the  Tokugawa  family." 

The  Shogun  listened  attentively  and  said  so  great  a 
proposal  needed  careful  thought.  Both  suggestions  were 
adopted. 

This  one  thing  I  did  for  the  .country  which  gave  me 
birth  and  whose  Imi)erial  favur  I   had  received.  * 

♦  Tlie  Shogun  in  this  acicd  ai;ain.st  ilic  .idvicc  of  the  officials.  lie 
cstal)lishe<l  the  family  of  Kan-in-no  niiya  and  from  this  branch  of  the 
ImiJerial  House  comes  the  present  I'lniiKior,  II.I.M.  Mutsuhito.  The  only 
time  the  advice  as  to  the  dauj:;hter.s  was  ftillowed  was  in  1861. 


136  Knox  : — y  lutobiograpJiy  of  Arai  Hahtseki. 

But  alas !  as  I  liad  feared  in  secret  my  lord  died  and 
the  line  was  broken  a<^ain,  though  the  present  Shogun, 
through  leyasu's  wise  plan,  continues  the  family  to  the 
blessing  of  the  lunpire. 

My  argument  was  very  long  and  gave  the  Chinese  and 
Japanese  precedents.  It  is  not  easy  reading  for  the  un- 
learned, and  I  have  put  down  here  only  its  brief  outline. 

I  also  urged  that  the  Shogun's  investiture  be  brought 
in  haste  from  Kyoto. 

On  the  14th  of  March  (1709)  I  was  called  to  the  castle 
and  told  the  following  by  Zembo  Asson  at  the  request  of 
the  Shogun  : — Since  the  funeral  as  the  ministers  have  been 
on  duty  in  turn  in  the  castle  this  has  been  the  topic  of 
their  discussion  viz. — Our  Lord  must  take  his  proper 
place  at  once  and  occupy  the  palace  of  the  Sh5gun  with- 
out delay.  Now  the  custom '.is  that  the  palace  of  the  late 
Shogun  be  destroyed  and  a  new  one  built  for  his  succes- 
sor.    But  the  treasury  is  bare  and  we  cannot  build. 

Under  the  late  Shogun,  Okubo,  Lord  of  Kaga,  was 
minister  of  finance  and  he  left  everything  to  Shigehide, 
Lord  of  Omi,  Kippo  Lord  of  Mino,  and  Shigetomi  Lord 
of  Tsushima,  Kaga  did  not  know  the  condition  of  the 
treasury  and  the  other  officials  were  still  more  ignorant. 
Everything  was  in  Shigehide's  hands  and  this  is  his 
statement  of  the  present  situation, — 

The  income  is  4,000,000  koku  of  rice  and  760,000  or 
770,000  gold  ryo.  40,000  ryo  were  from  the  Nagasaki 
customs  and  6,000  ryo  from  the  Kdo  sake  tax  .300,000 
ryo  go  for  salaries  and  the  remainder  is  for  all  else.  But 
last  year  the  expenditure  was  i  ,400,000  ryo  besides 
700,000  or  800,000  ryo  needed  for  the  new  palace  in 
Kyoto.     So  the  deficit  is  v^ery  large.     Even  were  the  late 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki,  137 

Shogun  still  alive  we  should  have  nothing,  but  now  we 
need  in  addition  money  for  the  elaborate  ceremonies  on 
the  forty-ninth  day  after  the  late  Shogun's  death,  for  the 
erection  of  the  mortuary  chapel,  for  the  Shogun's  new 
palace  and  for  the  ImjXirial  palace  in  Kyoto.  We  have 
only  370,000  ryb  in  all ;  of  this  240,000  ryo  is  the  balance 
of  the  400,000  ryo  collected  Tor  the  removal  of  the  ashes 
from  the  base  of  Mt.  Fuji.  This  balance  we  had  pur- 
posed to  use  in  the  erection  of  the  palace  to  the  north 
of  the  castle.  But  should  it  be  used  for  prcsent  needs  it 
will  not  meet  the  tenth  part  of  them. 

Kaga-no-Kami  was  astonished  at  this  statement  and 
found,  on  consultation  with  Shigehide  that  the  expendi- 
tures of  the  late  Shogun  were  twice  his  revenues  and  that 
the  treasury  was  thus  exhausted.  So  in  1695  the  gold 
and  silver  coinages  were  debased  and  that  year  and  tlie 
following  a  profit  was  made  of  5,000,000  ryo  and  so  the 
deficit  was  met.  But  all  was  used  in  the  expenditures 
entailed  by  the  earthquake  of  1703  and  the  deficit  re- 
appeared. So  in  August  1706  they  again  debased  the 
silver  and  yet  the  deficit  was  not  met.  So  last  year 
Tsushima-no-Kami  advised  the  debasing  of  the  copper 
coins  "  having  no  other  means  to  meet  the  deficit." 

As  Kaga-no-Kami  knew  nothing  of  all  this  the  other 
officials  simply  adopted  the  plans  of  Shigehide,  Omi-no- 
Kami.  The  Sh5gun  had  known  that  the  treasury  was 
bare  but  had  not  imagined  such  an  extremity.  He  can 
not  find  it  in  his  heart  to  debase  the  coinage  further  and 
desires  some  other  means  of  relief  But  Omi  -  no  -  Kami 
replies  to  him  ;  "  Though  blamed  for  debasing  the  coinage 
what  other  resource  remained  ?  How  else  could  the  govern- 
inent  have  been  carried  on  the  past  thirteen  years  and  the 


138  Knox : — Atttobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki, 

suffering  caused  by  the  earthquake  and  other  calainities 
hav^e  been  relieved  ?  Hereafter,  in  good  years  we  can 
easily  restore  the  value  of  the  coins.*'  And  all  the  officials 
agreed  with  him,  that  calamities  cannot  be  guarded  against 
and  that  Omi-no-Kami's  suggestion  is  the  only  one  pos- 
sible. But  the  Shogun  exclaimed, — "  Though  that  sounds 
reasonable  still  had  not  the  coinage  been  debased  perhaps 
the  calamities  had  not  come.  *  And  if  others  come  there 
will  be  no  remedy  remaining  and  the  Tokugawa  house  will 
end  with  me !  Why  then  should  I  torture  the  people  ? 
Find  some  other  remedy !  '*  When  the  Shdgun  said  this 
those  present  wept  bitterly  and  could  say  nothing,  until 
after  a  little  Akimoto  Tajima-no-Kami  said,  "  We  thank 
you  for  your  words  '*  and  all  withdrew.  The  Shogun 
tells  you  to  consider  this  subject  well  as  the  discussion 
affects  the  whole  Empire. 

As  I  listened  to  this  account  I  thought  of  the  funds  in 
Osaka  and  further  that  last  year's  revenue  must  be  still 
on  hand  as  only  the  funds  of  the  last  year  but  one  could 
be  used  for  current  needs.  But  on  inquiry  I  was  told  that 
all  was  gone.  In  leyasu's  time  thirty  great  gold  pieces  f 
had  been  made  and  stored  as  a  resource  for  need  in  time 
of  war ;  but  I  'was  told  that  only  one  or  two  remained. 
But  still  I  sent  this  answer  to  the  Sh5gun. — "  The  Book 
of  Changes  says,  "  When  things  are  at  the  worst  a  way 
appears."  And  now,  though  the  funds  are  gone  yet  the 
Empire  is  the  Shogun's.  Why  should  he  be  troubled.  I 
will  arrange  his  affairs." 


*  Again  the  theories  that  natures  evils  arc  punishments  for  misgov- 
ernment. 

t  These  were  stored  not  in  leyasu's  time  but  in  the  period  Manji' 
Each  contained  44  fnvan  700  nie. 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuscki.  1 39 

Before  this  occurred  I  had  another  matter  I  wished  to 
lay  before  the  Sh5gun,  and  so  that  ni^ht  I  wrote  and  on 
the  morrow  sent  him  two  papers  through  Zembo.  Their 
import  is  summed  up  in  the  words  of  Confucius  in  the 
analects  when  he  undertook  the  government ; — "  Be  careful 

and  so    use   truth :     Be   economical  and  so  cherish  men  : 

• 

employ  men  with  regard  for  the  times ;  "  and  in  the  Great 

Learning,    **  If  producers   are   many  and  consumers  few : 

If  users  use  slowly  and  workers  work  fast,  there  will  ever 

be  enough."      This    I    have  taught  so  thoroughly    in    the 

past  that  I  need   not   enlarge    upon  it  now,  but  if  we  act 

upon  it  the  treasury  will  be  full  in  a  few  years.     To  stop 

the   debasing   of  the   currency  is  to  confer  a  blessing  on 

the   people.     The   ceremonies   of  the    forty-ninth  day,  the 

erection  of  the  mortuary  chapel  and  the  investiture  must 

go    on    whether   there    is    money    or   not ;    but   were   the 

treasury  full,  it  would  not  accord  with  filial  piety  to  destroy 

the  old  palace   and   build    a   new  one  at  once.       Business 

can  be  carried  on  in  the  castle  and  let  the  Shogun  abide 

in  his  present  mansion.     By  and  by  when  there  is  money  a 

new  one  can  be  built. 

I  do  not  agree  with  Dmi-no-Kami  that  we  have  only 
370,000  ryo,  for  the  money  spent  last  year  was  collected 
the  year  before  and  we  have  760,000  ryo  of  last  year's 
taxes  still.  (Omi-no-Kami  had  reasons  of  his  own  for 
concealing  this.)  So  in  all  we  have  more  than  1,100,000 
-ryo.  Need  I  add,  that  things  required  at  once  may  be 
paid  for  later  on  ?  Pay  what  we  must,  postpone  what  we 
may,  say  a  half,  and  we  can  tlo  all.  Then  let  a  propor- 
tion of  the  late  Shogun's  debts  be  paid  each  year  till  all 
is  paid.  As  of  old  Feng  I  of  the  Later  I  Ian  dynasty 
said,  "  Let  the  nation  not  forget  the  attacks  of  the  northern 


1 40  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  HakusekL 

tribes,"  so  I  beg  that  our  condition  be  not  forgotten  but 
that  care  be  exercised ;  and  a  great  blessing  will  be  bes- 
towed upon  the  Empire. 

The  Shogun  was  greatly  pleased  with  my  counsel  and 
when  I  went  to  the  castle  on  the  sixth,  further  debasement 
of  the  coinage  and  the  destruction  of  the  late  Sh5gun*s 
palace  had  both  been  forbidden.  This  was  the  first  of  my 
being  consulted  on  affairs  of  state.  * 


SUNDRY  AFFAIRS  OF  STATE. 

On  the  twelfth  of  March  I  sent  in  a  memorial  to  the 
Shdgun  concerning  tlie  pardoning  of  criminals.  The  fol- 
lowing is  its  import : — Of  old  the  pardoning  power  was 
used  for  the  rectification  of  errors  or  for  the  relea.se  of 
those  whose  relatives  needed  their  aid ;  but  now  it  is  used 
indiscriminately,  for  those  whose  guilt  is  great  as  well  as 
for  those  whose  offence  was  small,  for  the  convicted  as  for 
those  still  unconvicted.  Relatives  i)etition  and  the  gov- 
ernors decide  and  then  summon  all  who  are  pardoned  to 
the  temples  and  there  set  them  free.  But  unless  there  is 
a  petition  even  those  who  deserve  pardon  are  kept  until 
death.  Besides  the  pardoning  is  in  Edo  only  and  thus 
prisoners    under   the   daimyo  and  hatamoto  get  nothing  ol 


*  **  After  my  i)Ctilion  ( )mi-no-Kaini  i>crMia(lcd  the  Shogun  to  build  the 
new  palace,  since  the  funds  were  so  unex|>ectetlly  large !  It  cost  more 
than  700,000  ryit  and  the  mortuary  chajjcl  cost  200,000  r\'d,  OfBcials 
great  and  small  thought  only  of  their  own  profit  and  merchants  and 
artizans  were  of  the  same  mind.  The  evils  of  the  late  reign  were  not 
thoro  ighly  reformed  and  now  they  l)egin  again." 


Kfwx : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuscki,  141 

"^lie  benefit.  It  is  not  a  great  forgiveness,  but  a  petty  fol- 
lowing of  ancient  precedents.  It  is  no  longer  as  of  old 
SI  blessing  to  the  people  through  pity. 

The  officials  of  the  late  Shdgun  were  intolerably  severe ; 
<br  a  bird  or  beast's  sake  a  man  was  put  to  death,  all 
tihc  family  suffered  with  the  criminal  and  no  one  could 
Idc  in  peace.  Even  when  not  imprisoned  parents  and 
ohildren  were  made  beggars.  Truly  the  people  suffered ! 
How  many  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  thus  suffered  I 
cio  not  know.  Relief  can  now  be  found  only  by  a  great 
I>ardoning  throughout  the  Empire.  * 

Precedents  show  however  that  such  release  of  prisoners, 
in  China  and  Japan,  has  been  at  times  of  revolution  or  of 
l>ublic  rejoicing,  not  as  now  at  the  death  of  a  ruler.  Do 
Ave  not  teach  criminals  to  desire  the  Shogun's  death  ? 
The  proverb  says,  "  One  blessing  cannot  conquer  ten 
thousand  curses." 

But  all  should  not  be  changed  at  once.  On  the  49tli 
X>ardon  according  to  the  usual  custom  and  later,  when  you 
src  invested,  make  a  general  pardoning  for  the  whole  Em- 
pire. As  I  Wu  said,  "  In  general  pardoning  is  some 
Teason  and  great  evil;"  and  Chu-ko  Liang  said,  '*  Let  the 
government  exhibit  great  virture  and  not  bestow  small 
£Lvors ;  "  and  Sun  Yueh  said,  "  Pardoning  is  for  extra- 
ordinary times :  it  is  not  the  rule.*'  When  the  Empire  is 
in  confusion  because  the  government  does  wrong  and  not 


*  Criminals  would  be  convicted  only  after  confession.  Torture  was  used 
%o  elicit  confessions,  but  many  were  kept  in  prison  a  life-time  unconvicted, 
t.heir  cases  not  being  decided.  The  pardon  in  j;  jwwer  was  intended  to 
»ight  soch  wrongs.  The  taking  to  temples  and  freeing  there  contains  a 
Viint  of  the  Buddhist  merit-making  by  Iniying  caged  birds  and  setting  them 
free  in  temple  grounds. 


142  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki, 

because  the  people  commit  crimes,  then  we  must  pardon. 

My  paper  was  discussed  and  further  particulars  were 
asked.  On  the  17th  my  daughter's  illness,  it  was  small 
pox,  kept  me  at  home.  On  the  20th  the  mother  of  the 
late  Shogun  died  and  a  messenger  brought  the  news.  On 
30th  the  decision  as  to  the  pardons  was  reached. 

The  Shogun  examined  the  records  of  imprisonments 
during  the  late  reign,  being  buried  from  night  until  morning 
with  the  reading,  and  released  956  persons.  On  the  death 
of  the  mother  of  his  predecessor  he  pardoned  92  others, 
and  the  daimyo  and  hatamoto  released,  throughout  the 
Empire,  3737.  When  he  was  invested,  8th  June  1709, 
he  pardoned  2901,  and  the  daimyo  div^A  hatamoto  1862  more. 
No  such  pardoning  had  been  known  since  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Tokugawa  regime.  * 

The  daimyo  did  not  agree  at  first  as  they  thought  there 
was  no  precedent,  so  I  was  commanded  to  write  out  the 
reasons  for  my  proposal.  And  from  this  time  the  Shogun 
examined  the  records  of  the  courts  himself  and  then  passed 
them  on  to  me,  when  I  wrote  my  opinion  and  sent  it  to 
him  and,  finally,  he  made  the  decision.  This  showed  a 
care  for  the  people  that  was  unparalleled. 

At  my  request  the  Shogun  forbade  gambling,  the  ex- 
tortions of  the  firemen,  street  walking  and  private  pros- 
titution. The  sons  of  the  members  of  the  Loyal  League 
were  pardoned  at  this  time :  actors  were  forbidden  to  wear 


*  "  This  year  measles  and  small  pox  were  epidemic  and  so  many  died 
that  the  fish  flew  over  only  a  house  or  so  in  a  distance  of  three  squares. 
My  second  daughter  and  one  of  my  sons  were  so  ill  that  the  doctor  could 
do  no  more,  but  they  got  well,  *by  the  help  of  Heaven*  the  doctor  said. 
Perhaps  he  was  right.  Tlie  Book  of  Changes  says, — '  Thunder,  rain,  then 
clear  weather.'     So  came  a  blessing  to  the  people." 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki.  143 

swords  and  to  associate  with  other  folks  :  the  wearing  of 
silk  crape,  the  visiting  of  temples  in  a  series  by  women, 
and  the  cutting  of  the  hair  of  beggars,  were  also  prohibited.* 

On  the  1st  of  April  the  decision  as  to  the  intimate  officials 
of  the  late  Shogun  was  announced :  all  hatamoto  of  more 
than  10,000  kohi  were  promoted  one  grade  and  the  ranks 
were  established.  The  women  of  the  late  Shogun  were 
sent  to  their  homes,  f 

On  the  nth  of  May  the  new  regime  was  formally 
instituted,  and  on  the  13th  730  sons  of  hatamoto  were 
summoned  to  the  Shogun  s  presence  and  presented  their 
congratulations  through  Zembo  Asson. 

On  the  28th  of  April  I  had  asked  that  my  son  might 
be  presented  and  the  Shogun  not  only  consented  but  pro- 
posed to  give  him  an  office  usually  bestowed  only  on  the 
sons  of  very  high  officials.  But  I  did  not  wish  precedents 
violated  in  my  favor  and  so  declined  this  very  great  and 
especial  honor,  and  my  son  was  given  the  same  office  with 
the  sons  of  other  officials  of  my  rank. 

On  the  6th  of  June  I  was  invited  to  attend  the  investiture 
with  the  officials  nearest  my  lord  and  was  loaned  then 
proper  robes.  At  the  ceremony,  the  8th  of  June,  I  stood 
nearest  the  Shogun.  I  was  also  present  at  the  ceremonies 
of  the  lOth  and  the  nth,  when  the  ambassador  of  the 
Emperor  from  Kyoto  was  received  and  dismissed.  And 
at  the  further  ceremonials  observed  throughout  my  lord's 

*  The  lioyal  League  avenged  the  death  of  their  lord  by  killing  his  foe, 
and  were  commanded  to  commit  hara-kiri  and  their  sons  were  punished. 
The  story  is  well  told  by  Milford  in  "  Tales  of  Old  Jaj^an."  'ITie  visiting 
of  the  temples  by  women  led  to  immorality. 

f  "  He  was  fond  of  women  and  called  in  any  one  who  took  his 
fancy,  afterwards  keeping  her  in  charge  of  Kip|X)  and  Terusada." 


1 44  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  HahisckL 

life  I  was  given  a  most  distinguished  position  near  his 
person.  This  honor  was  bestowed  because  of  my  minute 
knowledge  of  the   ceremonies. 

On  the  29th  of  July  I  sent  in  another  memorial  calling 
attention  to  the  condition  of  the  Shogun's  arms  and  stand- 
ards, which  had  been  so  neglected  during  the  many  years 
of  peace  that  they  were  useless.  The  Shogun  privately 
told  his  officials  to  make  the  needed  repairs  and  have  all 
in  readiness  for  the  festivals  of  the  next  two  years ;  and 
he  did  not  inspect  his  armoury  that  year  lest  shame  should 
be  cast  on  the  memory  of  his  predecessor. 

On  the  9th  of  August  the  Shogun's  son  was  bom  and 
called,  temporarily,  Serada  instead  of  Tokugawa,  accord- 
ing to  custom.  *  And  in  connection  with  this  birth  I 
told  the  Shogun  there  were  ten  things  I  questioned  in 
the  ordinary  account  of  his  family  line.  The  documents 
sustained  me  and  the  Shogun  was  much  impressed  with 
my  accurate  information.  I  had  stumbled  upon  certain  old 
books  and  letters  that  gave  much  information  while 
looking  up  my  own  family  line. 

On  the  25th  of  July  I  was  consulted  about  the  promotion 
of  Her  Grace  to  the  third  rank,  and  the  following  day 
the  honor  was  bestowed  on  her.  f 

On  the  5th  August  I  was  summoned  to  the  castle  but 
was  too  ill  to  go  until  the  1 3th.  That  day  I  was  greatly 
honoured   and    was   made   a   hatamoto  with   500  koku  of 


*  '''Ilie  year  was  an  unlucky  one,  and  children  Iwrn  in  such  a  year 
were  temix>rarily  disowned,  taking  some  oUier  family  name,  that  fate  might 
be  cheated." 

t  The  Shogun  varied  in  rank,  and  each  rank  from  9  to  i  had  two 
grades.  Only  three  in  all  history  had  the  higher  grade  of  i.  Yorilomo 
was  only  Sho-shi-i. 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuscki,  145 

J  snd  in  the  villages  Nara  and  Koshibata  in  Hiki  town 
.hip,  and  Nohira  in  Saitama  township,  province  of  Musa- 
ihi.  Later  in  connection  with  the  Korean  affair  I  was 
[iven  500  koku  of  land  more  and  my  title  was  Chikugo 
:m-io  Kami.      Finally  I  was  made  a  samurai  of  high  rank. 

I  have  written  elsewhere  of  my  interviews  with  the 
IRoman.  * 

.  My  lord  gave  me  permission  to  enter  the  castle  at  any 
^ime,  day  or  night,  by  any  of  the  eight  gates,  and  this 
in  spite  of  the  protest  of  his  council  that  such  permission 
"\Aras  unprecedented,  the  Shdgun  replying, — **  He  is  not 
like  the  other  officials." 

I  was  present  at  all  the  ceremonies,  the  Shogun  made 
:Kme  his  representative  at  the  coronation  of  the  Emperor 
^nd  entrusted  the  reception  of  the  Korean  embassy  to 
»Tie.  He  took  me  with  him  on  his  excursions  and  at  the 
:^easts  given  to  the  father  of  Her  Grace.  I  was  given  the 
Xionor  of  drafting  memorials  and  writing  explanations  on 
'^he  laws,  to  the  chagrin  of  Hayashi,  Minister  of  Education, 
^ince  these  duties  belonged  to  his  family  and  office. 
I£ut  he  was  incompetent. 

Murakami  Ichi  no  Kami  Masanoa  brought  a  stick  from 
UCyoto  a  foot  in  circumference  which  disclosed  in  its 
^rentre  the  characters,  ten-ka  (empire).  I  told  him  it  was 
j>art  of  a  persimmon  tree  and  he  asked  how  I  knew  that, 
adding  that  it  had  been  found  among  the  firewood  in  a 
temple,  and  had  been  sent  to  him  when  the  words  were 
^discovered.  So  I  told  him  that  old  books  narrate  how 
^%vords  written  on  the  bark  of  persimmon  trees  when 
;^roung,  grow  black  and  gradually  sink  into  the  wood. 
'  Jlhere   is    nothing    wonderful    in    it.      And    another    man 

'    ™ '         -        -       —  —     - 1  —  — 

*  For  his  interview  with  the  Abbe  Sidotti  see  trans. 


146         Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 

brought  a  paper  with  tenka  taifiei  (great  peace  to  the 
Empire)  written  on  it,  and  thought  it  the  work  of  a  spirit 
in  China !  But  I  told  him  that  the  paper  was  Japanese 
though  the  writing  was  like  that  of  a  spirit  **  What!" 
he  exclaimed,  **  have  you  seen  a  spirit's  writing  ?  *'  But 
I  told  him,  **  No,  it  is  merely  that  the  writing  on  this 
paper  resembles  a  man's  writing  much  as  a  horse  formed 
by  the  clouds  resembles  a  man's  drawing  of  the  animal. 
There  are  references,  in  ancient  books,  to  writings  by 
gods  and  demons,  but  such  beings  can  do  nothing  in 
these  times  of  peace.  This  writing  is  nothing."  When 
my  reply  was  repeated  to  the  Shdgun  he  remarked, 
"  His  discernment  is  wonderful !  The  words  were  written 
by  a  child  who  had  been  bewitched  by  a  fox."  After- 
wards when  more  wonders  were  found  growing  on  a 
stone  in  the  garden  nothing  was  said  to  me  about  it. 

My  lord  had  been  fond  of  the  "  «^ "  and  had  taken 
part  in  it,  but  I  opposed  it  and  told  him  that  the  em- 
peror of  China  who  was  fond  of  such  exhibitions  des- 
troyed the  Empire.  When  commanded  to  explain  in 
what  respect  the  "  «i; "  resembled  those  improper  Chinese 
dances,  I  wrote  out  my  reasons  and  sent  to  my  lord  fifty 
six  volumes  concerning  the  dances  in  China.  Some  argued 
that  as  leyasu  and  other  Shogun  took  part  in  these  plays 
so  might  our  lord ;  but  I  told  them  that  Confucius  said, 
**  Put  in  history  that  only  which  is  worthy  of  record," 
and  that  the  Tokugawa  shame  should  not  be  written 
in  its  history.  Hideyoshi  made  leyasu  dance  that  he 
might  be  humiliated  and  lemitsu  only  danced  before  leyasu 
his  grandfather.  After  my  lord  became  Shogun  he  occa- 
sionally saw  the  *' no''  but  he  never  invited  me. 

For    the    former  Shogun,   Hayashi   had  written  an  ac- 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki.  147 

count  of  the  immediate  ancestors  of  leyasu  and  it  was 
loaned  to  my  lord,  and  one  day  Zembo  Asson  read  aloud 
its  account  of  the  murder  of  the  father  of  leyasu,  and  of 
the  killing  of  the  assassin  by  the  by-standers  as  he  fled. 
And  the  Shogun  said  to  me,  **  It  says  leyasu's  father 
was  wounded  in  his  leg  ?  If  that  was  all  and  he  let  his 
assailant  escape  what  will  people  think  of  him  ?  Hayashi 
supposes  that  the  immediate  murder  was  shameful  and  so 
substitutes  this  wounding.  There  is  nothing  of  this 
wounding  in  the  leg  in  your  account.  Hayashi  does  not 
understand  the  true  samurai  spirit."  So  my  lord  bade 
me  write  this  history,  but  alas !  before  it  was  ready  he 
had  died.  * 


SOME  JUDICIAL  DECISIONS  AND  THE 
EMBASSY  TO  KYOTO. 

On  the  22nd  of  the  6th  nK)nth,  Zembo  Asson  told  me 
the  following : — 

Diiring  the  late  reign  there  was  a  quarrel  between  two 
temples  in  Nara.  The  decision  was  reached,  but  before  the 
seals  were  affixed  the  Shogun  died,  and  now  two  priests 
have  come  and  stated  their  case  anew,  saying  that  the 
fatlier   of  her    Grace  knows  all  about  it.     Tokyu-in  Saki 


*  "  Hayashi  asked  to  resign  when  my  lord  succeeded,  but  I  asked  him 
to  consider  what  a  disgrace  it  would  be  to  Hayashi  should  he  accept  the 
resignation.  It  is  true  he  was  Kippo's  creature,  and  wrote  the  petition 
which  got  Kai  for  him  and  so  his  own  promotion,  and  assisted  in  Kipix)'s 
schemes.  A  man  with  such  a  heart  should  not  l>e  entrusted  with  the 
guidance  and  instruction  of  others.  The  Sliogun  fully  ai^rced,  and  Hayashi*s 
resignation  was  not  accepted." 


148  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuscki. 

no  Kampuku,  Saki-hisa  had  two  sons,  the  elder  became 
chief  priest  of  the  Sonke,  Dai-sho-In  of  Ichi-jo-In,  and  the 
younger  the  general  Nobutada.  leyasu  was  a  great  friend 
of  the  father  and  going  from  Fushimi  to  Kyoto  slept  at 
his  house  and  had  much  talk  with  him.  Once  when  the 
elder  lad  was  eleven  leyasu  said  to  him,  "  I  have  been 
here  often  and  have  given  you  nothing.  What  will  you 
have?"  And  the  boy  replied,  *' Authority  and  means  to 
restore  our  parish  temple."  Remarkable !  said  leyasu.  The 
boy  became  a  student  in  the  temple,  rose  to  be  its  head 
and  restored  it.  When  leyasu  became  Shogun  he  did 
not  forget  his  promise  but  gave  much  land  to  the  temple 
"  for  the  advancement  of  learning."  But  as  he  added  no 
requirements  as  to  the  ability  of  the  incumbent  the  posi- 
tion became  merely  hereditary.  When  the  son  of  the 
Emperor  Gomidzu-no  became  head  of  this  temple  it  was 
still  farther  enriched. 

During  the  late  reign  the  chief  priest  was  installed 
during  a  convocation  on  the  sixth  day,  and  the  priests  of 
the  other  temple,  the  Dai-jo-In,  thought  their  chance  to 
get  the  privilege  of  preaching  before  the  Shogun,  with 
authority  over  the  order,  had  come,  as  their  chief  was 
brother  of  the  wife  of  the  then  Shogun.  So  after  much  con- 
sultation the  land  given  for  the  advancement  of  learning 
was  taken  from  the  first  temple  and  given  them,  but  before 
the  seals  were  affixed  the  Shogun  died.  Now  these  two 
priests  have  come  asking  that  the  grant  made  by  leyasu 
and  left  intact  for  generations  be  undisturbed.  The  whole 
was  in  the  writing  of  the  btigyo  and  the  Shdgun  sent  it 
on  to  me  with  orders  for  my  opinion.  His  own  was 
annexed.  I  took  all  home  with  me  and  the  next  day 
reported  as  follows : — 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki,  149 

I  have  not  yet  gone  fully  into  the  case  but  I  cannot 
believe  this  story.  When  leyasu  was  in  Fushimi  and 
went  thence  to  Kyoto  after  making  peace  in  Osaka,  this 
eldest  son,  so  the  records  show,  was  already  twentyfive 
or  twenty  six  years  old,  and  when  he  was  eleven  there 
was  war  between  Takeda  of  Kai  and  Hideyoshi,  and 
leyasu  had  no  leisure  or  opportunity  for  such  a  journey. 
The  story  is  false  and  therefore  I  cannot  agree  with 
your  judgment.  The  biigyo  of  the  late  Shogun  had  ample 
reasons  for  their  decision.  If  now  we  reverse  it  the 
quarrel  will  not  end  at  all,  but  will  break  out  between 
Hieisan  and  Midera.  Shokoku  claims  that  the  decision 
was  made  because  of  tlie  relatives  of  the  wife  of  the  late 
Shdgun,  but  if  we  reverse  it  we  shall  never  escape  the 
imputation  of  having  acted  for  the  sake  of  the  relatives 
of  your  wife.  If  you  will  leave  it  to  me  I  shall  do  my 
best.  I  do  not  return  the  papers  but  at  your  command 
will  write  another  decision. 

The  Shogun  sent  for  me,  assented  and  told  me  to 
follow  my  own  judgment.  I  finally  sent  in  two  volumes 
of  manuscript  on  the  affair  and  the  officials  of  both 
temples  were  called  and  examined.  The  representatives 
of  the  Ichi-j6-In  could  not  answer  me,  and  the  Shogun 
asked  if  I  could  not  suggest  a  peaceful  solution.  But 
these  men  pleaded  illness  and  so  obtained  leave  to  go 
home,  and  on  the  25th  of  the  ninth  month  the  Shogun 
gave  his  decision  and  both  parties  retired.  All  is  written 
in  full  elsewhere  and  I  give  only  an  abstract  here.  * 


*  The  representatives  died  of  chagrin.  It  was  proved  that  seals  and 
documents  had  been  forged.  Even  the  defeated  party  acquiesced  in  the 
final  decision.  The  head  of  the  defeated  l>arty  was  a  relative  of  the  wife 
of  the  Shogun. 


1 50  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki. 

Another  case  was  still  undecided  when  my  lord  became 
Shdgun.  It  concerned  the  rights  of  the  people  of  Yase 
on  the  Eisan  domain,  and  as  the  poor  folk  were  greatly 
inconvenienced  by  their  long  stay  in  Edo  he  bade  me 
decide  it.  The  villagers  had  long  been  in  the  habit  of 
cutting  wood  and  grass  on  this  land  in  spite  of  an 
ancient  prohibition,  but  recently  the  prohibition  had  been 
strictly  enforced  and  the  people  could  not  gain  a  liveli- 
hood. I  sent  the  Shogun  my  opinion,  but  he  decided  that 
the  previous  decision  could  not  be  reversed  though  there 
was  much  to  be  said  for  the  villagers.  So  he  proposed  that 
an  equivalent  should  be  given  them  in  land  elsewhere.  This 
was  done.  I  wrote  the  decision  in  Chinese  and  my  lord 
put  it  into  the  mixed  style  himself,  a  great  condescension. 

In  the  winter  I  was  in  Kyoto  I  climbed  Eisan  and 
returning  passed  through  this  village.  While  my  atten- 
dants made  my  lunch  ready  I  went  to  a  house  by  the 
wayside  and  talked  with  the  old  woman  in  charge. 
*'  My  son  is  in  Kyoto "  she  said  and  in  reply  to  my 
questions  : — **  The  prohibition  took  away  our  livelihood 
but,  now,  through  the  great  blessing  bestowed  upon  us 
we  feel  as  if  we  might  live.  We  do  not  understand 
farming  but  we  shall  learn." 

The  Shogun  asked  me  to  prepare  the  programme  for 
the  ceremonies  when  he  should  visit  the  Confucian  temple ; 
and  again,  I  wrote  an  account  of  the  ceremonies  to  be 
observed  in  the  worship  of  the  national  gods  according  to 
the  Shinto  rites. 

On  the  27th  of  September  I  was  appointed  messenger  to 
Kyoto  and  given  100  gold  ryo  for  my  expenses.  I  was 
told  to  start  after  meeting  the  Loo  Choo  ambassador  in 
October,  and  was  privately  told  to  return  in  December. 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki.  151 

On  the  31st  of  October  I  was  formally  appointed  repre- 
sentative of  the  Shogun  at  the  coronation  in  Kyoto,  and 
was  given  five  gold  pieces,  and  then,  being  called  before 
the  Shogun  was  given  two  sets  of  robes  and  one  suit  of 
outer  garments.  The  same  day  I  was  given  orders  for 
men  and  horses  for  my  journey.  On  the  7th  of  November 
five  pieces  of  rare  and  costly  silk  were  given  me  and  on 
the  13th  the  Shogun  sent  for  me,  as  I  was  to  start  on 
the  morrow,  and  with  his  own  hands  gave  me  a  medicine 
case  and  a  wallet. 

I  had  purposed  going  after  the  arrival  of  the  ambas- 
sador from  Loo  Choo,  but  he  was  detained  by  contrary 
winds  and  was  at  Otsu  when  I  entered  Kydto  on  the 
20th. 

I  saw  the  coronation  on  the  x  2th  of  December  and  soon 
after  was  told  to  delay  my  return  until  after  the  enthrone- 
ment, one  hundred  gold  ryo  additional  being  given  for  my 
expenses.  So  I  wisited  Csaka,  Nara  and  Uji,  and  returned 
to  Ky5to  on  the  6th  of  January. 

The  enthronement  was  on  New  Year's  day,  (30th 
January  17 10)  and  I  was  favored  with  a  near  view  of 
His  Majesty's  face. 

Hearing  that  the  Loo  Choo  embassy  was  at  Fushimi, 
on  its  return  I  went  to  the  Satsuma  mansion  there,  as  I 
had  been  asked,  and  met  the  two  sons  of  the  king  of 
Loo  Choo. 

I  left  Kyoto  on  the  19th  of  February  and  was  back  in 
Edo  on  March  2nd.  On  the  14th  I  was  summoned  to  tlie 
castle  and  was  commended  by  the  Shogun  in  person. 


L 


1 5  2  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 


THE  KOREAN  EMBASSY. 

After  I  had  been  made  a  samurai  of  rank  in  July  of 
this  year  I  was  bidden  to  arrange  for  the  reception,  enter- 
tainment and  farewell  of  the  Korean  embassy ;  and  on  the 
1 8th  of  September  was  told  to  meet  the  Koreans  at  Kawa- 
saki and  one  hundred  gold  ryo  were  given  for  my  ex- 
penses. Fourteen  gold  ryo  more  with  orders  for  men  and 
horses  were  added  afterwards. 

At  this  time  I  was  made  a  ftatamoto  with  the  title 
Chikugo-no-Kami  and  my  robes  and  all  things  necessary 
were  given  me  at  once,  having  been  prepared  at  the  special 
command  of  the  Shogun. 

On  December  seventh  I  went  to  Kawasaki  at  the  horse 
hour  (i2  m.)  and  met  the  ambassador  at  evening.  The 
next  morning  we  started  at  daybreak  and  came  to  our 
hotel  in  Asakusa  in  the  middle  of  the  sheep  hour  (3  p.m.). 
I  gave  the  necessary  instructions  to  the  people  and  in- 
formed the  Shogun  of  my  return.  On  the  next  day  was 
the  ceremony  attending  my  assumption  of  my  new  rank. 

On  December  20th  was  the  Koreans'  audience,  on  the 
23rd  was  their  feast,  on  the  24th  they  gave  an  exhibition 
of  horsemanship,  on  the  31st  was  the  farewell  and  on  Jan. 
8th  they  took  their  departure. 

I  have  written  a  full  account  of  all  this  elsewhere  but 
as  it  made  much  talk  I  set  down  an  outline  here. 

Our  relations  with  Korea  had  not  been  satisfactory  for 
an  hundred  years.  When  leyasu  came  into  power  he  sent 
an  embassy  to  Korea  but  as  the  Koreans  and  Chinese 
hated  us  because  of  Hideyoshi's  invasion,  they  sent  an 
embassy   in   return   only  after  a  year.      When  it  arrived 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Ann  Hakuseki.  1 5  3 

lyeyasu  was  engaged  in  war  and  there  was  no  time  to 
arrange  the  proper  ceremonies.  *  But  a  precedent  was  ' 
created  that  was  followed  for  generations  instead  of  the 
ancient  usage,  and  this  to  the  great  injury  of  our  honor. 
As  Confucius  teaches  that  ceremonies  are  formed  in  the 
course  of  an  hundred  years,  the  Sh5gun  f  decided  that 
this  usage  must  be  carefully  considered  and  reformed.  He 
consulted  with  Hayashi,  the  Minister  of  Education,  but  as 
his  response  was  not  satisfactory,  at  first  privately  and 
then  publicly  the  whole  affair  was  entrusted  to  me. 

The  question  of  title  was  the  most  serious  of  all.  From 
the  Kamakura  times  the  Koreans  had  called  the  Emperor, 
Son  of  Heaven,  and  the  Shogun,  King.  %  I'l  Hidetada's 
time  however  they  had  come  to  call  the  Sh5gun  Nippon- 
kohl  Taikniiy  (Great  lord  of  Japan)  a  title  objectionable  on 
two  grounds,  first,  because  taikiin  is  applied  to  officials 
in  Korea  and  second,  because  it  has  been  applied  to  the 
Emperor  in  both  China  and  Japan.  Contentions  arose 
about  this  and  it  was  decided  to  return  to  the  title  king, 
and  Tsushi ma-no-Kami  who  conducted  the  negotiations 
with  the  Koreans  was  commanded  to  inform  that  govern- 
ment.    This  he  neglected  to  do. 

It  was  also  decided  to  stop  the  Korean  custom  of 
sending  presents  and  letters  to  our  officials,  as  the  practice 
was  not  according  to  our  ways  nor  was  it  desired  by 
them  or  us. 

In  March  a  letter  came  from  the  Korean  officials  setting 
forth  their  ideas  but  we  did  not  follow  it.     We  changed  the 


*  leyasu  was  not  yet  sufficiently  secure  in  his  position  and   so   would 
not  meet  them. 

t  It  was  now  a  hundred  years  after  leyasu. 
J  Nippon  Tcnno  and  Nippon  Koku-o. 


1 54  K710X : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki. 

following  particulars ; — We  substituted  a  meal  of  four 
courses  for  the  great  feasts  of  fifteen  courses  morning  and 
night,  and  of  thirteen  at  noon,  which  had  been  given  them 
in  the  past.  They  had  been  entertained  more  elaborately 
than  the  Emperor  himself  and  it  was  a  heavy  tax  upon 
the  daimyo  whose  possessions  touched  the  route  of  the 
Koreans  and  who  were  obliged  to  furnish  the  feasts.  Our 
proposal  was  to  give  our  guests  the  same  treatment  ac- 
corded our  ambassador  in  Korea.  We  added  money  for 
their  other  expenses.  This  change  occasioned  no  debate, 
as  the  feasts  were  very  tedious  to  the  Koreans,  and  they 
preferred  the  money. 

We  next  insisted  that  they  should  cease  to  ride  into 
their  inns  in  their  palanquin  and  should  come  forth  from 
their  apartments  and  descend  to  the  courtyard  to  meet 
the  messengers  of  the  Shogun  and  bid  farewell  to  them. 
This  followed  ancient  precedent  and  the  conduct  of  our 
ambassador  in  Korea.  They  refused  compliance  and  the 
feasts  appointed  for  Osaka  could  not  be  given.  The 
Koreans  urged  recent  precedents  and  the  discussion  was 
very  great.  They  left. their  palanquin  and  entered  their  inns 
on  foot,  but  they  wholly  refused  to  meet  the  representative 
of  the  Shogun  on  the  lower  floor.  They  would  not  discuss 
the  matter  but  merely  said,  *'  We  were  told  to  follow 
precedent,"  so  Tsushima-no-Kami's  people  determined  to 
hold  the  Korean  men  at  arms  and  to  carry  the  ambassador 
below  by  force.  Then  the  Koreans  complied  with  our 
demand. 

Members  of  the  Council  of  State,  in  the  past,  had  met 
the  ambassador  at  his  successive  lodiiinLrs  with  salutations 
from  the  Shogun,  but  we  sent  lower  cjfficials  instead  of  the 
rank  of  those  whom  the   Kinci  of  Korea  would  send  to 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki.  1 5  5 

greet  the   Japanese   ambassador.      The  Koreans  accepted 
this  change. 

In  their  reception  at  Edo  the  following  changes  were 
made ; — Instead  of  the  secretary,  the  ambassador  himself 
must  present  his  credentials  to  the  Sh5gun  at  the  first 
audience.  The  ambassador  cannot  be  treated,  as  here  to 
fore,  as  of  equal  rank  with  our  Sanke  (the  three  Tokugawa 
houses  which  might  furnish  an  heir  to  the  Shogun  on  the 
failure  of  the  direct  line) ;  nor  shall  representatives  of  the 
Sanke  wait  upon  the  ambassador  at  the  feast.  That  is 
not  done  for  our  Emperor,  nor  does  it  accord  with  ancient 
precedent  nor  with  the  treatment  of  our  ambassador  in 
Korea.  This  last  occasioned  a  discussion  that  had  not 
terminated  when  the  hour  for  the  feast  came.  The  Shogun 
arrived  but  the  Korean  did  not  come.  The  officials  would 
have  yielded  rather  than  keep  the  Shogun  waiting, 
but  I  would  not  yield  and  finally  the  ambassador  gave 
way,  and  the  feast  proceeded  as  the  Shogun  had  directed. 

The  ambassador  objected  to  my  use  of  a  certain  ideo- 
graph in  our  formal  reply  to  their  communication,  because 
the  ideograph  occurred  in  the  name  of  the  seventh  ancestor 
of  tlieir  king.  They  insisted  that  the  word  be  mutilated. 
I  refused.  I  told  them  the  custom  applied  only  in  the 
relations  of  son  and  father,  and  of  vassal  and  lord,  and 
not  at  all  to  international  intercourse.  Besides,  the  rule 
applies  only  to  the  fifth  generation,  and  when  by  mutual 
.  agreement  the  rule  is  followed  in  international  relations  it 
never  applies  beyond  the  fifth  generation.  Why  should 
they  forget,  too,  the  precept  that  bids  men  never  to  do 
to  others  what  they  do  not  desire  for  themselves,  since  in 
their  letter  to  the  Shogun  they  had  used  an  ideograph 
which    was    part    of  the    Shogun's    father  s  name.     They 


1 5  6  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuscki. 

became  rude  in  their  replies  and  I  refused  to  continue  the 
discussion.  But  they  would  not  give  up,  and  went  to 
Tsushima-no-Kami  and  asked  him  to  mutilate  the  word 
privately,  as  otherwise  they  could  not  survive  their  return 
and  war  might  result.  So  I  was  again  asked  to  agree, 
but  I  replied  that  all  the  other  matters  were  trifles  com- 
pared with  this  and  that  I  would  die  first.  So  next  they 
went  to  the  Shogun  and  he  decided  that  the  ideograph 
should  be  mutilated,  on  condition  that  the  character  in  the 
Korean  letter  should  be  treated  likewise.  So  it  was  settled. 
In  all  this  our  countrymen  opposed  me  mc»re  than  the 
Koreans  themselves.  * 

The  officials  did  not  consider  the  Shogun's  commands 
but  only  my  affairs.  And  for  such  cause  men  of  old 
forsook  the  world  and  superior  men  did  not  delay.  So, 
without  waiting  a  day,  as  soon  as  the  Koreans  departed, 

*  **  At  Edo  the  Koreans  were  astonished  at  the  great  state  of  the 
Shogun  and  arrayed  themselves  in  their  great  robes  of  state  for  the 
audience." 

As  to  the  ideograph,  the  Koreans  would  not  return  to  Kor6a  with  it 
unchanged  and  Ilakuseki  would  kill  himself  were  it  changed ;  and  so  it 
was  that  the  Sh^un  interfered.  Tsushima-no-Kami  tried  to  bribe  Ilaku- 
seki, being  himself  in  Korean  pay,  but  Ilakuseki  cared  nothing  for  private 
gain  but  purposed  suicide  should  be  fail.  And  so  it  was  the  Shogun 
trusted  him. 

(Tlie  idea  in  mutilating  the  ideograph  was  this.  Confucius  says, 
Thou  shalt  not  lightly  use  thy  ruler's  name,  and  so  the  names  of  rulers 
were  never  written  in  full  but  were  mutilated,  written  and  pronounced  in 
part.  Nor  might  the  ideographs  comjwsing  them  be  used  in  other  words. 
Cf.  the  Jewish  usage  in  the  writing  of  God's  Name,  and  the  taboo  of 
Pacific  Islanders.) 

The  Korean  ambassador  was  put  to  death  on  his  return  homd  and 
none  other  came  afterwards. 

(It  is  said  that  Hakuseki  purjx)sed  to  kill  the  ambsssador  as  well  as 
himself.^ 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuscki.  157 

I  sent  in  my  resignation  to  the  Shognn  through  Zembo 
Asson. 

Zemb5  took  it  without  a  word  but  soon  summoned  me 
in  haste  at  the  command  of  the  Shogun.  I  did  not  know 
why  I  was  called  but  went  at  once  and  the  Shogun, 
with  Zembo  Asson  as  intermediary,  said ;— **  I  am  asto- 
nished at  your  action.  No  doubt  it  is  caused  by  the  talk 
that  goes  on.  Others  have  criticized  your  course  from 
the  beginning  and  I  know  the  source  of  their  remarks. 
International  intercourse  either  benefits  or  injures  both 
countries  and  is  of  great  importance.  As  your  ideas 
pleased  me  I  entrusted  all  to  you  and  you  had  your  (5wn 
way  in  spite  of  the  protests  of  the  ambassador.  At  the 
last  this  matter  of  the  writing  unexpectedly  came  up,  but 
even  then  I  told  Zembo  Asson  that  I  had  left  all  to  you 
and  that  you  would  make  no  mistake.  I  did  not  wish  to 
lose  all  we  had  gained  because  of  this  one  point.  As 
the  Buddhists  say,  *  One  form,  two  bodies,*  and  this  ap- 
plies to  you  and  me.  And  I  added  to  Zembo,  Chikugo 
no  Kami's  errors  are  mine  and  mine  are  his,  see  that  you 
do  not  blame  him  but  act  with  him  in  all  things,  and  it 
will  be  as  I  wish.  I  have  nothing  more  to  say.  I  am 
sorry  this  has  occurred,  but  if  he  resign  now  folks  will 
think  all  has  been  wrong  and  everything  will  be  undone. 
It  touches  not  him  only  but  me  also.  So  include  me  in 
whatever  you  think  of  him  and  lead  him  to  give  up  his 
purpose." 

I  wept  as  he  spoke  of  "  one  form  and  two  bodies  ' 
and  accepted  his  decision  without  a  word. 

On  the  9th  of  January  (17 10)  I  was  again  summoned  to 

^  the  castle,  and  going  on  the   loth  Zembo  Asson  told  me 

that  the  Shogun  bade  me  listen,  and  not  decline  his  gift. 


158  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki. 

Then  Kaga  no  Kami  Tadamasa  told  me  that  my  domains 
were  increased  and  Zembo  Asson  said; — This  is  only  a 
trifle,  a  remembrancer,  for  the  Sh5gun  knows  you  would 
not  accept  gifts  that  should  accord  with  your  merits." 
His  wisdom  was  great.  I  had  done  nothing  but  I  yielded 
to  his  desire  and  accepted  his  gift. 

We  should  examine  all  we  see  or  hear,  that  we  may 
know  its  history  and  reason.  Such  investigations  were 
called  "science'*  by  the  ancients,  and  I  have  found  greal 
advantage  in  following  this  rule  even  in  seeming  trifles. 
For  example,  when  a  child  I  read  an  account  of  house 
construction  which  excited  my  curiosity,  and  I  pursued 
the  studies  especially  in  regard  to  the  ancient  forms  oi 
gateways,  and  this  enabled  me  to  speak  with  authority 
when  the  new  gate  into  the  castle  was  built  just  before 
the  coming  of  the  embassy.  So  too,  our  letters  in  reply 
to  Korean  communications  of  late  had  been  sent  in  silver 
boxes  with  gold  rings  and  red  silk  cords,  but  when  the 
Shogun  asked  if  we  should  use  such  an  one  this  time  I 
recalled  an  ancient  box  of  quite  another  pattern  which  I 
had  seen  in  Kyoto  and  we  imitated  that.  Again  Tsu- 
shima no  Kami  had  the  entrances  to  the  inns  in  Osaka 
and  Kyoto  hung  with  curtains  and  arranged  seats  in  a 
certain  way,  but  in  Edo  we  had  all  si)ecially  made  for 
the  occasion  and  the  Emperor's  representative  from 
Kyoto  highly  praised  them.  And  once  more,  when 
ordered  to  meet  the  ambassador  at  Kawasaki  I  gave 
careful  thought  to  my  dress  and  remembered  the  detaih 
of  similar  occasions  in  ancient  times.  So  I  decided  thai 
ordinary  robes  would  not  do  and  obtained  an  appropriate 
costume  from  the  Shdgun.  My  hat  had  a  colored  rim 
my  robe  was  purple,  its  skirt    was    drawn    together,  ant 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arm  Hahiscki.  1 59 

my  sword  had  silver  ornaments.  I  put  shoes  in  my 
palanquin,  and  when  the  ambassador  met  me  at  the  gate 
of  the  inn  I  put  them  on  and  left  my  palanquin.  But 
only  men  who  understand  our  national  institutions  and  the 
ceremonies  of  the  Shogun's  court  can  discuss  these  things. 

I  add  several  items  to  this  account  of  the  Korean  em- 
bassy ;-^When  I  went  to  Kyoto  early  in  the  year  as  I 
passed  through  Ogaki,  in  Mino,  there  were  notices  af- 
fixed to  the  houses  along  the  way,  saying  that  an  inch 
from  one  housefront,  a  foot  from  another  and  six  feet 
from  a  third  and  so  on,  be  taken  off.  Asking  the  reason 
I  was  told  that  Tsushima  no  Kami  had  commanded  it 
so  that  the  street  might  permit  the  passage  of  the  broad 
banners  of  the  Koreans.  Asking  further  if  this  was  their 
first  passage  along  this  route  I  was  told  they  always 
came  this  way.  So  when  in  Kyoto  I  wrote  the  Shogun 
asking  that  the  thing  be  stopped  and  he  so  ordered.  It 
was  simply  a  plan  for  extorting  money. 

Now  it  had  always  been  the  custom  for  the  daimyb 
to  furnish  horses  and  men  for  the  use  of  the  embassy 
on  route,  the  eastern  daimyb  providing  for  the  western 
section  of  the  journey,  and  the  western  daiinyo  for 
the  eastern,  and  each  daiviyo  for  just  one  day's  travel. 
But  this  time  the  western  daiwyo  arranged  for  the  west 
and  the  eastern  for  the  east,  and  each  daitnyo  for  two 
days,  thus  reducing  the  number  of  daiviyo  called  upon 
and  the  number  of  horses  and  men  required  by  more 
than  half.  Daimyo  who  were  too  distant  or  two  poor 
were  excused  altogether.  *     When  the  Shogun  told  me  to 


*  It  was  part  of  the  Tokugawa  j)<)licy  to  weaken  the  daimyo  by 
exactions,  and  so  this  duty  had  l)ecn  arranged  so  as  to  require  the  greatest 
expense  and  the  least  real  service. 


1 60  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki, 

arrange  this  service  he    was    surprised    when    I    had    the 
plans  all  ready  the  next  morning. 

At  the  feast  in  Suruga  the  principal  members  of  the 
embassy  were,  heretofore,  waited  upon  by  nobles,  but 
I  objected  as  this  gave  double  duty  to  these  lords  who 
already  were  burdened  by  the  feasts  and  relays  of  horses 
and  rlien.  furnished.  Besides,  on  my  journey  to  Kyoto  I 
had  noticed  the  particularly  fine  appearance  of  the  people 
of  this  province,  caused  by  the  long  residence  there  of 
leyasu.  So  I  proposed  that  this  duty  be  entrusted  to  the 
sons  of  merchants,  who  also  would  perform  it  better  than 
rural  samurai.     It  was  so  arranged. 


THE  BURDENS  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

The  29th  of  July  (1710)  was  an  extraordinary  event, — 
four  thousand  one  hundred  and  sixteen  men  from  eighty 
five  villages  on  the  fief  of  Murakami,  Echigo-no-Kami,  pre- 
sented charges  of  misgovernment.  The  magistrate  decided 
to  punish  severely  the  petitioners,  but  the  Shogun  bade  me 
look  into  the  case.  The  magistrate's  statement  was  as 
follows : — "  When,  last  year,  Matsudaira,  Uky5-no-Taiyu 
Terasada,  received   this   fief  certain  of  the  farmers  asked 

In  all  of  these  negotiations  with  the  Koreans  it  was  Ilakuseki's  pur- 
pose to  force  a  recognition  of  the  Shogun  as  the  full  equal  of  the  Korean 
king,  and  to  refuse  to  allow  the  Shogun  to  be  treated  as  the  Minister  or 
lieutenant  of  the  Mikado.  His  contention  as  to  the  mutilation  of  the 
ideograph  in  the  dispatch  puts  that  in  the  clearest  light,  especially  his 
reference  to  the  use  of  the  character  which  occurred  in  the  name  of  the 
Shdgun's  father  in  the  Korean  dispatch.. 


Kfiox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Ilakuscki.  1 6 1 

"t^o  be  taken  under  the  immediate  government  of  the  Sho- 
^un.  When  the  request  was  refused  they  went  home  but 
the  people  of  their  villages  refused  to  pay  taxes  and  to 
obey  the  local  officials.  So  more  than  fifty  of  the  leading 
men  were  brought  to  Edo  and  here  repeated  the  same 
request.  Though  repeatedly  told  that  it  cannot  be  granted 
they  refuse  to  listen  to  us.  Now  shall  we  inquire  further 
or  shall  we  punish  these  men  at  once,  and  send  officers 
to  command  all  the  rest  to  submit  to  their  daimyo  under 
the  penalties  of  death,  banishment  and  confiscation  of  their 
estates  ? "  This  was  the  statement  that  was  sent  to  me 
and  with  it  letters  written  by  the  deputy  of  that  province. 

On  examination,  however,  I  found  that  the  deputy  had 
only  rumors  without  proof  for  the  charges  he  made,  viz. 
that  all  the  people  had  bound  themselves  with  oaths  that 
if  the  fifty-eight  men  in  VAo  were  put  to  death  one 
hundred  men  more  should  go  to  Edo  with  a  like  jxitition, 
and  if  these  should  suffer  then  all  the  people  would  follow 
them ;  that  these  folks  look  upon  officials  as  enemies 
and  liave  sold  and  sent  off  in  boats  the  grain  and  grass 
which  they  should  pay  as  taxes ;  that  they  are  deaf  to 
the  remonstrances  of  the  local  officials,  with  many  other 
things  of  the  same  sort.  (It  was  said  that  the  people 
purposed  insurrection,  with  their  priest  as  leader,  but  this 
charge  was  not  in  the  documents.) 

I  sent  in  my  opinion  the  next  day,  and  this  is  its  out- 
line : — '*  I  have  examined  the  papers.  As  these  people 
cannot  appeal  to  their  dainiyb  they  must  appeal  to  the 
Shogun.  They  have  committed  the  slight  offence  of  not 
obeying  the  deputy;  but  on  mere  rumour,  the  magistrate 
adds  the  serious  charge  of  rebellion  and  proposes  the  most 
grievous   punishment,    a    course   surely    not    befitting    the 


1 62  Knox : — Atitobiography  of  Aral  Haknseki. 

*  parents  of  the  people.'  Did  they  purpose  rebellion  they 
would  not  sell  their  grain  but  would  buy  more,  and  did 
they  purpose  rebellion  without  preparation  it  were  a  small 
matter.  But  these  farmers  who  desire  to  become  the  im- 
mediate tenants  of  the  Shogun  do  not  purpose  rebellion, 
but  seek  redress  for  evils  that  are  unendurable.  I  will 
be  the  surety  that  their  intentions  are  not  evil.  The  matter 
has  been  left  to  officials  who  hate  the  people  and  are 
hated  by  them,  and  so  the  truth  is  not  discovered.  For- 
tunately this  paper  suggests  further  investigation.  Let  it 
be  made  by  men  good  natured  and  merciful." 

So  the  men  proposed  by  the  magistrate  were  passed  by, 
and  three  other  men  were  told  to  make  an  examination. 

It  proved  that  the  petition  was  not  caused  by  Echigo- 
no-Kami  Murakami  at  all.  Sixty  years  before  Matsudaira 
Yamato  no-Kami  received  the  Murakami  castle  and  forty 
thousand  kokii  of  land  in  Mishima  and  Kambara  townships. 

The  year  before  last  Honda  Nakatsukasa  Taiyu  Tadanaga 
got  the  castle  and  twenty  thousand  koku  of  the  land,  the 
other  half  becoming  part  of  the  Shdgun's  estate.  *  But  a 
part  of  Honda's  domain  was  from  fifty  to  seventy  miles 
from  his  castle,  and  there  were  two  big  rivers  and  the 
Shinano  river  between.  The  large  embankments  were  con- 
stantly out  of  repair  and  were  very  costly  to  mend.  Besides, 
in  the  original  fief  were  ten  establishments  of  officials,  and 
eight  were  left  on  the  moiety  which  remained  with  Honda. 
So  the  farmers  petitioned  to  become  tenants  of  the  Sho- 
gun   instead   of  the    farmers    who   lived   near   the  castle. 


*  Tlie  former  Shoguii  changed  alx)ut  the  weaker  daimyo  at  his  pleasure 
taking  valuable  lands  for  his  own  and  giving  others  of  nominally  the  same 
in  exchange.  Naturally  the  daimyo  made  up  their  losses  by  increasing 
taxation. 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Ilakuscki.  163 

But  the  deputy  would  not  consent.      So  three  men  were 
chosen    by    the    farmers    to    lay    the    matter   before    the 
magistrate  but  nothing  came  of  it.       Next   they   thrust  a 
petition    into  Kawachi-no-Kami   Masamine's,  palanquin  as 
he  passed  along  the  highway.      The    magistrate   resented 
that  and  imprisoned  the  men.      Shortly   after,    Murakami 
became  daimyo  and  the  magistrate  released  the  men  and 
told  them : — **  With  a  new  daimyo  there  is  no  reason  for 
your  petition.      Go  home  at  once."     So  they  went  home 
joyfully,    supposing  they   had  gained  their  cause,  and  all 
the  farmers  rejoiced.     But  there  was  no  change  made.     As 
they  did  not  understand  this,  the  three  representatives  again 
appeared,  but  were  put  in  prison  with  their  fathers,  brothers 
and  sons:  and  there  two  of  the   party   died.      No  judg- 
ment was  given,  and  as  the  farmers  did  not  know  where 
to  pay  their  taxes  they  did  not  pay   them   at   all.      The 
situation  became    unendurable.      In    March    of  this    year 
(17 10)  the   magistrate    sent   for   fifty-eight  of  the  leading 
farmers.     Now  the  commissioners  decide  that  the  farmers 
are  in  the  right,  but  fear  to  decide  in  their  favor  lest  an 
unfortunate  precedent  be  created,  and  the  authority  of  the 
magistrate  be  destroyed.     So  they  command  obedience  at 
all  costs. 

But  the  men  declared  that  the  families  would  be  beg- 
gared and  scattered  by  the  local  officials  if  no  change 
were  made.  **  Let  twenty  or  thirty  of  us  go  home  and 
consult  with  the  people"  they  went  on,  **and  then  we 
will  reply.*'  Most  of  the  officials  wished  to  refuse  consent 
and  the  Shogun  again  asked  my  opinion.  I  replied,  **  The 
proverb  about  setting  a  tiger  free  upon  a  plain  has  its 
application,  but  not  in  this  case.  No  trouble  will  arise 
from  this  visit  and  if  it  is  not  made,  how  shall  the  villagers 


1 64  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Haktiseki. 

know  of  your  sympathy?  Moreover,  the  complaints  against 
the  local  officials  must  have  attention."  So  thirty  two  of 
the  men  went  home,  and  in  the  middle  of  September  came 
again  with  the  local  officials,  who  were  to  be  examined 
by  the  three  commisioncrs.  In  October  came  another 
report  from  the  local  deputy,  saying  that  the  farmers  had 
constantly  met  for  debate,  since  the  return  of  the  thirty 
two  men  and  that  their  grain  had  bei*n  garnered.  Im- 
mediately twelve  men  came  from  the  farmers  to  the  Shogun 
to  thank  him  for  his  kindness.  There  was  a  further  ex- 
amination of  both  sides,  and  the  officials  had  no  defence. 
For  example,  during  the  previous  year,  in  a  space  of  eighty 
days  they  had  taken  nine  hundred  and  fifty  7'yd  from  the 
farmers  for  the  expenses  of  two  deputies.  It  was  without 
excuse  and  this  was  only  one  thing  out  of  many.  And 
the  reports  about  selling  grain  were  false. 

The  Shogun's  decision  was  given  on  the  22nd  of  Decem- 
ber. It  left  the  land  with  Murakanu',  forbade  such  practices 
by  the  local  officials  and  redress.ed  the  farmer's  grievances. 
On  the  1 3th  of  February  the  farmers  paid  their  taxes  for 
the  two  previous  years. 

At  tlie  end  of  the  year  a  conflagration  started  near 
Shinobazu  pond.  A  strong  wind  from  the  north  west 
was  blowing,  and  more  than  ten  thousand  houses  were 
burned.  There  have  been  many  such  great  conflagrations, 
and  in  some  of  the  wards  the  houses  liave  been  burned  tens 
of  times.  Men  cannot  live  in  peace,  prices  rise  and  the  evil 
spreads  far.  I,  with  some  of  the  officials,  was  asked  how 
such  fires  should  be  prevented.  I  named  fifteen  causes 
for  them,  four  of  Heaven's  decree,  two  of  the  forces  of 
the  earth,  four  of  men,  and  five  of  the  want  of  efficient 
ne.ins  for  extinguishing  them  when  started.     The  causes 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuscki,  1 65 

set  forth  by  the  firemen  and  magistrates  were  not  sufficient 
to  account  completely  for  the  fires.  All  recommended  the 
enlargement  of  the  wall  in  Shirokanecho  and  this  was 
done.  I  differed  from  the  others  even  as  to  the  plans 
for  this,  but  the  Shogun  died  before  my  recommendation 
could  be  adopted. 

The  next  year  I  was  sent  to  meet  the  Hollanders  to 
inquire  as  to  the  lands  to  the  south  and  west ;  and  I  was 
with  the  men  fourteen  days.  I  have  written  a  full  account 
of  it  elsewhere. 

In  another  paper  I  called  attcnion  to  the  heavy  burdens 
laid  upon  the  people,  during  the  late  Shdgun's  rule,  because 
of  the  increase  in  the  value  of  the  gifts  to  the  Shoguns 
and  his  officials,  from  the  daimyo  and  hatamoto.  The 
people  greatly  suffer  as  the  result.  Let  us  return  to  the 
standard  established  by  leyasu.  After  his  war  the  taxes 
were  lightened,  as  war  taxes  cannot  be  paid  in  times  of 
peace.  But  they  have  been  increased  again,  beyond  the 
times  of  war.  That  is  monstrous,  l^oth  in  foreign  lands 
and  here  in  Japan,  rebellions  have  always  arisen  because  of 
too  heavy  taxation,  while  in  good  times  the  people  are 
aided,  instructed,  enriched  and  made  virtuous,  as  the 
Classics  teach;  If  this  matter  is  neglected  none  other  plan 
can  be  carried  out.  The  most  imperative  duty  now  is 
the  lessening  of  the  burdens  of  the  people.  Reduce  the 
retinues  the  daimyo  are  obliged  to  keep,  the  number  of 
guards  at  the  castle  gate,  and,  in  short,  let  a  third  or  a 
half  be  taken  off  every  requirement.  Cut  down  the  number 
of  places  where  guards  are  placed  by  fifteen.  If  the 
number  and  value  of  the  gifts  for  high  officials  be  decreased, 
there  will  be  far  less  bribery  and  flattery. 

My  plan  was  adopted  in  part,  and  I  was  told  to  deter- 


1 66  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakusekt, 

mine  the  number  of  guards  really  needed.  The  retinues 
of  the  dainty o  were  reduced,  but  the  officials  prevented  the 
lessening  of  the  gifts,  urging  the  honor  to  the  givers  and 
their  reverence  for  the  Government.  But  were  these  the 
real  reasons? 

This  year  new  rules  for  the  great  highways  were  made. 
They  were  made  because  of  a  report  I  sent  in  after  my 
trip  to  Kyoto,  together  with  the  need  for  repairs  in  pre- 
paration for  the  coming  of  the  Korean  embassy.  The 
officials  urged  the  following  points : — 

Many  causes  combine  for  the  impoverishment  of  the 
posting  towns  on  the  highways,  but  the  chief  cause  is 
found  in  the  large  retinues  with  which  the  daimyo  and 
kn^e  travel,  so  large  that  the  regular  supplies  of  men 
and  horses  do  not  suffice,  and  so  demands  for  additional 
men  and  beasts  are  constantly  made  on  the  neighboring 
villages.  Then  too,  with  the  new  rules  about  the  crossing 
at  Arai,  travellers  of  all  degrees  prefer  the  Nakasendd 
and  it  is  so  thronged  that  its  supplies  are  too  small 
while  the  Tokaido  loses  its  usual  patronage.  So  we 
propose  that  either  the  daimyo  be  required  to  furnish 
more  men  and  beasts  for  the  Nakasendd,  so  that  the 
villages  be  less  burdened,  or  be  forbidden  to  travel  in 
such  numbers  by  the  Nakasendo,  so  that  the  posting 
towns  on  both  routes  may  be  benefited.  And  send 
officials  often  to  inspect  the  roads,  and  report  as  to  their 
true  condition,  and  make  these  men  subordinate  to  the 
magistrates.  * 


*  The  daimyo  were  forced  to  spend  half  their  time  in  Edo  and  went 
up  from  their  provinces  with  retinues  iK'fitting  their  rank.  So  they  kept 
horses  and  men  at  the  posting  stations  to  provide  for  these  journeys  and 
men    travelling   on    official    business    received,    as    Ilakuscki   p.    68    supra, 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Ann  Hakuseki,  167 

The  Sliogim  asked   my    opinion  and  I  wrote  at  length 
as  follows ; — I  have  been  over  the  highways   recently   as 
your    representative,  and    I    know    their   condition.     It  is 
not  true  that  the  large  retinues  of  the  nobles  burden  the 
ix)sts,  but  they  do  burden    the    neighboring  farmers.     By 
the  late   Shogun,  inspectors  of  posts  were  appointed   and 
in  the  Shogun*s  domains   the    assistants    of  the    deputies 
perform  this  duty.      When  one  of  the  Shoguu*s  represen- 
tatives passes  over  the  road,  these  officials  conspire    with 
the  keepers  of  the  posting    stations,  and    the    number    o 
men  and  horses  needed  is  doubled,  and  the  whole  number 
is  demanded  from  the  farmers,  while  the  horses  belonging 
to  the  station  are  let  to  ordinary  travellers  for  gain.     And 
when   the    farmers    fail    to    bring    in    horses  enough,  the 
officials  fly  into  a  j^assion  and  extort  money  as  fines.     So 
they  rejoice  when    retinues    are    large    and    grieve    when 
they  are    small.      The    neighbors  are  imprisoned  for  not 
furnishing  the  horses  needed,  and    become   so    poor    that 
year  by  year  some  move  away  from  the  vicinity  to  escape 
such  impositions,    and  thus    the    burdens    of  those    who 
remain  are  still  further  increased.     Such  crowds  of  horses 
^d  men  meet  officials  that    their  servants  ride  and  their 
^^^lies  pass  over  their  burdens    to    these    men    from    the 
P^^.     The   first  reform  of  all  should  be  the  removal  of 
the  inspectors. 

Nejct,  folks  travel  by  the  Nakasendd  not  so  much  be- 
cause of  the  Aral  crossing,  (I  had  no  trouble  there  al- 
though advised  to  take  the  other  road  to  save  expense)  as 


'^^'5  for  the  number  ncctlcd.  The  abuses  complained  of  by  the  author 
^^tinued  (lovi-n  to  the  restoration  of  the  Pjnpcror  in  1867.  Naturally  the 
ft^ber  of  men  and  Ixiasls  provided  on  the  Nakascndo,  as  the  less 
*nveUe(j  mad,  was  smaller  than  on  the  Tokaido. 


L 


1 68  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Haktiseki, 

that  the  posting  charges  on  the  Tokaidd,  were  increased 
at  the  requests  of  the  posting  station  keepers  in  the  late 
reign.  If  the  charges  are  put  back  to  the  old  figures 
travel  will  increase  again.  It  will  not  do  to  forbid  travel 
on  the  Nakasendd. 

Single  Imposts  collected  only  once,  like  that  for  the 
building  of  Todaiji  in  Nara,  or  the  removal  of  the  ashes 
from  the  base  of  Fuji,  occasion  great  discontent.  How 
much  greater  will  the  discontent  be,  if  these  requisitions 
for  men  and  horses  are  permanently  increased. 

The  rule  is  that  one  hundred  men,  and  one  hundred 
horses,  be  kept  at  each  station  on  the  Tokaido,  and  half 
the  number  at  each  station  on  the  Nakasendo.  Let  of- 
ficials remember  this,  in  their  preparations  and  let  them 
have  none  beyond  the  legal  number.  This  will  lessen 
the  exactions  on  the  farmers. 

However,  if  the  required  number  is  not  maintained,  it  is  a 
real  danger  in  time  of  war ;  but  if  so  many  cannot  be 
kept  let  only  the  actual  force  be  paid  for.  Some  seven 
points  in  all  were  insisted  on  in  my  letter,  and  this  year 
the  inspectors  were  dismissed  and  other  reforms  effected. 
However,  at  the  request  of  the  magistrates,  constables 
were  sent  to  the  posts  in  place  of  the  inspectors.  Their 
reports  showed  the  number  of  men  and  beasts  at  fifty 
three  posts  to  be  107,551  and  36,411  respectively,  a 
reduction  from  the  former  numbers  of  122,589  men  and 
2823  horses. 

Companies  of  men  waited  at  Osaka  and  Edo,  seeking 
employment  in  the  trains  of  daiviyo  coming  from  a  dis- 
tance. These  fellows  were  unruly  and  the  magistrates 
could  not  control  them.  They  would  demand  palanquin, 
horses  and  coolies  for  themselves  and  after  riding  a  short 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuscki,  1 69 

distance  would  send  away  the  men  and  liorses,  for  a 
consideration,  and  they  would  vent  their  wrath  unclieckcd 
on  all  posting  men  who  resisted  their  demands.  The 
remedy  was  plain,  put  the  men  under  employers  in 
Osaka  and  Edo  and  hold  the  employers  to  a  strict  ac- 
count for  the  conduct  of  their  men. 

In  the  end,  alas,  the  magistrates  had  their  own  way, 
for  while  the  reforms  were  in  preparation  the  Shogun 
died,  and  after  that  the  inspectors  were  reappointed  and  the 
old  abuses  began  again.  It  was  like  a  child's  house,  by 
the  wayside,  quickly  destroyed  by  his  playmates. 

In  the  spring  I  was  ill  and  the  Shogun  sent  five  times 
to  inquire,  and  once,  on  the  return  of  the  messenger,  he 
said,  "  The  doctor  says  Chikugo  no  Kami  is  very  ill 
and  that  his  constitution  is  affected.  Ten  thousand  ap- 
plications of  the  moxa  have  been  made  without  curing 
him.  He  wishes  to  get  out  at  once  but  his  eagerness 
interferes  with  his  recover}\  He  bears  the  burdens  of 
the  Empire  both  the  foreign  and  home  affairs,  but  his 
constitution  cannot  be  injured  or  he  could  not  stand  so 
many  applications  of  the  moxa." 

When  well  enough  to  go  out  I  sent  my  thanks  to  the 
Sh5gun  through  Zembo  Asson.  I  also  told  him  what  I 
had  heard  while  ill ; — "  Folks  talk  of  the  many  dancing 
girls  employed  by  the  Shogun.  Yet  His  Grace  gave  up 
employing  them  when  he  became  Shogun,  and  these 
rumours  doubtless  arose  from  the  feasts  Her  Grace  gave 
in  honor  of  her  father's  visit.  I  do  not  believe  the 
gossip  but  it  is  my  duty  to  speak." 

When  I  next  visited  the  castle  Zembo  Asson  told  me 
that  the  Shogun  had  said ; — *'  The  dancing  girls  were 
employed  when  my  wife  visited  the    mother    of  the    late 


1 70  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Afai  Hakuseku 

Shogun,  and  again  when  the  visit  was  returned,  and  once 
more  when  Her  Grace's  father  visited  her.  I  saw  no 
harm  in  these  courtesies,  but  since  I  had  forbidden  the 
employment  of  tliese  women  in  the  castle  doubtless  it 
was  a  mistake  to  permit  these  exceptions.  I  have 
renewed  the  prohibition  strictly,  and  you  may  tell  Chi- 
kugo  no  Kami." 

A  little  later  in  the  year  I  was  given  a  new  residence 
nearer  Hitotsu-bashi,  in  exchange  for  my  former  one. 
The  Shogun  also  sent  me  one  hundred  gold  ryoy  by 
Zemb5  Asson,  saying  he  had  heard  the  place  was  badly 
out  of  repair.  The  new  place  was  larger  than  the  old 
one,  and  was  said  to  contain  eight  hundred  tsubo  but  it 
really  had  only  six  hundred.  But  the  ShdgUn  promised 
an  adjoining  piece  of  ground  in  addition  as  soon  as  the 
lease  should  expire,  and  after-  his  death  I  got  it  and 
have  it  now. 


THE  TREASURY  AGAIN. 

I  wrote  a  paper  on  the  management  of  the  Treasury 
and  sent  it  to  the  Shogun.  I  showed  the  connection 
between  our  system  and  that  of  the  ancients,  and  went 
on  to  urge  the  appointment  of  censors,  since  finances 
affect  the  welfare  of  the  people  of  more  than  sixty 
provinces  and  should  not  be  left  to  the  discretion  of  one 
man.  The  censors  should  have  oversight  of  the  deputies 
and  of  the  taxes  paid  in  the  domains  of  the  Shdgun  : 
they   should   take    charge    of    the   transportation   of    the 


Kfiox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Ilaknscki.  171 

^^<^€  paid  as  taxes,  of  river  embankments,  and  house 
^Construction,  of  roads,  and  posts,  and  of  the  mines  in  the 
different  provinces. 

The  Shogun  followed  my  plan  and  appointed  these 
officers.  Revenues  had  decreased  a  fifth,  not  because 
the  farmers  paid  less  but  because  the  expense  of  col- 
lection had  increased.  The  cost  of  needed  rei>airs  grew 
larger  year  by  year,  for  the  oflFicials  kept  back  part  of 
the  funds  and  the  work  was  badly  done.  The  first 
year  after  the  appointment  of  the  censors  the  revenue 
was  very  much  increased  and  a  large  saving  made  in  the 
repairs*  account  without  injury  to  the  work.  The  farmers 
rejoiced.  We  also  heard  nothing  more  of  heavy  losses 
in  grain  while  being  brought  to  Kdo. 

Another  paper  called  attention  to  abuses  in  the  ju- 
diciary, and  the  Shdgun  ordered  a  strict  investigation, 
but  he  died  before  the  reforms  were  accomplished. 

In  the  autumn   Hagiwara    Omi    no    Kami    Shigehide 

was  removed  from   office  and  put   under   arrest.      People 

did   not   know   why   he   was  removed  but  all  rejoiced  at 

the  feet.     The  way  of  it  was  this : — During   a   period  of 

six  months   I   had   sent   in  three  papers  accusing  him  of 

the  following  crimes.     As  every  one  knows  in  the  reign 

x)f  the  late  Shogun,  Shigehide   controlled  the  treasury  to 

flie  destruction    of  good   government  and   the  great  grief 

of  satnurai  and    people.      And  he  wished  to  debase  the 

silver  still  further  when   our    lord    came   into   power   but 

this  was  stopped. 

I  have  already  mentioned  the  building  of  the  new 
palace,  rumor  said  the  extravagance  was  very  great  and 
that  this  magnificence  excelled  that  of  the  Chinese 
l£inperor  whose  extravagance  caused  the  overthrow  of  his 


V 


1 72  Knox  : — Auiobiognxphy  of  Arai  Hakuseki. 

dynasty.  Rumor  added  that  one  room  was  wholly  made 
of  aloe  wood  and  that  this  illustrated  the  whole.  So  I 
told  &mbo  Asson  that  "  our  lord's  removal  to  his  new 
home  is  not  a  subject  for  congratulations,  though  I  do 
not  believe  these  rumors."  After  awhile  I  was  taken 
over  the  place  and  shown  everything,  even  the  private 
apartment  and  the  room  of  aloe  wood.  This  was  a 
little  room  ten  feet  high  and  six  feet  square  with  posts 
in  its  recess  which  had  been  planed.  The  room  was  in 
the  south  garden,  by  the  pond  below  the  hill.  "This" 
said  my  guide,  "  is  the  so-called  room  of  aloe  wood. 
The  wood  is  not  Japanese  and  was  found  in  one  of 
the  government  warehouses,  last  summer,  in  Asakusa. 
It  has  no  odor,  perhaps  from  its  age.  The  Sh5gun 
commanded  its  use  here."  In  nothing  was  rumor  sus- 
tained so  the  large  expenditure  was  the  more  inexpli- 
cable. But  Hagiwara  explained  that  the  lumber  in  the 
storehouses  proved  worthless  and  so  he  sold  it  and 
bought  from  the  merchants.  He  paid  whatever  they 
asked,  an  hundred  ryd  for  a  stick,  saying  he  had  no 
time  to  bargain  and  so  brought  the  total  expenditure  up 
to  seven  hundred  thousand  ryd\  Owing  to  fires,  lumber 
was  dearer  than  ever  before  2iXid  hi-no-ki  was  said  to  be 
worth  its  weight  in  gold.  At  all  events,  many  poor 
lumber  merchants  suddenly  became  rich  and  many  of- 
ficials also.  So  they  divided  the  wealth  of  the  people 
between  them. 

The  following  spring  (17 10)  the  coinage  was  again 
discussed,  as  the  officials  had  suffered  much  loss  from 
coins  which  broke,  as  Shigehide  said  because  the  proper* 
tion  of  silver  had  been  so  much  increased.  He  proposed 
to  restore  the  coins  to  the  old  standard,  but  to  decrease 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuscki,  1 73 

heir  size  by  half,  and  urged  that  the  only  other  way 
y  which  the  standard  could  be  restored  was  by  halving 
he  number  of  the  coins.  The  officials  all  assented  to 
^his,  and  he  further  proposed  to  gradually  increase  the 
"^veight  until  both  in  size  and  fineness  the  coins  should 
k)c   restored   to   tlie    old   standard. 

I  argued  that  if  the  weight  were  reduced,  folks  would 
still  distrust  the  coins  even    though    the    fineness    be    re- 
stored, for  ever  since   the    gold    had   been    debased   with 
silver   and  the   silver    with    copper,  prices   had   fluctuated 
<:onstantly   and   this   new   plan    will   increase  the  distrust. 
The  standard    was  gold    8.  5.  6   and  silver  i.  4.  2  but  by 
^he  change  the  gold  was  reduced  to  5.  6.  4  and  the  silver 
increased  to  4.  3.  i.      Shigehide    was    so    distrusted    that 
one  chief  censor  and  two  ordinary  censors  were  appointed 
^0  watch  him  as  the  re-coinage    went    on.      But    I    soon 
Jieard    that    the  new  coins  were  worse  than  the  old,  and 
ivas  astonished,  as  I  knew  the  Shogun  had  forbidden  the 
iurther  debasement   even    in    the    financial    straits    at    tlie 
T)eginning  of  his  reign.     So  I  mentioned  the  rumor  to  him 
T)Ut    Shigehide    declared    that    the    coins    conformed    to 
standard  and  then  I  left  the  decision  to  the  Shogun's  own 
judgment. 

When  I  was  in  Kyoto  tlic  regent  asked  me  why  Shige- 
hide was  given  new  honors  and  I  replied  "  Because  he 
works  day  and  night.  Too  great  promotion  is  good  for 
no  one,  but  if  he  reforms  his  ways  because  of  these 
favors  it  will  be  a  blessing  to  the  country  and  to  him- 
self.** He  was  everywhere  praised  because  he  had  pro- 
vided for  all  needs  at  the  beginning  of  this  reign  in  spite 
of  the  financial  distress.  He  covered  his  evil  deeds  and 
tlisplayed    his   good   ones.      For  example,  when  the  new 


1 74  Kiiox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Haknseki, 

buildings  were  to  be  put  up  at  the  north  of  the  castle, 
no  one  could  get  timber  but  when  he  was  put  in  charge 
he  got  it  at  once,  to  everyone's  astonishment.  But  he 
liad  sole  charge  of  the  treasury,  for  he  dismissed  the 
censors  and  so  all  the  merchants  were  at  his  bidding. 
Their  profits  were  great  and  how  much  he  made  no 
one  knows.  From  the  re-coining  of  the  silver  only  he 
made  at  least  two  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  ryo  and 
pictures  and  curios  innumerable,  besides  sixty  thousand 
ryo  that  one  of  his  servants  got.  This  we  discovered 
from  the  books  of  one  of  the  silver  workers  who  was 
punished  for  his  crimes.  Sliigehide  had  been  in  office 
thirty  years,  and  had  gradually  risen  in  rank  until  his 
allowance  was  3700  koku.  It  was  cut  down  to  ^QO 
kohl  as  a  part  of  his  punishment. 

In  providing  horses  and  men  for  the  Korean  embassy, 
his  proposals  were  so  injurious  that  I  took  the  matter  to 
the  Shogun,  who  directed  the  dainty o  to  follow  the  an- 
cient precedents. 

Everything  was  bought  and  built  by  public  tenders  and 
these  were  opened  in  the  presence  of  the  merchants  and 
officials,  the  lowest  offer  to  be  accepted  and  payment  to 
be  made  on  the  completion  of  the  work.  But  there  were 
gifts  to  the  officials  when  the  tenders  were  sent  in,  and 
thankofferings  when  the  work  was  done.  Those  who 
gave  nothing  got  nothing  however  low  their  bids.  No 
official  failed  to  get  rich,  and  the  treasury  was  exhausted 
when  the  former  Shdgun  died.  Things  worth  an  hundred 
ryo  cost  ten  thousand  ryo.  Shigehide  had  charge  of  all 
purchases   for   the    Korean    embassy. 

Soon  after  the  re-issue  of  the  coins  prices  rose  and 
varied  constantly.     Folks  said  it  was  because  of  the  heavy 


Knox  : — Aiitobiof^niphy  of  Aral  Ilakuscki.  175 

c^X[X!nses  in  the  beginning  of  the   reign,   and    consequent 

^on  the  coming  of  the  embassy.     I  argued  in  a  pajx^  that 

^  sent   in    to    the    Shogun    to   this    effect,    The  ancients 

said,    **  In   three   years   examine   your   course  of  action " 

lut   in  these  three  years  past  no   investigation   has  been 

made.     But  the  Shogun  replied ; — *'  Men  of  honesty  lack 

ability   and  men   of  ability  lack  honesty.      Very   seldom 

is  there  a  really  competent    man    and    we    have   no   one 

able  to  take  charge  of  the  finances.     Shigehide's  misdeeds 

are  known  but   there   is    no    one    else."      But    to    this  I 

replied    and    urged    the    appointment    of  examiners,    and 

denied  that  Shigehide  had  either  honesty  or  ability.     The 

examiners  were  appointed. 

A  dispute  had  arisen  between  some  tenants  of  the  Sho- 
gun and  the  tenants  of  a  daimyd.  Shigehide  decided  fur 
the  Shogun's  tenants,  and  the  other  judges  were  silent. 
So  no  decision  was  reached  and  I  sent  in  another  paper 
asking  an  opportunity  to  argue  his  incompetence  in  public 
and  making  ten  charges  against  him.  Zembo  Asson  told 
me  that  the  Shogun  was  astonished  at  the  fierceness  of 
my  attack  and  shortly  after  dismissed  him  fiom  office.  It 
was  quite  useless  for  any  one  to  bring  any  acusations 
against  any  of  the  Shogun's  people  before  Shigehide.  For 
example, — he  let  a  dispute  as  to  boundaries  be  decided  in 
favor  of  the  Shogun  s  tenants,  through  the  evidence  of 
stones  and  posts  cunningly  hidden  in  the  ground  :  when  a 
ship  was  wrecked  on  the  Shogun's  domain  and  broken  up 
and  looted  by  his  farmers,  the  latter  were  acquitted  and 
the  sailors  punished ;  and  when  some  of  his  farmers  in- 
sulted some  samurai  and  the  latter  cut  down  some  of  the 
fanners  the  samurai  were  punished  ! 

Only   forty  days   before   Shigehide  was  removed  from 


1 76  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 

office,  he  again  debased  the  coinage,  alleging  a  secret  01 
of  the  Shdgun.  The  Shdgun  had  said  to  him  just  bef< 
"  I  am  told  there  is  much  suffering  because  of  the  coin 
issued  two  years  ago  "  but  Shigehide  sent  in  a  wril 
denial  which  the  Shogun  believed.  However,  as 
reports  continued,  he  sharply  asked  the  reason  for  s 
rumors  of  distress  and  hatred  and  then  Shigehide  said 
**  When  you  became  Shogun  there  were  no  funds  ; 
although  you  told  me  not  to  touch  the  money,  still 
there  was  no  other  way  I  debased  it  privately.  I  kr 
my  crime  and  confess  it  openly."  The  Shogun  ' 
amazed  and  took  the  matter  into  consideration.  Where 
Shigehide  took  this  silence  for  consent  and  began  to  deb 
the  coins  again,  with  this  conversation  with  the  Shoj 
as  his  warrant. 

Shigehide  died  soon  after  his  removal  from  office, 
the  evil  he  had  done  continued,  the  military  preparati< 
were  stopped,  the  coins  would  not  circulate  and    gove 
ment  and  people  were  alike  troubled.     I  have  not  he; 
of  another  wretch   like    Shigehide   since  the  beginning 
the    Empire.      In    these    thirty   years    no   one   in  all 
sixty  provinces  was  ignorant  of  his  misdeeds,  and  yet 
one  of  the  great  retainers  of  two  Shogun  informed  th< 
for  the  sake  of  Shogun  and  country.     I  only  with  mov 
arm  and  pen  ceased    not    to    write    accusations   and 
third  succeeded.      No    Shogun    for  many  years  deser 
such  praise  as  my  lord.     He  died  the  next  month  so  t 
he  would  have  been    blamed   had   he    longer    delayed 
great  escape !   As  of  old  Yu  aided  Shun*  so  to  my  o 

♦  Tlie  fabulous  sage  king  of  China  Yu  being  first  the  efficient  mini 
of  Shun.     It    is    said  Arai  purposed  to  insult  Shigehide   and  then,  in 
quhrrel,  kill  him,   himself  committing    hara-kiri    of  course    and    that 
coming  to  the  ears  of  the  Shogun  led  to  the  dismissal. 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakitseki,  i  jj 

family  may  Zembd  Asson  and  I  be  said  without  error  to 
have  contributed  a  twentieth  to  the  success  of  his  rcie^n. 
This  shows  too  how  intimate  was  my  relation  to  the 
Shogun. 


THE  SHOGUN'S  DEATH. 

All  the  year  the  Shogun  was  ill  and  the  coohiess  of 
autumn  brought  no  benefit,  nor  did  any  medicine  help 
him,  to  our  great  anxiety.  On  the  26th  October  (17 12) 
I  was  summoned  and  given,  as  a  parting  present  the 
history  of  the  twenty  three  dynasties  (of  China). 

Two  days  later  I  was  again  summoned  and  Zemb5 
Asson  gave  me  this  message  from  the  Shogun  : — **  That 
which  has  a  beginning  has  an  end  and  we  must  consider 
what  comes  after ;  and  especially  I  in  my  illness.  Folks 
hate  death  and  will  not  think  of  it,  and  so  when  it  comes 
their  thoughts  are  in  confusion.  In  my  illness  are  now 
and  then  intervals  for  thought,  and  I  have  considered  two 
plans  which  I  submit  to  you,  for  decision.  That  is  why 
I  send  for  you. 

Without  desire  of  my  own  I  became  the  heir  to  the 
Empire  of  leyasu,  and  now  leave  a  son.  But  I  do  not 
look  upon  the  Empire  as  my  pro^x^rty  and  I  know  that 
troubles  ever  arise  when  the  ruler  is  a  child.  To  guard 
this  leyasu  established  the  Three  Houses.  Now  what 
shall  I  do?  Shall  I  send  for  the  Lord  of  Owari,  make 
him  my  heir  and  let  him  decide  as  to  my  son  should  he 
become  a  man?  Or  as  one  of  my  sons  has  survived 
fortunately,    shall    I  let  him  be  heir  and  put  the  Lord  of 


1 78  Knox  : — Aiitobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 

Owari  in  the  Western  Mansion  to  help  my  son  and  to 
succeed  him  should  he  die  while  still  young  ?  *' 

This  was  my  answer ; — "  I  agree  with  neither  pro- 
posal, though  they  are  most  generous,  since  even  the 
humblest  seek  the  advancement  of  their  children.  But 
your  proposals  are  not  for  the  good  of  the  Empire.  We 
need  not  search  ancient  history,  for  even  in  the  days  of 
leyasu  men  were  undecided  as  to  their  course  of  action 
until  one  of  his  sons  died,  and  the  same  difficulty  arose 
in  the  time  of  the  second  Shogun.  Surely  there  should 
be  no  trouble  between  father  and  son,  or  between  brothers, 
but  as  the  proverb  says  '*  trouble  comes  from  below  "  and 
officials  create  difficulties  and  tell  lies,  making  bad  feel- 
ing, until  men  have  killed  their  younger  brothers  by  the 
same  mother.  So  was  it  in  the  days  of  leyasu  and  it 
will  be  worse  now.  If  your  plan  is  adopted  there  will 
be  parties  formed  with  confusion  in  consequence.  In  the 
days  of  Ieyasu*s  ancestors  were  many  youthful  heirs  and 
among  them  leyasu  himself.  I  need  not  state  the  reason 
why  it  was  so.  But  now  there  are  the  Three  Houses 
and  the  other  great  vassals  and  there  need  be  no  anxiety 
though  your  heir  is  so  young."  * 

Again  the  Shdgun  replied ; — "  All  say  my  son  is  like 
a  bubble  on  the  stream.  If  he  die  in  a  few  years  I 
shall  be  thought  a  man  without  foresight.  What  of 
this  ?  Consider  !  " 

And  I  replied, — '*  The  three  Houses  were  established 
by  leyasu  for  such  an  emergency ;  "  and  with  this  my  lord 


*  Doubtless  the  many  historical  instances  of  the  murder  of  rulers  and 
of  their  sons  that  darken  the  pages  of  Ja|)anese  history  were  m  the  mind 
of  Arai.  To  make  a  child  the  ruler  that  the  official  might  rule  through 
him  was  not  uncommon. 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  IlakiisckL  1 79 

>vas  content,  saying  "  Should  I  recover  count  this  as 
X>leasant  talk."  As  this  was  repeated  to  me  I  wept 
T)itterly  and  said  "  This  is  the  end  of  my  labor  for  him, 
with  my  poor  strength  and  little  wisdom."  I  told  Zcmbo 
Asson  to  tell  him  this  also,  and  thought  he  would  sum- 
mon me  again,  but  no  response  came  and  I  could  add  no 
more. 

After  Shigehide's  rcnioval  the  new  coinage  was  stopixid, 
and  I  was   told    to   consult  with  the  officials  and  to  pre- 
pare plans.      On  the  eighth  November  .the  Shdgun  told 
the  officials  to  publish  it  on  the   tenth.      That    night    he 
was    very    ill    and   there  was  rushing  to  and  fro.      I  too 
went  to  the  castle  where  Aoyama  Bizen-no-Kami  awaited 
me,    saying, — "  I  am  greatly  distressed  about  the  succes- 
sion but  your    coming    relieves    me."      And  when  I  told 
him  it  had  long  been  arranged,  he  added,   **Then    I   am 
content."      He   thought  only  of  this  and  there  was    none 
other  like  him — ^a  worthy  descendant  of  worthy  ancestors. 
On    the   thirteenth    the    Shogun    died.      At    noon    he 
summoned  Her  Grace   and    the    others,   and   the   mother 
of  his  child  and  said,  "  I  am  much  better  and  shall  soon 
be  around  and  see   you   all."      Next    he    summoned    the 
Council   of  State  and  explained  his  plans  for  the  future  ; 
and  then  he  called  the  lower  officials  and  thanked  them. 
Finally,    through    Akihira    Asson    (Zembo's    brother)    he 
sent    for    me.      Zembo    was   by  his  pillow  and  Masanao 
was  behind  the  Shogun.      He    said    nothing    but    opened 
his  eyes   and    looked    at    me.      This  was  the  end  of  our 
daily  meetings  during  twenty  four  years. 

Afterwards  he  said  to  Zembo  Asson  '*  I  have  no  more 
to  say.     Have  you  anything  to  ask  ?  "  '*  No  "  said  Zembo, 
iiothing  remains."     The  Shogun  said,  "Raise  me  up!" 


%€ 


1 80  Knox : -^Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakiiscki. 

''What!  When  you  are  so  ill!"  they  cried.  "With 
nothing  more  to  say  or  think  it  is  time  to  rest"  he 
said.  Even  now  his  servants  weep  as  they  think  of 
that   time. 

The  Shogun  had  well  considered  the  future  and  told  her 
Grace,  but  at  his  death  he  told  the  officials  that  he  had 
entrusted  everything  to  Echizen-no-Kami  Zcmbo  Asson 
and  that  they  should  ask  of  him. 

When  one  of  the  servants  wept  before  the  Shogun  he 
said,  '*  Weep  not !  It  is  the  common  lot."  In  the  intervals 
of  his  final  illness  he  spoke  only  of  public  affairs  and 
especially  of  the  coming  hundredth  anniversary  of  the 
death  of  leyasu.  I  have  never  heard  of  an  equally  splendid 
death  of  a  Shogun. 

From  the  beginning  of  my  lord's  reign  the  supply  of 
copper  had  been  insufficient  for  the  trade  with  the  Hol- 
landers in  Nagasaki  and  the  magistrates  asked  for  in- 
structions.    The  Shogun  referred  their  question  to  me. 

Since  leyasu,  more  than  half  of  our  gold  and  silver  has 
gone  abroad  (the  government's  books  show  that  one  fourth 
of  the  gold  and  three  fourths  of  the  silver,  and  much  has 
disappeared  unrecorded)  and  anyone  can  see  that  all  will 
have  gone  in  another  century.  Though  the  metals  are 
constantly  dug  up,  yet  are  they  like  the  bones  in  a  man's 
body,  they  do  not  grow  again,  and  so  differ  from  the  grains 
which  are  like  the  hair.  Great  is  the  difference  in  land 
and  season  as  to  grain  production;  still  fewer  are  metal 
bearing  fields,  and  good  seasons  for  mining  come  very 
seldom.  We  have  never  been  helped  by  foreign  lands  and 
need  only  their  medicines.  How  unwise  then  to  barter  our 
treasures  for  their  useless  articles !  If  their  ships  do  not 
come  still  we  shall  suffer   nothing,  but  if  we  must  trade 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  llakuscki.  1 8 1 

let  ,us  heed  the  Classics  and  conform  our  expenditures 
to  our  income.  We  must  jjovcrn  our  trade  with  Loo 
Choo,  China,  Korea  and  the  lands  of  the  west  and  south. 
The  increase  of  prices  would  be  a  less  evil  than  the  loss 
of  our  treasures. 

I  argued  all  this  at  length,  and  the  Shogun  bade  me 
prepare  tables  exhibiting  the  results  of  this  trade  in  years 
past,  and  he  sent  them  to  the  Nagasaki  magistrates  to  be 
filled  out  as  the  decision  should  be  based  on  facts. 

The  magistrates  reported  that  the  copiKT  had  not  sufficed 
for  two  years  past,  and  that  some  folks  suffered  while 
others  carried  on  an  illicit  trade  and  sent  gold  and  silver 
abroad.  The  Shogun  said,  "  This  commerce  hurts  both 
the  present  and  the  future.  ICven  the  medicinal  plants 
used  to  be  grown  at  home.  Once  tobacco  and  cotton  were 
unknown  but  now  they  are  grown  everywhere.  Ixt  us 
import  other  seeds  and  plant  them  in  carefully  selected 
soil.  In  the  past  our  articles  were  sought  from  foreign 
countries:  let  us  be  content  and  make  them  again  for 
ourselves.  "  So  at  his  decree,  the  Kyoto  officials  ordered 
the  goods  for  him  of  which  he  had  spoken,  but  they  came 
when  he  was  ill  and  I  grieved  when  Zembd  Asson  showed 
them  to  me  and  said, — "  I  am  reminded  of  the  bringing 
of  the  orange  seeds.'*  * 

This  year  there  was  a  strife,  concerning  the  color  of 
the  robes  worn  by  the  son  of  the  emperor,  when  he  visited 
Edo  and  Nikko  as  representative  of  the  temples  in  Nara. 
He  wore  a  red  robe  but  there  was  a  protest  against 
it,  which  declarsd  that  abbots  should  dress  in  white  and 
wear  red  only  when  their  learning  is  complete  and  great. 

*  The    emperor    Suinin    sent    to    ("hina    for   orange  seeds  l>ut  died  as 
they  were  brought  to  him. 


1 82  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  HakusekL 

But  the  other  party  contended  for  an  exception  to  the 
rule  in  the  case  of  the  Emperor's  son.  The  question  came 
for  decision  after  the  Shogun's  death.  He  had  always 
followed  my  advice  but  now  all  is  ended  as  in  a  dream. 

The  Shogun  died  at  sundown  on  the  thirteenth  of 
November  (17 12).  Next  day  the  officials  assembled  and 
all  wept  as  his  parting  message  was  read.  * 

On  the  nineteenth  the  body  was  taken  to  Zojoji  and  I 
went  with  it.  That  day  flowers  fell  from  heaven  and  folks 
caught  them  in  dishes.  They  were  like  gold  col6red  thistk 
flowers  and  crumbled  in  a  few  days  to  nothing,  f 

On  the  30th  November  was  the  funeral,  at  evening.  The 
dress  was  not  prescribed  but  each  wore  an  oak  leaf  and 
the  sword  scabbards  were  black.  Greatly  mourning  I  was 
of  the  company.  Others  said  they  saw  a  great  star 
encircling  the  moon,  but  I  saw  it  not.  As  we  went  from 
the  temple  to  the  tomb,  something  like  hail  seemed  to  fall 


*  Tlic  last  message  of  tnc  Shogun, — "  In  my  incapacity  I  have  sought 
to  rule  by  the  help  of  the  virtue  of  lyeyasu,  whose  inheritance  I  received, 
I  need  not  say  how  greatly  I  have  failed,  in  my  brief  time. 

Every  one  knows  how,  from  ancient  times,  evils  afflict  the  natior 
when  rulers  are  children  and  officials  quarrel  over  rank,  form  parties,  will 
not  agree  but  distrust  each  other.  On  the  other  hand  even  the  barbarian; 
cross  the  tempestuous  seas  in  safety  when  they  join  strength  in  workinf] 
the  boat.  Si  ill  more  should  all  unite  now,  born  now  after  an  hundred 
years  of  peace,  grown  up  together  and  all  by  the  blessing  of  leyasu. 

In  return  for  that  blessing  let  all  think  of  the  i>eople  and  realm  aiu' 
forbid  the  evils  that  came  to  ancient  empires  through  youthful  rulers 
Only  by  such  united  action  can  dangers  to  the  Tokugawa  House  and  to  tht 
people  l)c  escaped.  Let  all,  high  and  low,  small  and  great  look  well  t< 
this."  Shotoku  2nd  year,  loth  Month  9th  day,  (1712  November  7 
Sealed  with  a  black  seal. 

t  The  priests  of  this  tcmi)le  in  Edo  were  very  fond  of  marvels  anc 
famous  for  their  inventive  powers. 


Kfiox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuscki,  \  83 

ever>'where  but  es[">ecially  on  the  roofs  of  the  temporary 
structures.  It  was  a  shower  of  round  balls  that  shone 
like  light,  and  for  two  or  three  days  folks  picked  them  up 
in  the  roads.  There  seem  to  have  been  such  things — 
though  one  scarcely  believes  such  tales  from  others. 

During  the  fifty  days  of  mourning  the  very  voices  of 
the  children  were  hushed.  I  have  beared  of  a  land  mourn- 
ing as  for  a  parent,  it  was  a  true  blessing  to  see  it. 

On  the  19th  of  November  the  officials  were  asked  their 
opinions  of  the  decree  as  to  the  coinage  which  had  been 
given  to  the  Council  of  State  on  the  7th.  I  have  been 
charged  with  getting  up  the  decree  after  the  Shogun's 
death  but  as  the  Elders  had  been  told  to  issue  it  on  the 
9th  they -know  that  the  charge  is  false. 

Three  of  the  witnesses  are  still  alive  as  I  write.  A 
placard  was  posted  on  my  gate  saying. — "  The  Place  for 
Making  Decrees  about  Gold  and  Silver ! "  Such  placards 
had  been  posted  in  the  beginning  of  my  lord's  reign  and 
in  other  periods  but  this  one  was  the  worst  of  all.  The 
Council  of  State  had  desired  to  forbid  them  but  the  Shogun 
said, — '*  No !  They  may  contain  some  truth  and  I  shall 
not  stop  all  expression  of  opinion.*'  And  he  ordered  the 
officials  to  show  them  to  him. 

The  Shogun  had  also  passed  judgement  as  to  the  boat 
from  Funatsu  village  in  the  province  of  Kii  which  had 
been  wrecked  near  Shinagawa  Totomi  province.  The  boat 
had  run  on  the  sands  and  the  people  had  broken  it  up 
and  stolen  its  cargo.  One  of  its  sailors  cut  down  a  man 
with  his  sword.  The  magistrate  decided  that  though  the 
people  stole  the  cargo  they  were  too  many  to  be  punished. 
The  sailors  on  the  other  hand  falsely  accused  the  people 
of  the  theft  of  their  cashbox  and  should  be  beheaded. 


1 84  K710X  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki. 

When  my  opinion  was  asked  I  wrote, — Though  the  folk; 
number  ten  thousand  they  should  be  punished  if  they  tool 
the  goods.  The  law  of  Kan-ei  13th,  8th  month  2nd  day 
(Sept.  I  1636)  provides  that  when  the  crew  of  a  wreckec 
vessel  conspire  with  the  landsmen  to  steal  the  cargo  al 
shall  be  put  to  death,  and  every  house  in  the  neighborhooc 
shall  be  assessed  two  pence  and  a  half.  This  just  meet; 
the  case  and  it  will  not  do  to  refuse  to  enforce  it  becaus< 
the  offenders  are  many.  By  this  law  let  the  leaders  b( 
fined  that  compensation  may  be  made  to  the  owners 
Moreover,  is  it  not  probable  that  the  sailors  charged  th< 
theft  of  their  cashbox  in  order  to  stimulate  the  zeal  of  th< 
officers,  knowing  they  would  not  seek  earnestly  for  stoler 
clothing  and  such  like  things?  They  acted  frcJm  some 
such  motive  and  do  not  deserve  punishment.  Besides,  \\ 
such  an  accusation  a  greater  crime  than  theft?  Hov 
happens  it  the  less  crime  is  punished  and  the  greate 
forgiven  ?  " 

The  Sh5gun  decided  in  accordance  with  my  opinion  anc 
bade  me  write  the  judgment.  It  was  announced  aftci 
his  death. 


BOOK    III. 

THE  REIGN  OP  THE  INFANT 

SHOGUN. 


THE  MOURNING  FOR  THE  SHDGUN. 

During  these  many  years  my  lord's  kindness  to  mc 
had  been  wonderful,  although  I  had  uttered  all  that  was 
in  my  heart.  He  had  given  great  heed  to  all  I  said. 
But  after  his  death  no  one  listened  when  I  spoke  and  so 
I  wrote  above,  '*  This  is  the  end  of  my  labor."  His 
wise  plans  for  the  Empire  were  incomplete  when  he  died 
but,  as  I  know,  he  trusted  me  to  carry  them  out  after 
his  decease. 

Beyond  these  plans  I  had  no  further  connection  with 
the  affairs  of  state  as  the  young  Shogun  had  many  help- 
ers. In  the  spring  the  Shogun  had  told  me  wath  some 
others,  to  reform  the  court  journal,  but  now  as  there  was 
no  one  to  decide  between  us  I  left  this  also  to  the  others. 

While  thus  unemployed  in  the  nth  month  (December 
— January)  it  was  decreed  that  ambassadors  should  be 
sent  at  once  to  the  shrines  at  Nikko  and  Ise  since  the 
Shogun  was  too  young  to  observe  the  customar}'-  mour-r 
ning.  I  was  astonished,  and  on  inquiry  Zemb5  Asson 
told  me  that  the  Minibtcr  of  Education  had  stated  that 
children    not   yet    seven    years    old,  do    not    observe    the 


1 86  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hahiseki, 

mourning  ceremonies  for  parents.  As  I  said  before,  the 
affairs  of  state  were  not  my  business  but  I  could  not  let 
pass  this  one  thing  and  told  Zembo  Asson/'  Though  the 
Book  of  Rites  states  that  children  under  seven  do  not 
observe  the  ceremonies,  it  nowhere  says  they  do  not 
mourn  their  parents.  Still  less  does  it  bid  the  heir  of  the 
ruler  of  the  Empire  as  he  becomes  the  lord  of  the  whole 
people,  follow  the  rules  for  ordinary  children." 

Zembo  Asson  repeated  this  to  Hayashi  Minister  of 
Education  and  he  replied,  "  The  decree  accords  with 
the  unchangeable  rules  of  the  Mourning  Rites  of  Gen-roku 
(the  period  1688- 1704),  as  determined  by  the  Shogun. 
Who  now  disputes  it?"  The  Council  of  State  sided  with 
him  and  2^mbo  Asson  said  to  me, — "  You  cannot  move 
the  officials  after  such  an  answer."  But  I  told  him  that 
the  consequences  would  be  great  and  that  I  should  write 
out  my  argument  though  I  had  no  responsibility,  and  no 
influence. 

This  is  the  substance  of  my  paper ; — ^The  mourning 
ceremonies  established  by  the  Sages  strengthen  the  rela- 
tionships of  parent  and  child,  lord  and  retainer.  Even 
in  China,  from  age  to  age,  changes  have  been  made,  and 
still  greater  ones  in  our  land  but  all,  even  the  omissions, 
are  in  obedience  to  the  ancient  forms.  So  was  it  with 
the  changes  made  in  Gen-rokii.  The  late  Shdgun  at  the 
beginning  of  his  reign  investigated  this  subject,  and  I 
wrote  out  the  results  in  a  book  and  made  illustrations 
but  he  died  before  the  reforms  were  complete. 

The  Gen-roku  rules  say  that  a  child  of  seven  neither 
mourns  nor  is  mourned  for.  This  is  said  to  conform  to 
ancient  Japanese  precedent,  and  no  ceremonies  are  laid 
down.      Still  it  is  not  said  the  child  does  not  mourn   for 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of .  Irai  Ilaknscki.  1 87 

its  -parents,  and  in  the  ancient  ceremonies  it  did    mourn. 

Why  then  do  the  Gcn-roku  rules  say  that  children  neither 

mourn  nor  are  mourned  for,  so  that  there  is  no  mourning 

for  our  lord  ?     And  why  do  they    omit   the    ancient    law 

that  rulers  be  mourned  Tor  one  year,  so  that  his  retainers 

do  not  mourn?    But  we  need  not   discuss    the    reforming 

of  the  Gen-roku  rules,  but  may  argue  on  other  principles. 

The  young  Shdgun  only,  survives  of  all  the  sons  of  his 

father    and    if  he    does  net  mourn  because  of  his  youth 

and  if  the   retainers    do   not    mourn,    what   shall    be    the 

symbol  of  the  great   grief  of  the    Empire  ?     Our   books 

speak    of  a    mourning    heart    that    may    dispense  with  a 

mourning  garb,  and  if  the  young  Shogun  and  the  officials 

follow    this,   though    they    wear    no    mourning    costume 

and    follow    the    Gen-roku    rules,  they    will    not    propose 

festivities  like  these  missions  to  Nikko  and  Ise.      So  will 

the  Way  of  Piety    and    Loyalty   and    Filial    feelings    be 

strengthened    throughout    the    Empire,    even    though    the 

Gen-roku  rules  are  obeyed. 

Some  may  doubt  if  this  heart  mourning  does  not 
violate  those  rules,  but  the  question  touches  only  the  one 
point  of  the  mourning  of  a  child.  But  government  is 
for  the  establishment  of  morality;  and  loyalty  and  filial 
piety  are  its  foundations.  Which  shall  we  choose, — a 
doubt  as  to  the  mourning  of  a  child,  or  the  destruction 
of  the  basis  of  the  Empire,  and  of  the  morals  of  the 
people  ? 

In  China  in  Ying  Tsung's  reign  of  the  Sung  dynasty 
(A.  D.  1064-1068)  and  again  in  the  reign  of  She  Tsung 
of  the  Ming  dynasty  were  similar  incidents,  and  when  the 
emperors  became  adults  they  punished  the  ministers  of 
their  youth.      Though   the  Shogun  has  no  opinions  now. 


1 88  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakiiseku 

the  time  must  be  anticipated  when  he  will  be   grown   up 
and  will  reflect  upon  the  past. 

Zembo  Asson  put  my  paper  in  his  sleeve  and  sought 
the  opinions  of  the  officials ;  but  what  they  first  hear 
is  their  lord,  and  so  they  would  not  take  my  advice. 

Then  he  took  it  to  the  august  grandmother,  and  to  the 
august  mother,  and  showed  it  to  them  and  they  thought 
this  omission  of  mourning  something  which  should  cause 
a  fear  of  Heaven,  as  it  violated  Heaven's  laws  and  they 
further  feared  the  anger  of  the  Shdgun  when  he  should 
grow  up,  and  learn  of  this  want  of  piety.  So  the  ladies 
desired  the  **  heart  mourning  "  and  it  was  decreed.  The 
officials  could  not  argue  further  and  the  festivities  were 
postponed  until  the  twelfth  month. 

Hayashi  was  very  angry  and  argued  before  the  Council 
of  State,  that  the  obligations  are  mutual,  and  that  as 
parents  do  not  mourn  for  young  children,  the  children  do 
not  mourn  for  parents,  citing  precedents  from  the  ancient 
books.  This  was  on  the  27th  of  December  (171 2)  and 
Zembo  Asson  showed  me  the  argument.  I  said  in 
reply,  "  As  my  suggestion  has  been  adopted  I  need 
not  answer,  but  my  ideas  are  certainly  in  accord  with 
the  precepts  of  the  Sages  and  with  good  morals.  Haya- 
shi's  argument  contradicts  not  me  only  but  them  also. 
Proud  of  his  temporary  position  ho  seeks  to  instruct  the 
people,  and  will  prove  a  guide  to  disobedience  and  dis- 
loyalty to  all  who  follow  him.  A  lasting  sorrow!  We 
destroy  his  errors  by  the  teaching  of  the  books  of 
ceremonies."  Then  I  quoted  the  books,  showing  that 
children  do  mourn,  and  I  called  on  him  to  show  clear  proof 
to  the  contrary  and  to  append  his  proof  to  my  essay. 
I  further  set  forth  two  arguments  from  our  funeral  rites. 


Kfiox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  HakusckL  1 89 

When  Zenib5  Asson  showed    this    to    Hayashi    he    re- 
pelled ; — *'  As  in  tlie  most  ancient  books  I  see  no  instance 
of  such  mourning,  I  hold  as  at  first.      Ikyond  this  there 
is  no  proof.     I  cannot  say  that  the  Book  of  Rites  forbids 
the    mourning ;    but  the  commentary  on  the  Ge7iji  Mono- 
^atari  shows  that  it  was    not    the    Japanese    custom    for 
children  to  mourn.     If  he  quotes  the  Book  of  Rites  then 
the  mourning  should  be  for  three  years." 

To  this  I  replied ; — **  My  use  of  the  Book  of  Rites, 
was  because  he  declared  my  contention  to  be  opposed 
to  the  teaching  of  the  Sages.  He  takes  that  back,  and 
thus  my  position  is  shown  to  be  correct  to  all  future 
ages.  As  to  the  rest,  what  shall  I  say  of  a  Minister  of 
Kducation  quoting  a  commentary  on  the  Gmji  Mono- 
g'atari,  in  order  to  show  that  the  teaching  of  the  Sages 
on  the  most  important  subjects  need  not  be  obeyed  in 
Japan  ?  ** 

I  took  the  paper  and  went  home.  To  pass  all  this  on 
will  be  of  service,  for  it  not  only  confirms  good  morals 
but  establishes  the  system  of  Confucius  for  all  time  in  our 
Empire.  The  whole  debate  is  given  in  my  manuscript 
and  in  Kyuso's  book. 

Hayaslii's  own  pupils  told  of  his  cmbarassment  when 
-2^emb5  Asson  pressed  him  with  my  questions!  Such  a 
teacher  naturally  has  such  pupils  and  the  decay  of  learn- 
ir^g  in  Japan  is  likewise  explained. 

Hay<ishi  also  urged  that    the    ideograph  **  sho "  should 
i'lotbe  used  in  "year-names"  and  quoted  Chinese  authors 
support    of    his    position.       Zcmbo   Asson    asked    my 
pinion,    and    though    my    ideas    could  no  longer  prevail 
ill  I  hesitated  to  refuse  to  reply  and  said ; — '*  The  men 
the    Ming    dynasty    (in    China)    in    more   books   than 


1 90  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki. 

those  quoted,  argued  that  the  ideograph  is  of  evil  in- 
fluence and  should  not  be  employed.  But  superior  men 
do  not  agree  to  this  at  all. 

The  Empire's  prosperity,  man  s  long  life  or  few  days, 
come  either  from  Heaven's  decree  or  from  man  s  deeds. 
Happiness  and  sorrow  do  not  come  from  the  use  of  par- 
ticular words  in  the  "year-names."  The  men  who  lost 
the  Empire  (in  China)  in  times  when  "  sho "  was  used, 
lost  it  by  their  wickedness  and  not  by  their  use  of  this 
name.  So  has  it  been  with  the  great  calamities,  they  were 
because  of  the  emperors  and  not  because  of  this  word. 
Lay  to  heart  Mencius's  saying, — "  Do  not  blame  the  age 
for  your  crime." 

It  is  unnecessary  to  argue  at  length  and  one  illustration 
will  suffice; — With  his  advancing  age  man  does  not  lose 
identity,  though  he  is  called  successively,  infant,,  youth, 
middle  aged  ;  nor  yet  with  the  different  names  given  him, 
at  three  months  and  at  twenty  years  nor  with  the  several 
appellations  used  by  his  various  relatives.  So  is  it  with 
hours,  days,  months  and  years — ^the  hours  become  days  as 
they  are  joined  together  and  the  days  become  months  and 
the  months  years.  These  names  indicate  the  same  time. 
So  if  **  sho  "  must  not  be  used  for  years  neither  must  it 
be  used  for  months.  *  But  from  the  time  of  the  Sages 
"  sho  '*  has  been  the  name  of  the  first  month,  and  so  Con- 
fucius writes  in  "  The  Spring  and  Autumn."      **  The  "  sho  ** 


*  The  peoples  of  the  Far-east  reckon  time  by  periods  of  varying 
length,  designated  by  "  year-names."  These  "  year-names  "  were  given  by 
the  emperors  and  this  was  one  of  the  most  distinctive  marks  of  their 
sovereignty. 

The  ideograph  "  sho  "  means  "  holy  "  and  brings  misfortune  if  used  by 
unholy  men. 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki.  1 9 1 

month  is  the  beginning  of  the  year."  If  then  it  is  un- 
lucky every  year  should  have  been  unlucky  from  his  day 
to  ours.  And  if  anyone  think  this  argument  trifling  I 
still  want  to  hear  why  "  sho "  is  lucky  in  months  and 
unlucky  in  years.  "  The  reforms  wrought  by  superior  man 
constitute  the  "  Way  '*  of  the  Empire  for  generations,  his 
deeds  are  its  laws  and  his  words  its  precedents ; "  and 
"he  who  knows  not  the  decrees  of  Heaven  is  not  superior 
man,"  so  it  is  not  a  superior  men  who  thinks  of  "  sho  " 
as  unlucky. 

In  sixteen  *'  year-names  '*  has  the  word  been  used  here 
in  Japan ;  and  by  no  means  have  all  been  unlucky  and  if 
some  of  the  periods  so  named  have  been  calamitous,  so 
may  it  be  argued  of  all  the  ideographs  used  from  the 
beginning,  since  in  both  China  and  Japan  the  "year-names" 
have  been  changed  chiefly  because  of  signs  in  heaven,  and 
because  of  calamities  on  earth,  floods,  droughts,  or  epi- 
demics. If  the  names  bring  evil  let  us  return  to  the  ancient 
custom  and  use  none,  but  even  then  there  were  evils  as 
to-day.  Further,  I  have  met  with  men  from  Holland, 
Italy,  and  other  lands,  and  though  "  year-names "  are 
used  only  in  two  or  three  places  and  the  rest  reckon 
so  many  thousands,  hundreds  and  tens  of  years  since  the 
beginning  of  heaven  and  earth,  yet  few  countries  in  Europe 
during  the  past  twenty-four  years  have  escaped  confusion 
caused  by  struggles  about  the  succession  to  dead  princes. 
This  winter  and  last  many  were  killed  in  war.  For 
'^vhat  was  that  the  punishment?  Even  with  no  "  year- 
'^^me  "  destruction  is  not  escajx^d  easily  when  man  loses 
"xtue. 

In  China  and  Japan  the  same  words  have  been  used  in 
i  fferent  periods,  which  have  proved  the  happiest  and  the 


1 92  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuscki, 

most  calamitous  in  our  annals  and  instances  innumerable 
prove  that  '*  names  "  and  misfortunes  have  no  connection. 

This  change  of  the  ** year-name"  is  the  only  edict  that 
is  promulgated  by  our  Emperor,  as  even  the  Chinese 
know,  and  its  cause  has  ever  been  calamities,  portents  and 
changes  in  the  calendar.  It  has  never  been  done  because 
of  the  misfortunes  of  a  Shogun.  Doubtless  there  have 
been  coincidences,  and  the  superficial  student  may  suppose 
the  change  was  made  because  a  Sh5gun  had  died,  but 
there  was  always  another  reason  for  the  change ;  and  with- 
out such  reason  no  change  has  ever  been  made  in  the 
year  when  a  Shogun  has  died. 

If  now  the  "  year-name "  is  changed  because  of  the 
death  of  the  Shogun  what  suspicions  will  be  aroused  in 
Ky5to ;  and  even  if  other  reasons  are  assigned,  still  the 
Shdgun's  councillors  will  suffer  from  the  criticism  of  men 
who  are  truly  learned  and  wise.  Take  great  care  not  to 
make  a  mistake." 

But  in  spite  of  Zcmbo  Asson*s  efforts  my  opinion  was 
not  adopted.  * 


A  VERY  DIFFICULT  CASE. 

In  my  lord's  time,  one  day  (28th  September  171 1)  after 
the  lecture  he  sent  me  a  very  difficult  case. 

A  merchant  of  Matsushiro,  Shinano,  came  to  Edo  with 
his   wife    who    was   from   Komabayashi  village,  Kawanoe 


*  Hayashi  obtained  the  aid  of  the  ladies  of  the  Shogun's  court  by  an 
4ippeal  to  their  superstitions. 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuscki,  1 93 

township,  Musashi  province.  On  the  29th  August  the 
woman's  brother  took  her  out  to  Kawagoe,  and  on  the 
2nd  September  told  her  to  remain  a  while  at  her.  father's 
as  her  husband  had  gone  back  to  Matsushiro,  but  would 
return  on  the  19th  at  latest.  But  on  the  19th  he  had 
not  come  and  she  was  told  of  a  man  drowned  in  the 
neighboring  river.  Full  of  fear  she  went  to  see,  but  the 
man  was  floating  face  downwards.  Her  father  and  brother 
would  not  help  her  turn  the  body  but  said,  *'  It  cannot 
be  he."  But  she  could  not  restrain  herself  and  the  next 
day  had  the  body  turned  by  the  headman  of  the  village 
and — it  was  her  husband.  This  was  on  the  land  of  Tajima- 
no-Kami,  Takatomi. 

The  officers  examined  her  father,  brother  and  others 
and  as  the  answers  were  not  satisfactory,  searched  the  house 
and  found  the  eiiects  of  the  dead  man.  So  there  was  no 
escape  and  the  father  and  brother  confessed  the  murder 
and  to  putting  the  body  in  the  water.  There  was  no 
question  as  to  their  guilt,  but  Tajima-no-Kami  Takatomi 
widied  to  know  if  the  woman  were  not  "  an  informer 
against  her  father." 

My  answer  was,  *'  Consider  it  well.  It  concerns  the 
three  relations,  not  husband  and  wife,  and  parent  and  child 
only,  but  lord  and  retainer  also.  It  cannot  be  settled  by 
ordinary  precedents."  But  the  Shogun  asked  for  pre- 
cedents and  Kyuso  and  I  examined  the  books  thoroughly 
and  in  the  morning  he  wrote  me  agreeing  with  my  opinion 
and  saying  '•  The  Introduction  to  the  Zansai  of  the  Girei 
Scfukuden  is  conclusive."  It  was  indeed  fortunate  that  the 
proof  was  so  clear. 

On  the  4th  of  October,  after  the  lecture,  the  Shogun 
•showed  me  the  opinion  which  the  magistrates  had  sent  in 


194  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakmeku 

quoting  a  case  of  Teiko  4th  year  4th  month,  when  a 
woman,  who  charged  her  husband  with  adultery  with  her 
mother  (the  two  were  beheaded)  was  punished  as  an  **  in- 
former," being  imprisoned  for  a  year  and  then  sold  as 
a  slave.  The  Sh5gun  remarked,  **  This  does  not  seem 
to  apply,*'  and  I  agreed  and  added  "The  woman  is  not 
guilty." 

On  the  7th  I  was  shown  Hayashi's  opinion.  The  mini- 
ster of  education  had  written  it  for  the  Council  of  State, 
and  this  was  its  substance  :  When  Saichu  of  Tei  asked  her 
mother.  Which  is  first,  father  or  husband?  she  replied, 
Only  one  can  be  father,  anyone  may  be  husband.  This 
woman  revealed  her  father's  guilt,  and  the  Analects  say, 
**To  conceal  a  parent's  guilt  is  righteousness  and  truth." 
In  the  Laws  it  is  written,  "  Let  him  who  exposes  a  parent's 
crime  be  put  to  death."  But  I  said,  "  She  did  not  know 
her  father's  crime  and  her  case  is  an  exception.  In  our 
Japan  an  informer  on  a  parent  is  banished  though  the 
commentary  says  the  punishment  should  be  strangling. 
Neither  of  those  quotations  apply  and  it  was  not  a  case  of 
accidental  homicide."  So  I  was  told  to  re-argue  the  case 
and  going  home  wrote  out  my  opinion  at  once  and  sent 
it  to  the  Shogun  on  the  8th  as  follows  : — 

I  have  carefully  studied  the  matter  submitted  oh  the 
28th  of  September  viz.— The  merchant's  wife,  troubled  at 
his  absence  hears  of  the  body  in  the  river  and  gets  the 
headman  to  show  it  to  her.  It  is  her  husband,  and  as 
her  father  and  brother  were  the  murderers,  the  officials 
think  it  a  case  of  '*  informing  against  parents."  The 
magistrates  condemn  her  to  servitude  and  the  Minister 
of  Education  agrees  with  them. 

In  my  opinion  the  case   does   not   come    under    "  The 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  HakusekL  1 95 

Three  Relations "  nor  do  ordinary  precedents  apply. 
Three  points  should  be  considered, — The  relations,  the 
rules  for  mourning,  and  the  application  of  exceptional 
rules  to  exceptional  cases. 

The  rules  of  the  ancient  kings  provide,  that  while  the 
daughter  remains  at  home,  though  promised  in  marriage  or 
though  married  having  returned  to  her  father,    she    shall 
observe  three  years  of  strict  mourning  for  him  should  he  die. 
But,  if  she  is  living  with  her  husband   she   shall   observe 
only  one  year  of  half-mourning.     The  difference  is  so  very 
great  that  we  shonld  observe  how  it  is   set   forth    in   the 
commentary  of  the  Sofuku.^     A  woman  is  never  independ- 
ent but  owes  duties,  when  unmarried  to  her  father,  when 
married  to  her  husband,  and  when  widowed  to   her  son. 
The  father  is  the  child's  Heaven,  and  the  husband  is  the 
x^fe's.     So  it  is  written,  **  A  woman  cannot  mourn  strictly 
twice,  as  Heaven  is  not  two."     She  cannot  mourn  for  two 
£i.t  the  same  sime.     So  then  a  wife  who  obeys  her  husband 
crannot  obey  her  father. 

Events  are  ordinary  or  extraordinary,  and  in  their  judg- 
^ruent  laws  should  be  immovable  or  exceptional.  As  the 
^uicient  scholar  says; — Exceptions  uphold  the  rule. 

Now  it  is  the  settled  law  that  the  woman  at  home 
obeys  her  father  and  when  married  her  husband.  In  the 
Visual  relations  the  lord  is  lord,  and  the  retainer  is  retainer : 
the  father  is  father,  and  the  son  is  son  :  the  husband  is 
liusband,  and  the  wife  is  wife.  But  now  the  retainer  does 
inot  ceise  to  be  retainer,  because  the  lord  ceases  to  be  lord. 
I3ut  in  following  such  exceptions  we  are  not  to  lose  the 
irule.     The  greatest  possible  exception  is,  when  a  retainer's 

*  The  book  of  mourning-rites  and  ceremonies. 


196  Kn^x  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 

father  kills  his  lord,  or  when  a  woman's  father  kills  her 
husband.  The  retainer  then  cannot  be  both  loyal  and 
filial,  nor  the  woman  obedient  and  filial.  No  human 
calamity  equals  this !  Of  old  in  such  emei^jencies  retain- 
ers have  been  loyal  to  their  lord,  and  women  have  obeyed 
their  husband.  Now  no  one  can  be  found  who  has  charg- 
ed her  father  with  the  death  of  her  husband,  though  some 
have  told  a  father  that  their  husband  had  a  command 
from  his  lord  to  kill  the  father,  and  so  the  father  has 
killed  the  husband,  and  this  was  the  instance  quoted 
above  when  the  mother  replied,  "  Any  one  may  be  hus- 
band but  only  one  a  father."  If  that  reply  and  the 
daughter's  deed  which  followed  were  right,  then  are  they 
disobedient  and  wicked  who  for  a  husband's  sake  make  a 
father  no  longer  father.  And  shall  we  say,  "  Any  one 
may  be  lord,  only  one  a  father, — how  can  the  two  be 
compared  ?  "  May  one  help  his  father  to  kill  his  lord  ?  But 
the  superior  man  praised  the  man  who  revealed  the  plot 
of  his  father  against  his  lord,  as  it  is  written,  **  Great 
virtue  destroys  love."  Confucius  says,  "  The  father  con- 
ceals his  son's  evil,  and  the  son  his  father's."  This  is 
the  rule.  Which  is  the  greater  offence  to  steal  a  sheep 
or  to  kill  a  lord  ?*  The  settled  rules  of  the  ancient  kings 
make  the  woman's  Heaven  to  be  her  husband  and  not 
her  father.  If  the  father  kill  the  husband  the  ordinary 
rules  do  not  apply  to  a  woman  if  she  inform;  and  still 
less  to  this  woman  who  recovered  the  corpse  by  the  aid 
of  the  headman  and  then  recognized  her  husband.  The 
government  discovered  the  crime.  It  is  not  a  case  of 
"informing."     Why  is  she  judged  guilty? 


*  Confucius  words  concerned  the  stealing  of  a  sheep. 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  HakusekL  \  97 

When  the  full  discoveiy  was  made  her  suicide  would 
have  preserved  her  filial,  wifely  and  sisterly  virtue.  It 
would  have  been  the  perfection  of  virtue  in  this  great 
exception  to  the  normal  relations,  but  to  reprove  her  for 
not  attaining  perfection  is  to  judge  her  ''  as  we  do  not 
judge  ourselves."  No  woman  has  killed  herself  for  such 
a  reason,  but  many  have  preserved  their  widowhood  until 
death,  nor  did  the  ancients  think  their  virtue  small.  And 
this  agrees  with  my  private  opinion. 

A  wife's  relation  is  that  of  the  retainer,  and  if  we  praise 
Risai  and  Sekien,*  we  shall  not  agree  with  the  words 
quoted  by  Hayashi.  The  magistrates  say  that  the  pre- 
cedents show  that  she  should  be  imprisoned  for  a  year 
and  then  be  made  a  slave,  and  the  Minister  of  Education 
says,  "  Had  she  known  her  father's  guilt  the  penalty 
would  have  been  death,  l^ut  as  she  did  it  unwittingly 
she  shall  be  made  a  slave." 

If  she  is  declared  innocent,  as  I  propose,  I  have  a 
strong  desire  for  her.  The  young  widow's  passions  are 
still  undecayed  and  she  has  no  protector.  The  pine's 
green  leaf,  if  very  strong,  may  resist  the  winter's  cold 
but  in  her  case  I  Iiave  my  doubts.  Not  only  should  I 
lament  the  loss  of  her  virtue  but  the  righteousness  of  the 
government  would  be  violated.  Those  who  have  become 
monks  and  nuns  for  tlie  loss  of  fatlier  or  husband  have 
been  many.  Now  if  it  is  privately  hinted  to  her  that  she 
become  a  nun,  shave  her  head,  enter  a  convent,  study 
and  keep  the  rules  because  of  these  deaths ;  and  if  the 
property  of  her  husband  and  father  be  given  to  the  con- 


*  Riati  informed  his  lord  of  his  father's  jniqxised  rebellion  and   com 
mi  (ted  suickle.    Sekien  also  informetl  and  was  killcil  by  his  father. 


198  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 

vent,  there  will  be  no  anxiety  as  to  her  support  and  her 
virtue  and  the  righteousness  of  the  government  will  be 
preserved/* 

My  advice  was  followed  and  by  the    aid  of  Takatonn 
Asson  the  woman  became  a  nun  in  a  convent  at  Kamakura. 


THE  INVESTITURE  OF  THE  YOUNG 

SHDGUN. 

After  the  fifty  days  of  mourning  on  the  eleventh  day 
of  the  twelfth  month  (January  7,  171 3)  the  young  Shogun 
assumed  the  government.  By  the  precedents  he  should 
have  had  the  title  S/idsanmi  Dainago7i  when  his  head  was 
shaved  and  his  hair  fastened  in  a  cue,  and  still  later  the 
title  Shoni  would  have  been  bestowed,  and  only  after  he 
became  Sh5gun  should  the  emjieror's  messenger  have 
come  from  Kyoto.  But  as  he  inherited  his  position  when 
so  young  Zembo  Asson  asked  me  to  set  forth  the  proper 
procedure  which  I  did,  since  I  could  not  decline. 

The  name  is  given  by  the  father,  but  in  the  present 
instance  by  the  father  of  the  emperor.  I  wrote  the  peti- 
tion to  him  and  suggested  the  name. 

On  the  eighth  of  January  came  an  Imperial  letter  con- 
ferring the  Shb7ii  rank  and  the  title  Dainagotp  and  so  the 
child  at  once  became  Shogun.  The  letter  bestowing  the 
name  came  the  same  day.  A  lucky  day  was  chosen  for 
the  ceremony  Qanuary  17)  and  folks  paid  their  respects 
on  the  next  day  but  one.  As  in  the  case  of  the  former 
Shogun  I  was  given  thirty  ryo  and  other  gifts  as  my 
honorarium. 


K710X  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hahiscki,  199 

The  putting  on  the  luikavia  was  on  the  next  New 
Year's  day,  (26  January,  17 13)  and  on  the  seventeenth  of 
February  I  was  given  three  gold  ryb  for  choosing  the 
"  precious  ideographs  "  for  the  Shogun  to  write.*  The 
same  day  I  was  given  three  books,  by  order  of  the 
Shogun,  which  had  been  ordered  by  the  late  Shogun 
through  the  governor  of  Nagasaki. 

On  the  thirteenth  of  April,  as  bidden,  I  sent  in  the 
details  for  the  ceremony  of  the  hair  cutting,  including  a 
description  of  the  implements  and  of  the  ornaments  for 
the  room.  On  the  twenty-first  the  Shogun  went  to  the 
Shraso-in  where  his  crown  was  put  on  his  head  by  Hikone- 
no-kami  and  his  hair  was  cut  by  Aidzu-no-Kami.  I  saw 
it  all  from  the  rear.  I  too  was  often  in  the  castle  in 
connection  with  the  visit  of  Konoe  the  former  regent.f 

On  the  twenty-sixth  of  April  was  the  investiture  and 
this  1  saw  from  the  rear  as  in  the  case  of  the  former 
Shogun.  A  little  later  my  land  was  increased  as  the 
former  Shogun  had  commanded. 

On  November  fifth,  17 14,  I    chose    the    name    for   the 

great  bell    of  Bun-sho-byo   as    I    had    been    commanded. 

The  previous  year,  after  my  lord's    death    a   commission 

came  from  Kydto  granting   him   such    posthumous   name 

^  might  be  chosen.      When  Zembd  Asson  asked  me  about 


♦  The  first  ideographs  written  by  a  young  Japanese  are   chosen  with 
^special  care. 

t  This  Shogun  was  Yusho-in,  lyetsugu-kO  the  third  son  of  Bunsho-ko. 
^Xe  vras  four  years  old  when  his  father  died.  A  great  discussion  arose  as 
*o  liis  *♦  crowning  '*  as  if  he  were  the  son  of  the  Emperor.  It  is  supposed 
^o  have  been  connected  with  plans  of  Arai's  for  the  ending  of  the  dual 
Sovemment  and  the  enthronement  of  the  Sh5gun.  It  is  also  given  as  the 
why  Arai  was  not  **  employed  "  by  the  next  Shogun. 


2(X)         Knox ': — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 

it  I  said,  "As  the  name  goes  down  to  future  generations 
and  abroad  to  foreign  lands,  an  excellent  name  should  be 
chosen,  and  I  suggest  Bun  and  Sho.'*  The  Council  sent 
both  on  to  Kyoto  where  the  two  were  adopted,  Bunsho- 
ko.  That  my  suggestion  for  the  posthumous  name  of  my 
lord  and  for  the  name  of  the  Shogun  should  have  been 
approved  by  the  emperor  and  his  father,  and  that  I  was 
bidden  write  the  inscription  for  the  bell  were  great  favours.* 
At  the  anniversary  services  on  December  first,  all  was 
done  according  to  the  former  precedent.  Besides  the 
highest  officials  only  ten  persons  were  present.  All  were 
arrayed  in  their  most  elaborate  robes  of  ceremony. 


THE  UOYANA  BOATS. 

On  the  22nd  August  the  case  concerning  the  Uoyana 
boats  was  heard.  Freight  sent  from  Osaka  to  Yamato 
province  was  transferred,  because  of  the  shallow  water,  at 
Kamegase  in  Kawachi  province  to  the  Uoyana  boats  and 
by  them  was  brought  to  its  destination.  From  the  Keicho 
period  (i 596-161 5)  these  boats  which  belonged  to  the 
folks  in  the  village  Tate,  Heguri  township,  Yamato  pro- 
vince, had  been  in  charge  of  the  Shinto  priest  and  with 
the  profits  the  Shinto  temple  Tatsuda  had  been  maintain- 
ed without  aid  from  the  government,  and  moreover  paid 
an  annual  tax  of  thirty  ryo. 

In  Gcnroku  10  (A.  D.  1697)  the  villagers  offered  to  pay 


it 


*  The    name   contains    an   allusion    to   the  ancient  Chinese  poem — 
Truly  brave,  truly  wise,  clearly  equal  to  his  ancestors." 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakustki.  20 1 

a  tax  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  ryo  if  one  of  them  were 
put  in  charge  of  the  boats,  and  as  the  ofifer  was  large 
and  the  villagers  were  tenants  of  the  Shdgun  it  was 
accepted. 

In  the  intercalary  first  montli  of  Hoei  5  (Feb.  1708) 
the  farmers  of  five  hundred  and  three  villages,  tenants  of 
the  Shogun  and  different  davnyb,  complained  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  Nara,  Miyoshi  Bizen-no-kami,  that  though  the 
villagers  had  promised  to  follow  the  established  custom  yet 
they  not  only  gradually  had  increased  the  charges,  but 
when  the  boats  were  damaged  and  the  freight  injured 
refused  to  pay  damages  and  stole  the  cargo  that  was 
saved. 

Again  in  March,  the  sellers  of  dried  fish  in  Osaka  com* 
plained  that  though  in  the  past,  fish  (for  use  as  manure) 
which  was  lost  en  route  had  been  paid  for,  last  year  pay- 
ment was  refused  when  boats  were  lost  because  of  the 
great  earthquake,  and  this  in  spite  of  the  commands  of 
the  magistrates. 

In  the  fifth  month  (June-July)  Bizen-no-kami  referred 
these  coniplaints  to  Kyoto  and  after  an  examination  by 
Ki-no-Kami  Nobutsune  Asson  the  case  was  sent  to  the 
magistrate  of  the  treasury  in  Edo,  Hagiwara  Omi-no-Kami 
and  to  those  associated  with  him. 

After  the  preliminary  examination  the  priest,  Yasumura 
by  name,  asked  that  he  might  be  put  in  charge  again 
and  offered  to  pay  a  tax  of  three  hundred  ryo^  whereon 
the  villagers  offered  three  hundred  and  twenty  nine  ryo 
and  said  ; — ^We  are  few  in  numbers  but  our  land  measures 
a  thousand  koku.  For  the  fourteen  years  past  we  have 
paid  our  taxes  out  of  the  income  from  these  boats,  and  if 
that  is  taken-  away  we  shall  suffer. 


202         Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Haknseki, 

In  the  tenth  month  of  the  next  year  (Nov.  1709)  die 
decision  was  given  in  favour  of  the  villagers.  But  it  did 
not  touch  uporl'the  complaints  made  by  the  Osaka  merch- 
ants and  the  farmers  of  the  five  hundred  and  three  villages. 

The  spring  of  the  next  year  (1710)  after  the  change 
of  Shoguns,  when  Bizen-no-kami  came  to  Edo  to  the 
ceremonies,  he  handed  in  an  account  of  the  case  to 
Kawachi-no-kami,  Tadamine  Asson,  who  with  two  others 
investigated  it  and  in  the  intercalary  eighth  month  (Sept.- 
Oct.)  affixed  their  seals  to  the  following  decision; — 
*•  Precedents  do  not  show  the  boatmen  to  be  responsible 
for  the  loss  of  freight ;  but  there  is  a  special  fund  for  this 
purpose  in  Osaka  made  by  collecting  .005  for  each  piece 
of  fi-eight.  Again  the  villagers  claim  that  they  can  be 
held  responsible  only  from  Kamegase,  where  the  freight  is 
transferred  to  their  boats.  Their  contention  is  sustained. 
Even  government  freight  is  not  paid  for  when  lost.  The 
Osaka  merchants  have  no  case.  Their  fund  is  of  private 
arrangement  and  not  of  law.  If  it  is  considered  other 
complications  will  arise." 

Tadamine  Asson  was  very  zealous  for  this  decision ,  and 
told  the  magistrates  to  so  lay  down  the  law  that  the  case 
should  not  come  up  again ;  and  he  sought  to  make  all 
parties  promise  not  to  appeal. 

.  But  Bizen-no-kami  would  not  agree,  for  the  decision 
touched  the  complaint  of  the  Osaka  merchants  only,  and 
ignored  the  grievances  of  the  five  hundred  and  three 
villages,  the  dispute  between  tenants  of  the  Sh^un  and 
of  the  daimyo^  and  he  declared  that  a  side  issue  should 
not  stop  appeal.  Tadamine  Asson  became  very  angry, 
changed  colour  and  said,  •'  It  is  not  for  your  good  to 
raise  again  a  question  settled  by  so  many  judges !  "   and 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki.  203 

would  not  listen.  In  the  winter  when  I  visited  Nara, 
Bizen-no-kami  showed  great  anger  as  he  told  me  about 
it  and  when  I  returned  to  Edo  in  the  spring  I  told  tins, 
among  other  things,  to  the  Shogun,  saying,  "  The  decision 
was  unjust." 

Almost  immediately  Hizen  no-kami  died  in  his  rage  and 
then  Yasumura  killed  himself  as  he  felt  there  was  no  one 
left  to  help  him. 

Yasumura's  son  came  to  Edo  in  great  anger,  deter- 
mined to  have  the  decision  against  his  father  reversed. 
He  made  constant  appeals  and  the  priests  of  the  temple 
joined  with  him  as  they  now  had  no  funds  tot  its  support. 
So  !Zembo  Asson,  by  what  means  I  do  not  know,  re- 
stored all  to  the  original  conditions,  giving  the  manage- 
ment to  Yasumura's  son,  putting  the  tax  back  to  the 
first  figure  and  ordering  the  temple  to  be  repaired  at  once. 
He  sent  me  a  copy  of  his  decision  and  told  me  he  had 
the  authority  of  the  late  Shdgun  for  it. 

In  April  (17 1 3)  as  I  think  it  was,  I  said  to  Zembo 
Asson, — "  Lu.xury  is  increasing  and  prices  rise  so  that  the 
liotatnoto  perform  their  duties  with  difficulty.  What  should 
they  do  were  there  war  ?  In  spite  of  the  warnings  of  the 
late  Shdgun  the  evil  grows,  and  now  one  who  wishes  to 
live  within  his  means  finds  the  great jst  difficulty  in  so 
doing.  Tile  case  is  peculiarly  urgent  during  the  youth  of 
the  Shogun.  Pray  consult  with  the  elders  as  to  remedies 
for  this  evil."  He  assented,  consulted  with  the  elders  and 
bade  every  hatamoto  send  in  his  plan  for  the  remedy  of 
the  evil. 

He  showed  mc  the  replies  but  they  were  mere  promises 
of  diligence  in  duty,  and  did  not  touch  the  reform  of  the 
government    or    the    condition   of   the    people.     As    the 


I 


204  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hafcuseki. 

Shogun  had  always  asked  my  opinion  so  now  the  elders 
sought  it.  But  if  the  note  is  high  listeners  are  few,  and 
without  clear  proof  no  one  will  believe,  so  I  tried  to  meet 
the  mind  of  the  times  and  sent  in  points  taken  from  the 
rules  of  the  Shdgun,  making  three  volumes  in  all. 

I  never  heard  of  any  decision.  I  pressed  for  one  be- 
fore the  change  of  officials  as  did  Zembo  Asson  likewise, 
but  time  went  by  and  my  memorial  was  returned,  endors- 
ed,— '*  Too  difficult,  it  cannot  be  done  at  present."  But 
I  had  not  written  my  own  ideas  but  the  opinion  of  the 
Shogun  and  their  refusal  was  of  his  ideas,  not  mine.  The 
difficulty  was,  the  officials  would  not!  I  could  say  no 
more.  As  it  is  said.  When  desires  oppose  commands 
there  is  no  obedience.  So  if  a  decision  were  reached  it 
could  not  be  carried  out  with  all  the  officials  in  opposi- 
tion. When  the  Shogun  becomes  a  man,  he  will  know 
I  desisted  because  further  effort  was  useless.  They  put 
it  off  saying,  **  We  shall  decide  when  all  are  heard/*  and 
never  decided  at  all.     So  it  ended. 


THE  COINAGE. 

I  knew  that  my  advice  would  not  be  followed,  even 
though  it  had  been  sanctioned  by  the  Shogun,  but  as 
none  of  the  officials  considered  the  debasement  of  the 
coinage,  which  is  the  greatest  of  evils,  I  wrote  papers 
zealously  and  though  the  Shogun  was  already  ill  his 
decision  was  made.  He  stopped  the  new  coinage  and 
removed  Shigehide  from  office,  and  until  death,  was  con- 
sidering ways  and  means  for  the  restoration  of  the  coins 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki.  205 

to  the  proper  standard.     But  since  his  death  no  one   has 
done  anything. 

From  the  first  I  diligently  studied  how  to  remove  this 
grief,  and  the  more  earnestly  since  it  was  unaccomplished 
at  my  lord's  death  and  so  might  be  accounted  his  error. 
It  is  filial  piety  to  fulfill  his  wish  and  make  known  his 
will,  especially  as  great  suffering  will  be  saved.  My 
labour  was  for  my  lord  and  for  his  son. 

I  sent  in  the  results  of  my  study,  in  three  volumes, 
to  Zembo  Asson  in  the  sixth  month  of  this  year  (July- 
August  1 71 3)  and  further  told  him  my  ideas.  Since  the 
order  to  restore  the  standard  had  been  given,  all  sorts  of 
opinions  were  expressed: — i.  To  restore  the  silver  minted 
since  Genroku  to  the  old  stardard,  would  require  118 
tnan-gafne  of  bullion  while  the  total  annual  product  is  only 
4  sen-gavie  so  that  the  product  of  three  hundred  years  is 
needed.  2.  For  the  separation  of  the  copper  and  silver 
in  the  coins  we  shall  need  lead  to  the  amount  of  276 
man  4  sen  gante  while  the  yearly  output  is  only  3737 
hiakkan^  thus  requiring  the  product  of  739  years.  Nor 
can  we  count  the  men  who  will  be  killed  by  the  poison- 
ous process.  3.  Were  the  silver  restored  it  would  not 
correspond  to  the  gold  unless  that  also  is  restored,  and 
so  prices  will  vary  with  the  two  metals.  But  if  we  make 
the  silver  coins  smaller  than  at  present  but  of  standard 
purity,  botli  the  silver  and  the  gold  will  answer.  These 
were  the  opinions  of  the  artizans  of  the  Ginza.  4.  If  the 
rate  of  exchange  is  again  put  at  60  me  for  one  gold  ryb 
there  will  still  be  exchange  to  pay  on  the  silver,  for  silver 
has  been  mixed  with  the  gold,  and  copjx^r  with  the  silver, 
and  gold  has  been  reminted  once,  and  silver  often,  so  there 
are  three  grades  of  old  and  six  of  silver.     To  purify  the 


I 


206         Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki. 

gold  and  reduce  the  size  of  the  coins  by  half,  and  to  fully 
restore  the  silver  will  not  accomplish  the  desired  object,  for 
the  relative  values  will  not  be  restored.    5.  Both  can  not  be 
restored  nor  can  the  government  force  them  to  pass  as  of 
equal  value.     Let  10  fftan  ryb  of  good  gold  be  issued  each 
year,  and  let  the  debased  silver  be  gradually  called  in,  thus 
its  price  will  rise  and  values  adjust  themselves.     Thus  ui^d 
the  exchangers  (the  bankers).     6.  The  low  price  of  silver  is 
in  part  from  its  over  issue.      Call  in  half  and  make  good 
copper  coins  out   of  the   copper   it  contains.     This   was, 
probably,  the  notion  of  those    who    had   issued   the   big 
pence  at  the   close    of  the    former    reign.     7.  Let   paper 
money  be  issued  and  the  gold  and  stiver  called  in  and  let 
it  be  decreed  that  the  three  pass  as  of  equal  value.     Coin 
copper  in  large  quantities,  and  with  the  increase  of  currency 
prices  will  steady  themselves.      Search    for   mines,   work 
them  all,  and  in  ten  years  or  so    good    coin    will    be  as 
plentiful  as  in  Gcnroku,    Then  bum  half  the   paper   and 
there  will  be  no  adverse  critic.     So  said  some  of  the  elders 
of  a  little  wisdom.     8.  The  value  of  the  coins  is  less  and 
their  number  doubled.     The  price  of  rice  is  higher    than 
in  famines  yet  no  one  dies  of  want.     That  is  because  the 
coins  are  so  many.     So  let  us  increase  the    number   still 
more,  and  thus  even  the    value  of  the    silver   and   gold. 
Evidently  there  has  been  profit  in  these  re-coinings  since 
Genroku.     It  is  the  exchangers  who  unsettle  prices  by  their 
secret  manipulations  of  the    rate   of  exchange.     Even   if 
the  coins  are  restored  to  the  standard  who  knows  what  new 
scheme  they  will  invent  to  injure  society.     Punish  severe- 
ly three  or  five  of  these  men  and  the  people  will  be  com- 
forted and  the  prices  of  gold,  silver  and    everything   will 
be  steadied.     Thus  thought  the  military  folk.     Folks  take 


Knox  : — Autohiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki,         207 

wealth  as  wealth  and  profit,  but  misled  by  these  evil  ex- 
changers they  clamor  for  a  re-coinage,  which  cannot   be. 

All  these  were  wrong,  as  I  showed  before  setting  forth 
my  own  views.  (It  all  made  three  volumes.)  Zembo 
Asson  well  knew  the  puipose  of  the  late  Shogun  and  the 
urgent  need  but  he  came  to  think  its  accomplishment 
impossible  in  such  a  conflict  of  opinions.  He  was  greatly 
pleased  with  my  views,  consulted  the  Council  of  State 
and  on  the  20th  September  the  treasury  magistrates 
decided  to  carry  out  the  late  Shogun*s  decree.  (This 
decision  was  of  my  writing.)  But,  of  course,  these  officials 
desired  their  private  gain  and  not  the  good  of  the  Empire, 
nor  did  they  understand  the  subject,  and  as  they  did  not 
wish  to  be  reproached  for  failure  there  was  no  one  to 
carry  out  the  project  or  to  reply  to  objections.  So  it  was 
necessary  to  a[>point  someone  and  Zembo  Asson  with 
the  Council  of  State  appointed  seven  men. 

A  merchant  of  Sakae,  Idzumi  province,  named  Tani 
privately  wrote  his  views  on  this  subject  to  a  friend  in 
Kyoto  who  forwarded  the  letter  to  me.  Neither  of  these 
two  men  was  an  ordinary  shopkeeper  but  both  had  been 
samurai.  The  plan  differed  from  my  own  but  could  be 
carried  out  easily  and  as  I  knew  the  value  of  the  opinion 
of  a  business  man  I  showed  it  to  Zembo  Asson,  who 
was  gfreatly  pleased  at  there  being  two  ways  of  doing 
that  which  he  had  regarded  as  impossible.  I  said  I 
should  like  to  meet  the  man  and  was  soon  informed  of 
his  arrival  in  Edo.  I  sent  for  him  and  said,  **  This  is 
not  my  business  but  as  it  is  for  humanity,  and  for  the 
nation  lay  your  plan  before  the  officials."  He  replied, 
"  I  know  a  relative  of  Yoshimasa  "  (one  of  those  in  charge 
of  the  re-coinage.)     "  I  too  know  him  well  *'  I  said,  **  Tell 


2o8  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki, 

your  friend.  It  is  very  fortunate."  So  I  told  Yoshimasa 
and  asked  him  to  sfend  for  Tani,  and  Yoshimasa  was 
much  pleased  saying,  *' I  have  consulted  so  many  to  no 
purpose  that  I  am  made  very  happy  by  this." 

So  he  heard  Tani,  questioned  him,  consulted  with  others, 
and  on  February  2,  17 14,  told  Takatomo  Asson  the  chief 
in  charge.  Zembo  Asson  of  course  knew  all  about  it  and 
left  it  to  the  seven  men. 

In  the  east,  gold  and  copper  had  been  chiefly  used 
while  in  the  west,  it  was  mostly  silver  with  some  copper, 
and  so  the  greatest  troubles  from  the  debased  silver  had 
been  there,  and  Tani's  plan  had  to  do  with  that  section. 
But  as  the  decree  bade  the  restoration  of  both  metals 
and  as  the  re-coining  of  one  would  cause  new  complica- 
tions I  consulted  with  Yoshimasa  about  the  gold.  But 
most  officials  thought  best  not  to  touch  it  as  folks  here- 
abouts were  not  troubled  greatly  by  the  debased  silver, 
and  as  half  the  value  of  the  gold  would  be  lost.  Most 
people  supposed  that  a  ryd  of  the  old  would  be  exchanged 
for  one  of  the  new,  and  all  decided  to  study  the  subject. 

In  Genroku  silver  was  mixed  with  gold,  and  copper 
with  siver.  The  size  and  form  of  the  coins  were  retained 
and  their  number  was  doubled.  But  only  blind  men 
could  fail  to  know  that  half  the  gold  had  been  replaced 
by  silver,  and  no  one  will  sell  an  article  worth  100  ryd 
for  less  than  200  ryd.  So  with  silver,  though  prices  seem 
to  rise,  it  is  only  because  folks  see  that  200  ryd  represent 
only  100  ryd.  So  an  increase  in  the  false  number  adds 
nothing  to  the  true  one,  and  if  our  return  to  the  standard 
seems  to  cut  down  200  ryd  to  100  ryd  it  is  only  the  false 
number  that  is  diminished.  As  we  fix  prices  by  law,  we 
must  decree  that  fifty  of  the  new  coins  be  taken  in  place 


Knox  :^-AMhybiogf^(y  of  A^-ai  Htikuscku         209 

of  one  hundred  of  the  old,  that  no  one  may  lose  nor 
exchange  one  cf  the  old  for  one  of  the  new.  The  num- 
ber of  coins  must  be  halved,  how  can  the  present  number 
be  maintained  ?  Were  the  products  of  tl.e  mines  sufficient 
there  had  been  no  reasoii  for  debasing  the  coinage.  The 
people  are  accustomed  to  false  dealing  and  their  doubts 
will  remain  even  if  we  are  just,  but  what  if  any  false 
element  is  permitted  to  remain  ? 

All  this  is  very  simple,  but  the  officials  were  so  confus^ 
ed  by  sophistries  that  they  were  convinced  only  when  all 
had  been  explained  over  and  over  igain,  in  repeated  con- 
ferences which  lasted  lor  days.  In  the  end  they  saw  their 
error  and  adopted  Tani's  plan. 

The  silver  could  be  taken  from  the  gold  readily,  but  the 
extraction  of  the  copper  took  much  lead  and  the  process 
was  injurious  to  the  workers,  so  it  was  argued.  But  I 
t(Ad  them  that  the  Osaka  merchants  deal  in  copper) 
separafe  copper  arid  lead  and  take  out  the  silver.  If  the 
process  is  so  deadly  how  do  they  do  it?  Our  so-called 
silver  is  really  copper  with  a  little  silver  mixed  in  and 
they  would  think  nothing  of  getting  it  out. 

So  it  was  decided  to  examine  these  men,  re^issue  both 
gold  and  silver,  and  establish  exchanges  for  the  old  and 
new  coins.  On  the  i6th  June  17 14  the  edict  was  issued 
and  I  wrote  it  at  the  bidding  of  Zembo  Asson. 

The  plans  contained  items  I  did  not  approve  knd  wera 
badly  executed.  Much  was  stolen,  the  law  was  changed 
and  little  good  came  of  it,  naturally  enough,  since  men 
ignorant  and  without  ability  were  eager  to  show  What 
they  could  do.    Zembd  Asson  came  to  agree  fully  with  me. 

On  June  24  four  of  the  Ginza  artizans  were  banished 
and  a  fifth  was  dismissed  from  Edo*     Tvvo  officials  were 


2 1  o  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki, 

imprisoned  in  their  own  houses.  They  had  violated  the 
ancient  laws  and  had  made  bad  silver,  a  crime  of  great 
magnitude.  In  obedience  to  Shigehide  they  had  caused 
much  suffering  throughout  the  Empire.  Some  men 
thought  they  should  have  been  beheaded. 

Of  old  the  coinage  could  be  changed  only  when  all 
the  elders  put  their  seals  on  the  decree,  but  from  Gcnroku 
it  had  been  left  to  the  treasury  magistrates  and,  more 
recently,  to  Shigehide  with  two  other  officials.  That  was 
through  Shigehide's  cunning.  Then  he  formed  a  company 
of  artizans  in  the  Ginza  who  carried  out  his  plans. 

Their  guilt  was  very  great,  but  all  had  been  left  to 
Shigehide,  and  the  artizans  after  all,  were  not  to  blame 
for  carrying  out  his  plans.  It  was  a  crime  to  leave  off 
affixing  the  elders'  seals,  as  it  was  to  leave  all  to  him. 
This  was  their  method ; — One  of  the  company  would 
learn  Shigehide's  wishes  privately  and  then  get  up  an 
agitation,  and  a  petition  would  be  sent  to  Shigehide  to  do 
thus  and  so,  and  he  would  yield  and  affix  his  seal  to  a 
decree  granting  the  petition. 

But  the  government  makes  laws  and  the  people  obey ; 
if  the  government  violate  laws  and  the  people  obey  how 
shall  crime  be  charged  against  them  ?  There  are  diflferent 
degrees  in  crime,  leadership,  purposed  participation  and 
unwitting  agreement.  Shigehide's  guilt  was  the  most 
serious,  but  he  was  only  removed  from  office  and  im- 
prisoned at  home  and  was  pardoned  at  the  Shdgun's 
death.  He  was  not  tried,  but  escaped  just  punishment 
and  died  of  illness.  How  then  shall  they  be  put  to  death 
who  sinned  with  him  ?  That  would  imply  that  his  body 
should  be  exhumed  and  beheaded.  But  even  if  dead  folks 
were  conscious,  and  though  you  should  cut  his  body  into 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki,  2 1 1 

inch  bits  yet  would  such  an  unfeeling  spirit  as  his  suffer 
nothing,  and  the  display  of  cruelty  would  be  wantcn 
and  not  in  accord  with  government  by  superior  men  of 
rightousness  and  benevolence.  Everyone  knows  that  I 
opposed  Shigehide  while  alive,  and  as  for  these  men  I 
have  never  seen  them  and  my  argument  is  not  for  their 
sake,  but  for  justice  in  punishment,  the  equalization  of 
the  past  and  present.  And  so  it  was  that  all  were  judged 
guilty  of  minor  offences. 

When  the  books  of  the  Ginza  artizans  were  examined 
it  appeared  that  Shigehide  had  a  profit  of  260.000  ryb  out 
of  the  debasing  of  the  silver,  besides  pictures  and  ancient 
treasures ;  and  that  he  gave  60.000  ryb  to  his  follower 
Nagai  Hanroku.  Whereon,  a  great  outcry  arose  against 
the  latter  but  I  argued  again,  "  He  was  the  servant  and 
it  was  his  duty  to  obey  and  so  he  got  the  money.  If 
he  is  punished  so  must  Shigehide's  son  suffer.  But  he 
has  only  700  koku  out  of  his  father's  3700  and  so  is 
punished  already.  To  again  lay  bare  the  father's  thefts 
and  again  punish  the  innocent  son  is  to  heap  hoar-frost  on 
snow  and  is  not  the  government  of  righteous  and  bene- 
volent, superior  men.  The  chief  being  unpunished  we 
need  not  discuss  the  punishment  of  subordinates,  and 
especially  with  crimes  which  are  unconfessed.  All  should 
be  ignored." 

So  further  proceedings  were  stopped. 


212         Knox : — Autobiograpky  of  Arm  HakusekL 


SOME  QUESTIONS  OF  PRECEDENCE 
AND   PRIVILEGE. 

I  was  not  invited  to  the  ceremony  on  the  third  anni- 
versary of  the  Shogun*s  death  but  was  told  of  it  the 
following  day.  So  when  I  met  Zenibo  Asson  I  told  him 
I  should  resign,  since  I  had  not  been  infonw^d  of  this 
ceremony  after  being  consulted  about  cverythijeg  for  years. 
I  should  be  disgraced  did  I  not  resign  for  I  should,  spem 
to  cling  to  office. 

He  was  astonished  and  said  "  What !  I  Iiaye.  not  for- 
gotten your  words  about  the  young  Shogun  when  bis 
iatlier  died  ancl  just  the  pther  day  the  Shdgtin*$  mothei; 
and  grandmotl^r  said,  *^Is  Chikugo  no  Kami  w^U?  He 
was  always  consulted  by  the  late  Shogun  andt  we-  are 
safe  when  he  is  here.'  If  you  resign  I  sliall  be.  bUined 
by  them  and  by  everyone.  Do  consider  your  purposes," 
But  I  replied,  '*  Years  ago  I  said,  this  ends  my  service, 
when  my  lord  died.  For  three  years  I  have  held,  on  that 
I  might  carry  out  his  purpose,  and  reform  the  coifi9gQ 
and  now  that  is  done.  He  further  wished  me  to  loolc 
into  the  foreign  trade  at  Nagasaki  and  I  have  made  full 
preparations  so  that  others  can  complete  that  work.  Be- 
fore my  lord  died  I  had  decided  to  resign,  and  could  I 
be  induced  to  change  my  purpose  I  should  not  mention 
tlicse  details.  But,  as  there  would  be  hostile  criticism 
were  I  wholly  to  withdraw,  I  will  consult  with  you  when- 
ever you  w  ish  my  advice  on  matters  of  great  moment." 

So  Zembo  Asson  ceased  to  urge  me,  but  asked  me  to 
postpone  my  resignation  until  after  the  reception  of  the 
Imperial  messengers  from   Kyoto.     In  the   interval  I  was 


Km^ : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki.         2 1 3 

asked  to  a  consultation  over  an  important  matter.  Zembo 
Asson  met  me  and  sai<l : — *'  I  have  told  the  elders  of  your 
purpose  and  of  my  failure  to  shake  it,  though  I  have  tried 
earnestly  since  you  were  so  deep  in  the  confidence  of  the 
late  ShoguQ.  They  tell  me  to  try  again  in  their  name 
and  to  insist  upon  the  public  injury  your  resignation  will 
cause.  You  will  greatly  favor  us  all  and  and  will  benefit 
the  nation  by  withdrawing  your  resignation." 

**  This  is  wholly  unexpected  "  I  said,  "  and  I  must  con- 
sider my  answer."  So  I  went  home  and  the  next  day 
sent  this  reply : — "  My  purpose  was  formed  long  ago  and 
is.  not  of  this  one  thing.  But  I  hesitate  to  set  my  opinion 
against  the  wishes  of  those  who  carry  on  the  government 
and  so  withdraw  my  resignation."  Zembo  Asson  told 
me-  that  it  was  agreed  to  on  die  next  day  and  said,  **  It 
k  a  great  iavor  to  the  public  and  to  me."  He  aslced 
me  to  come  again  two  days  later,  when  I  met  the  elders 
as  they  came  fi^om  their  audience  with  the  Shogun. 
Zembo  Asson  and  Chiiryd  Asson  presented  me  to  them 
and  when  all  were  seated  Zembo  Asson  said,  '*  He  has 
agreed  to  our  request.'*  Masanao  Asson  Tairo  said, 
**^You  aFe  not  yet  old.  Take  good  care  of  your  health, 
that  yoti  may  long  serve."  The  otl^ers  said,  **  You  must 
help  us  even  though  you  are  ill.  Do  not  worry  but 
take  good  care  of  your  spirit."  Kii-no-kami  Nobutsune 
said,  "It  is  long  since  we  have  met;"  and  Yamashiro- 
no-kami  Tadazane  Asson  said,  "It  is  our  first  meeting, 
I  repfce  at  the.  happy  conclusion  of  this  affair.'* 

In  the  eleventh  mouth  we  discussed  the  gift  of  land, 
of  50  koku  ii>  value,  for  tlie  maintenance  of  ceremonies 
ia  honor  of  Nan-mei-in,  wife  of  Icyasu  and  younger  sistei 


2 1 4  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Haktiseki, 

of  Hideyoshi.     It  was  a  wish  of  the  late  Shogun  for  the 
centenary  of  lyeyasu. 

When  in  the  temple  Tofuku,  Kyoto,  I  had  seen  the 
pictures  of  leyasu  and  of  his  wife.  His  picture  is  in 
other  temples  also  but  hers  here  only.  As  wife  and  sister 
her  glory  was  great  while  she  lived,  but  I  wept  as  I 
found  her  picture  in  this  little  temple,  left  here  with- 
out any  offerings.  The  second  Shogun  maintained  cere- 
monies in  her  honor,  for  she  was  in  the  place  of  mother 
to  him,  and  he  commanded  on  his  death  bed,  that  land 
be  given  for  their  perpetual  maintenance;  but  the  priests 
chose  looo  ryo  instead^  for  it  was  soon  after  the  wars 
and  temple  lands  often  had  been  seized  and  given  to 
samurai. 

On  my  return  to  Edo  I  told  the  Shogun  and  said, 
"  Though  leyasu  had  many  children  and  they  had  many 
mothers,  yet  Nan-mei-in  only  was  his  wife.  When  peace 
was  made  between  east  and  west,  Hideyoshi  gave  his 
sister  to  be  leyasu's  wife  and  adopted  leyasu's  son.  Still 
there  was  no  meeting  of  the  two  until  Hideyoshi  sent 
his  mother  as  hostage,  and  then  when  leyasu  went  to 
Kyoto  he  said  to  the  men  he  left  behind,  "  Whatever 
comes  to  me  my  wife  knows  nothing  of  it.  Return  her 
to  her  father."  That  shows  the  heart  of  leyasu.  It  was 
the  decree  of  Heaven  that  saved  him  from  injury  but  we 
cannot  say  his  wife  was  without  her  influence.  Her 
virtue  •  served  her  own  time  and  posterity ;  and,  besides, 
she  was  the  wife  of  the  founder  of  the  Empire.  Why 
then  is  she  forgotten  save  as  a  petty  priest  divides  his 
scanty  food  for  an  offering  ?  '* 

The  Shogun  warmly  assented  but  postponed  the  endow- 
ment until  the  centenary,  lest  reproach  should  be  cast  on 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Ilakuscki,         2 1 5 

tilie  neglect  of  former  generations.  He  spoke  about  it 
'vvhen  he  died;  and  the  gift  was  made  at  this  time. 

In  the  eleventh  month  (December  17 14)  came  an  em- 
l>assy  from  I^oo  Choo  with  congratulations  to  the  Shogun 
3.nd  the  announcement  of  the  accession  of  their  king. 
Formerly  their  communication  had  been  in  the  Japanese 
language  but  recently  they  had  used  Chinese  in  their 
dispatches.  They  had  also  changed  the  style  of  the  box 
for  the  dispatches  As  in  foreign  lands  there  is  no  Sh5gun, 
t:heir  use  of  titles  and  forms  was  wrong.  Zembd  Asson 
55poke  tp  me  about  it,  and  I  sent  them  through  Satsuma- 
i-io-Kami  a  list  of  terms  they  must  not  use.  They  sent 
^x,n  answer  asking  about  various  titles  and  I  replied  to 
"tlieir  inquiries  and  added,  **  Tell  the  king  to  change  the 
^liape  of  his  dispatches.  The  questions  come  from  igno- 
r«ince  of  our  past  customs  and  present  usage.  If  they 
crannot  use  the  Chinese  properly  let  them  use  the  Japan- 
se  again.  But  let  them  decide  for  themselves."  And 
ambassador  replied,  "  We  used  the  Chinese  because 
f  the  late  Shogun's  fondness  for  learning  and  wished  to 
him,  but  now  we  will  return  to  the  old  custom.*' 
uma  no  Kami  acted  as  our  representative. 

I  wished  to  meet  the  ambassador,  and  did  so  on  the 
8th   of  the  1 2th  month  in  the  Satsuma  mansion,  Satsu- 

-no-Kami  and  Yoshitaka  Asson  being  present  also. 
I  wore  a  robe  of  peculiar  make,  a  cap,  my  ordinary 
ss^word  and  a  red  fan  which  had  been  given  me  by  the 
icDrmer  regent. 

In  the  eleventh  month  came  a  request  from  the  priests 
of  the  Zojo  temple,  that  one  of  the  buildings  might  be 
iT'epaired  and  ceremonies  performed  there  in  connec- 
t:ion  with  the  centenary   of  leyasu.       Their   grounds    for 


2 1 6  Kfiox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  HtikusekL 

this  request  were  these  : — we  have  a  picture  of  leyasu 
painted  by  himself:  wc  also  have  his  hair  and  finger 
nails :  moreover,  until  the  death  of  the  third  Sh^un  the 
temple  was  honored,  but  the  fourth  Shogun  did  not  visit 
it  during  his  youth,  and  now  from  long  neglect  the  grass 
grows  thick  about  the  place  of  prayer.  leyasu  and  his 
family  were  of  our  sect  the  Jodoshuy  he  was  learned  in 
its  doctrines,  we  gave  him  a  posthumous  name  and  his 
obituary  ceremonies  from  the  fiftieth  day,  to  the  third  year 
when  he  was  taken  to  Nikko  were  all  here.  TTie  former 
Shogun  was  also  of  our  sect  and  desired  that  tl^  cere- 
monies be  here,  and  once  more,  the  ceremonies  for  the 
fifth  Shogun  are  performed  in  our  temple. 

The  Council  of  State  consulted  Zembo  Asson  and  he 
came  to  mc.  I  told  him  that  the  family  was  not  origi- 
nally of  the  Jodoslm  but  only  from  the  sixth  ancestor,  of 
leyasu  :  that  though  the  ceremonies  of  the  fiftieth  day 
were  held  at  Zqjoji  they  were  in  private  and  without  the 
usual  gifts :  that  the  ceremonies  of  the  first  and  third 
anniversaries  were  not  there  at  all,  and  that  the  request 
should  be  refused. 

He  agreed  and  asked  me  to  put  the  answer  in  due 
form.  So  I  wrote  three  questions  asking  proof  for  their 
assertions.  They  could  not  give  it  and  said  their  journal 
had  been  burned.  I  clearly  showed  errors  in  their  at- 
tempts at  other  proofs    and    in    the  end  they  gave  it  up. 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuscki,  2 1 7 


THE  FOREIGN  TRADE. 

The  Council  of  State  in  the  eleventh  month  (December 
M.  714)  discussed  the  new  coinage,  for  it  had  been  criticised 
vvhen  issued  in  the  fifth  month  and  disliked,    prices    rose 
lily  and  every  one  was  troubled. 

A  merchant  named  Nojima  Shinuemon  proposed  a  plan 
the  exchange  which  was  approved  by  the  elders,  and 
.s  the  news  got  abroad  folks  expected  an  immediate 
:hange  in  the  law,  and  exchange  wholly  ceased.  When 
I  heard  of  it  I  .said,  "  It  is  as  I  expected  and  the  men 
"v?vho  for  their  own  profit,  impede  this  measure  which  is 
\T  the  benefit  of  all,  should  be  severely  punished.  But 
I"  the  elders  go  on  with  their  discussions  the  troubles  also 
ill  continue.  Zembo  Asson  said  to  me,  **  The  men  who 
'^^nderstand  the  matter  are  all  in  Kyoto  and  if  anything 
i  s  done  in  their  absence  folks  will  say,  **  It  is  all  Chikugo 
»^o-Kami*s  doing:"  I  have  sent  to  Kydto  for  the  men." 
lut  I  replied,  **  From  the  beginning  I  have  sought  only 
he  good  of  the  Empire  and  care  nothing  for  criticisms." 

then  he  discussed  the  subject  with  the  elders  and  sent 
to  Kydto  for  consultation. 

This  was  the  merchant's  plan : — The  people  of  the  sixty- 

jx   provinces,  according    to   the  census   was  57,096,000, 

md  since  that  count  was  made  the  number  has  increased 

.n  hundred-fold.     Take  12  cents  from  each  person  to  meet 

he  expenses  of  the  exchange  and  of  the  new  pence.     Then 

[ive  70  gold  ryo  of  the  new  mintage  with  1 20  me  *  of  silver 

.nd  4  kantnon  of  copper  for  100  gold  ryb  of  the  old  coins. 


*  Aooording   to   standard   50   me   of  silver  (i  ;//^=58   grains   Troy) 
^^qoalled  1  gold  tyb.    Our  kanmon  was  1000  cash. 


2 1 8  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  HakusekL 

With  minor  modificatioi)s  all  approved  this,  but  I  wrote 
showing  the  folly  of  it,  and  set  down  the  outline  of  my 
paper  here  : — As  to  the  poll  tax.  The  census  can  be 
trusted  in  foreign  lands  but  in  Japan  our  records  are 
incorrect.  In  the  time  of  the  emperor  Kimmei  the 
population  was  set  down  as  being  4,969,890  and  in 
the  time  of  the  emperor  Seimu  it  had  grown  to 
8,631,074,  though  this  is  not  given  in  the  history.  In 
China  in  the  dynasty,  its  most  populous  period,  the  400 
provinces  had  59,594,978  inhabitants.  What  faith,  then 
can  we  put  in  the  statements  of  the  census  quoted  ?  It 
is  not  intended  seriously  but  is  a  mere  exercise  in  arith- 
metic. It  puts  20,000  persons  on  every  hundred  kohi  of 
land  with  91,648  over!  Let  everyone  judge  where  his 
neighborhood  holds  such  a  mass  even  after  this  century 
of  peace.  Can  we  take  1 2  cents  for  each  person  of  a 
population  an  hundred  times  greater  than  the  census 
names  ?  If  we  allow  200  persons  to  each  koku  of  land, 
we  shall  need  one  kivaimnc^  300  mon  from  each  man 
if  we  are  to  exchange  ryo  for  ryj.  The  rich  are  few,  and 
the  poor  many,  and  how  shall  men  find  such  a  sum  who 
are  obliged  to  support  parents,  wife  and  children  on 
50  to  100  mon  per  day  ?  Besides,  all  the  pence  in  ex- 
istence would  not  suffice,  for  we  know  how  many  have 
been  made  since  Kanei  (A.D.  1624- 1643)  and  may  add 
an  equal  number  for  older  pieces.  Then  too,  as  in  China 
also,  old  folks  and  children  are  exempt;  and  there  are 
many  wandering  priests  and  merchants,  nor  do  we  even 
know  how  many  persons  are  born  each  morning,  nor 
how    many  die    at   night.       How    can    we    collect  a  poll 


*  I  k7uamme=\o  lbs.  Troy.     loo  mon  was  58  grains  Troy. 


Knox : — Autobiograpliy  of  Aral  HakusekL  2 1 9 

tax?  Besides  how  unjust  a  law  that  disregards  the  dif- 
ference between  rich  and  poor!  But  if  one  new  ryo  be 
given  for  two  old  ones,  the  loss  will  fall  on  the  rich  and 
not  on  the  poor,  many  of  whom  do  not  get  a  ryo  piece 
in  a  year,  and  the  poor  are  double  in  number  the 
rich. 

Look  at  the  proposed  ratio !  VVe  ,have  gold  enough 
for  half  the  number  of  coins,  where  is  the  additional  gold 
to  be  found  so  that  we  may  give  70  ryo  for  an  hundred. 
And  silver  is  to  be  given  too,  but  where  shall  we  get  it, 
as  all  extracted  from  the  gold  coins  is  to  be  re-minted? 
And  the  plan  requires  enough  copper  to  use  all  the 
product  of  our  mines  for  294  years  at  least!  Surely  it 
is  wholly  impracticable.     There  must  be  another  way.'* 

Everyone  was  told  to  write  his  ideas,  but  no  one  had 
any  and  I  did  aiot  need  to  write  again.  It  was  decided 
to  punish  all  who  had  opposed  the  new  law,  and  tl^ugh 
the  punishment  was  death  it  was  mercifully  lightened  one 
degree,  and  they  were  banished  to  islands.  When  Nojima 
heard  of  his  punishment  he  fainted !  And  Yamato-no- 
Kami  Shigeyuki  said,  "  How  could  so  great  an  affair  be 
entrusted  to  a  man  of  so  little  spirit  ? 

After  this  the  exchange  was  carried  on  as  at  first. 

During  the  winter  we  discussed  plans  for  carrying  out 
the  will  of  the  late  Shogun  as  to  foreign  trade.  From 
his  accession  the  copper  supp'y  had  been  too  small,  and 
the  magistrates  complained  that  trade  ceased  to  the  im- 
poverishment of  the  people.  The  Ginza  merchants  were 
told  to  furnish  the  copper  but  could  not,  for  the  output 
diminished  yearly  and  the  price  rose.  They  could  not 
ulfill  their  contracts,  and  after  two  years  it  was  takene 
ffrom  them  and  given  to   merchants  in  Osaka,  but   ther 


220  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki, 

was  not  enough  after  the  home  needs  were  supplied,  prices 
rose  and  holders  would  not  sell. 

So  in  Nagasaki  the  weaker  folks  traded  secretly  with 
the  foreigners  and  the  stronger  went  to  sea  and  met  the 
ships  and  traded  there.  The  foreigners  do  not  follow  the 
established  routes,  but  sail  to  and  fro,  athwart  these  wicked 
traders  and  barter  with  them.  The  foreigners  land,  get 
water,  cut  the  nets  of  fishermen,  take  seawead  from  wo- 
men and  children  without  payment,  drive  off  rescuers  with 
swords  and  spears,  and  repel  with  guns  armed  boats. 
From  the  time  of  Genroku  our  treatment  of  the  Chinese 
had  been  very  mild  and  our  folks  had  been  forbidden  to 
attack  them,  the  magistrates*  servants  being  beaten  and 
dismissed  if  they  drew  their  swords.  So  the  foreigners 
became  very  overbearing. 

Even  Hollanders  began  to  engage  in  this  illicit  trade, 
something  never  known  before.  The  magistrates  asked 
for  more  stringent  laws  and  I  remarked,  "  It  is  intolerablq 
that  these  merchants  should  despise  our  land  which  we 
are  taught  excels  all  others  in  chivalry ! " 

In  anciejit  times  the  number  of  ships  and  the  amount 
of  money  allowed  for  this  trade  was  unlimited,  but  from 
Teiko  2nd  (A.  D.  1685)  gold  50,000  ryo  was  set  as  the 
limit  of  the  Dutch  trade  and  twice  the  amount,  in  silver 
for  the  Chinese  trade.  In  1688  the  limit  of  Chinese 
ships  was  set  at  70.  Later  on  the  amounts  were  in- 
creased, as  certain  merchants  were  permitted  to  use  copper 
until  the  supply  became  too  small  and  these  evils  fol- 
lowed." 

The  magistrates  had  no  practicable  advice  to  offer. 
Already  in  the  late  Shogun's  reign  I  had  written  up  tlie 
subject  in   eight    volumes,    containing    two    hundred    and 


Knox : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Haktiscki,  22 1 

e/er^^^n   points    great    and    small,    and    refer    all   who  arc 
^ntc^r-^sted  to  my  books. 

itil  Kcicho  6  (A.D.   1601)    foreign    ships  might  come 

"trade  anywhere,  but  that  was  the  period  of  the  great 

dynasty  in   China,  and    their    laws    permitted    only 

ssed  boats  to  come.      Only  foreign  ships  of  war  then 

to    Nagasaki.      The    Dutch   in  Kcicho  5  first  went 

.kae  near  Osaka,  but  in  Kcicho  13  (A.D.  161 1)  their 

was  transferred  to  Hirado,    and  two    years  later  to 

usaki.      The  Chinese  trade  was  confined  to  Nagasaki 

'^icho  13.     The  Chinese  emperor  Kanghi  of  the  Tsing 

sty,  removed    the    restrictions    of   foreign    trade    and 

than  two  hundred  boats  came.      After    our    re.stric- 

were    made,    limiting    the    number    of    boats,    all 

li  came  in   excess    were    .sent    lack,   aixl    each    boat 

E.n   the    {X^rmitted   limits    was   allowed   to   trade   only 

le  amount   of   160   lavammc,  and  all   surplus  freight 

stored. 

"It  as  the  ships  came    from  a  distance  and  large  pro- 
"^^  ^vere    diesired,   the    Chinese    wished   to    sell    all  their 

J,   and    our    merchants    too  were  keen  for  this  illicit 
;,  as  the  restrictions  on  the  legal  trade   were  severe 
*^^^       the  profits  small. 

"■"^^^    the  late  reign  the  Nagasaki  magistrates  were  asked 

*  statistics,  and  it  api)eared  that  one  fourth  of  our  gold 

^     *^        three  fourths  of  our  silver  had  been  exported  in  an 

*^^:ired    years,   and    these    reports    did    not    include   the 

^  *^    ^^^  of  Tsushima  with  Korea,  nor  that  of  Satsuma  with 

^^^^^^      Choo.      So  in  another  century  half  of  our  gold  will 

*  ^^^*^   gone,  and   all  of    our    silver,    while    our    copper    is 

ly  insufficient  for  our  domestic  needs. 

*t    is    not   right  to  trade  our  lasting  treasures  for  their 


222  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki. 

toys  of  ail  hour,  nor  to  hurt  the  Empire  for  such  pal 
profits.  If  we  must  have  books  and  medicines  fr 
abroad,  estimate  our  annual  production  of  the  preci« 
metals  and  our  home  consumption,  and  then  determ 
how  much  may  be  permitted  to  the  foreign  trade 
Nagasaki,  Tsushima  and  Satsuma.  Without  these  d 
we  cannot  settle  upon  the  amount.  The  number  of  be 
and  their  lading  must  be  limited,  or  we  cannot  stop  ill 
trade.  In  this  way  the  cargoes  will  be  sold  complete 
our  laws  will  be  obeyed,  foreigners  will  cease  to  desj 
us,  our  authority  will  be  extended  a  thousand  miles  ; 
our  treasure  will  last  forever. 

It  is  only  the  poor  in  Nagasaki   who  are  beggared 
the  loss    of  trade,    and    the    reason    will  appear  if  an 
vestigalion  is  made,  though  it  is  unnecessary  to  set  fc 
the  origin  of  this  guilt.       I^ct  magistrates  be  chosen, 
laws    reformed    and    censors    appointed    for    Nagasaki, 
well  as  for  Kioto  and    Osaka  and  both  Nagasaki  and 
the    western    and    central     provinces     will    be    benefit 
This  is  only  an  outline  of  what  was   detei-mined    by 
late  Shogun.      The  law  and  the  legal  decisions  were  1 
the  serpent  of  Josan,  which  saved  head  and  tail,  tail  i 
head  helping  each  other;    not    one    of  the    many   det 
should  be  changed  or  an  addition  made. 

The  law  has  not  been  enforced  because  the  mercha 
wanted  large  trade,  and  the  magistrates  did  not  red 
the  customs  in  proportion  to  the  lessened  number 
boats.  In  Shotoku  5  (1715)  February,  messengers 
Edo  arriving  in  Nagasaki  in  March,  and  the  new  h 
were  promulgated  in  April,  and  later  the  Chinese  w 
informed.  Those  of  the  Chinese  who  agreed  to 
new  laws  were  given  licences  and  those  who  refused  w 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Haktiseki,  223 

expelled.      In  June  the  laws  were  sent  to  the  daimyb  of 
the  central  and  western  provinces. 

It  had  been  thought  easier  to  gain  a  livelihood  and 
larger  profits  if  the  original  prices  were  low,  and  that 
prices  would  be  low  if  the  importations  of  cloth  and 
medicine  were  large.  No  one  thought  of  the  Empire 
and  all  argued  like  men  who  know  neither  the  beginning 
nor  the  end,  like  men  who  in  the  morning  do  not  think 
of  the  night.  So  lightly  would  they  change  the  laws, 
being  misled  by  this  talk,  and  would  let  the  evils  con- 
tinue. * 


THE    ILLNESS    OK   THE   SHOGUN:    HIS 
MARRIAGE    ENGAGEMExNT:    PUNISH- 
MENT FOR  KILLING  AN  UNCLE: 
THE  FIRE  IN  THE  PRISON: 
KIDNAPPING   CHILDREN. 

In  the  early  spring  the  Shogun  was  ill,  medicine  did 
no  good  and  new  physicians  were  chosen.  At  two 
0 clock  August  10  when  returning  home  I  met  Yama- 
shiro-no-Kami,  and  Tadazane  A.sson  hastening  to  the  castle, 
^nd  my  men  told  me  Yamata-no-Kami  Shigeuki  Asson 
had  also  gone  with  a  crowd  of  retainers.  I  wondered  at 
't  and  as  I  went  out  of  the  gate  heard  that  a  bearer  of 
Tadazane  Asson   had    fallen    from    fatigue.      I    wondered 

*  llie  new  law  was  written  by  Arai.  It  limited  the  number  of  Chinese 
•wat5  to  thirty  and  the  Dutch  lK>at.s  to  two  :  the  copi)er  to  i,5<X),900  ix)un  Is 
(one  pound  Japanese  cc^uals  one  and  one-third  jwund  avoirdupois)  and  the 
Mlver  to  3,000  fraHvnme  (one  huHwime  is  ten  lbs.  Troy). 


224  Knox : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 

more  and  more,  and  the  next  day  was  told  that  we  all 
must  assemble  at  the  office. 

Kii-no-Kami,  who  had  been  left  in  charge,  thinking 
the  Sliogun's  death  imminent  sent  for  the  elders,  and  they 
summoned  every  one.  That  evening  the  elders  discussed 
the  succession  and  Zemb5  Asson  then  for  the  first  time 
told  them  the  late  Shogun*s  decision.  The  medicine 
however  tock  effect ;  but  a  month  later  Nobutsune  Asson 
died  of  paralysis.  So  difficult  are  calculations  about 
worldly  things. 

While  the  Shogun  was  ill  some  of  the  men  who  had 
been  favored  by  his  father  sought  to  ingratiate  themselves 
with  Kii-no-Kami.  Oh!  Who  can  be  trusted?  So  too 
when  Lord  Kofu  was  heir  apparent  did  one  of  the  ruling 
Shogun*s  men  seek  his  favor.  But  he  gained  nothing, 
as  was  right. 

In  the  winter  Bungo-no-Kami  was  to  have  gone  to 
Kyoto  to  arrange  the  marriage  of  the  daughter  of  the 
abdicated  Emperor  to  the  Shogun.  It  would  have  been 
the  first  alliance  between  the  families  and  most  thank- 
worthy.    But  it  is  now  like  an  unfinished  dream. 

This  year  Nobutsune  Asson  sentenced  a  murderer  of 
an  uncle  to  a  punishment  one  degree  less  than  beheading, 
on  the  ground  of  a  precedent  in  the  late  reign.  Zembo 
Asson  dissented  and  asked  my  opinion ;  and  I  could  not 
agree  that  one  who  killed  his  uncle  should  be  punished 
less  severely  than  an  ordinary  murderer,  nor  could  I  find 
the  alleged  precedent.  * 

The  last  day  of  the    year  a  fire  started  in  the  middle 


*  The  slayer  of  a  parent  had  his  head  sawn  off  and  his  wife  and 
children  killed ;  the  slayer  of  an  uncle  had  his  liead  sawn  off  and  his  wife 
and  children  punished  one  degree  less  than  death. 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuscki.         225 

of  the  night  in  Tadanaga  Asson's  mansion  and  burned 
many  houses,  not  being  out  until  10  a.m.  New  Year's 
day.  The  comminghng  of  firemen  and  folks  in  their  robes 
of  ceremony,  in  the  streets,  was  strange. 

On  the  nth  was  another  fire  and  the  prison  burned. 
Many  prisoners  escaped,  among  them  some  whose  trials 
were  still  unfinished  though  begun  sixteen  or  more  years 
before,  until  the  accusations  against  them  were  forgotten, 
their  friends  were  dead  and  they  had  nowhere  to  go. 

The  magistrates  wanted  to  know  what  should  be  the 
punishment  for  the  run-aways  and  Zembd  Asson  asked 
me.  "According  to  their  crimes,  of  course"  I  said. 
'*  It  is  an  offence  to  run  away  and  yet,  such  folks  natur- 
ally seek  even  a  day  of  freedom.  But  why  have  those 
persons  whose  guilt  remains  so  long  unproved  been 
omitted  from  the  list  of  pardoned  prisoners?  To  punish 
severely  now  would  be  merciless,  but  to  prevent  such 
attempts  in  the  future,  decree  that  the  punishment  of  those 
who  run  away  shall  be  increased  one  degree^  and  that 
of  those  who  do  not  flee  the  punishment  shall  be  lighten- 
ed one  degree.  Pardon  this  time  those  who  are  still 
unconvicted,  and  lighten  the  punishment  of  all  who  do 
not  try  to  escape.  Do  not  search  for  any  uncondemned 
person  who  has  escaped,  for  their  flight  was  caused  by 
the  cruelty  of  the  magistrates  and  is  a  disgrace  to  the 
government."     But  my  advice  was  not  followed. 

It  was  decided  to  tie  to  a  cross  the  decayed  body  of 
a  man  who  had  killed  his  lord  seven  or  eight  years  pre- 
viously, and  had  died  in  prison.  His  body  had  been 
preserved  in  salt.  Such  horrible  lawless  things  call  for 
no  discussion. 

From  the  spring  of  last  year  child  stealing  was  much 


226         Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakuseki, 

talked  about.  This  is  the  case  as  it  was  finally  decided  r 
— A  chemist  ot  Suidocho  named  Seibei,  of  Ise  province^ 
hired  two  young  boys,  Saburobei  and  Tobei,  and  the^ 
younger  disappeared.  In  the  spring  the  elder  boy  saw^ 
the  lad  in  a  beggar's  house,  and  told  his  master  who  atr 
once  fetched  his  boy  home  again.  Thereupon  a  ronirr^ 
named  Yamada  Masauemon  appeared  and  claimed  the 
boy,  saying  "  He  was  entrusted  to  me  six  years  ago  by 
his  father  Dosan  of  Kdshu.  I  made  him  servant  to  a 
doctor,  but  as  he  proved  a  worthless  fellow  I  gave  him 
to  this  beggar."  Yamada  was  very  angry  and  entered  a 
complaint.  Dosan  and  the  lad  were  examined  and  both 
died  in  prison  before  the  trial  ended.  Then  the  question 
was,  what  shall  be  done  to  Yamada?  and  I  advised  that 
his  punishment  should  be  a  degree  less  than  death  and 
he  was  sent  to  an  island.  For  during  the  trial  when 
Dosan  and  the  boy  met,  the  boy  did  not  know  him  and 
Dosan  cried,  "What!  Not  know  your  father !"  and  struck 
him  so  that  he  fled ;  but  when  a  man  was  brought  from 
Ise  the  lad  rushed  to  him,  crying  "Father!"  and  also 
knew  the  men  who  brought  the  father.  The  case  was 
clear,  but  Yamada  and  D5san  would  not  give  in,  and  the 
stupid  merciless  officers  would  not  decide  but  let  the  lad 
and  Dosan  die  causelessly  in  prison.  After  their  death 
Yamada  said  "  One  hardly  can  say  he  was  D5san*s  son, 
after  so  long  a  time!"  We  could  not  find  what  had  be- 
come of  Dosan 's  son. 

The  two  daughters  of  Kusuke  of  Funatsu  village,  pro- 
vince of  Kii,  were  enticed  away  as  follows.    In  Shotoku  i 
(171 1)   Doju   keeper   of  the  Omiya  inn,  Shinagawa,  Mu-- 
sashi  province,  gave  Kibei,    his  servant,    twenty  gold  ryo 
and  sent  him  to  buy  some  maid  servants.     Finally  Kibei 


Knox  : — Aiiiobiography  o/  Ann  Ilakiiscki.  227 

:ame  to    Funatsu  village    and  found  an    old  couple    with 

ivo  daughters.     They  were   very  poor.     Kibei  told  them 

is    master    would    make   them    all    comfortable    if    they 

ould  go   with  him.     So   they  started.     At   Totomi   was 

^3.  barrier  which   could  be  passed  only  by  those  who  had 

;Xpasscs,  and   the  penalty    for  going    without  a  i>ermit  was 

^crucifixion.      But    the  simple  folks  did  not    know    of  the 

arrier,  and  Kibei  hired   people  of   the  neighborhood    to 

ead  them  around  it  by  mountain  paths  to  Mitsuke  where 

e    rejoined   them.      Then    he    told  the    parents   what  he 

ished  of  the  girls,  but  they  refused  to  let  them  be  ser- 

ants  in  an  inn.     However,    as  they  could   not  go  home 

II  went  on  to  Shinagawa  together.     They  arrived  in  the 

ith  month,    but  Doju    pretended  to    be  very  angry  and 

rove  them  all  out  of  his  house,   scolding  Kibei   for  get- 

ing  such  young  girls.     Kibei   was  in  great  trouble.     He 

pt  and  pleaded  and  at  last  was  told,  **  Sell  the  girls  to  a 

rothel ! "    There  was  no  other  resource,  so  a  procurer  was 

lied  and  the  girls  were  sold  to  the  New  Yoshiwara  for 

50    gold  ryo.      The    procurer   was    given    34  ryo   ni  bu, 

ibei  7  ryo,   the  father    7  ryoy    and  Doju    kept  the   rest. 

"  -ihe  girls  were  said  to  be  from  Suruga. 

The    parents    had    nowhere  to  go  and  became  the  ser- 

"^^nts  of  their  daughters'  master,  and  there  soon  after,  the 

smother  died.      All  who    heard   of   this  terrible    condition 

;^>itied    the    unfortunates,   but   the    father    was    kept    from 

snaking  a  complaint  by  the  guilt  incurred  in  stealing  past 

"^e  barriers.      At  last  however,   he  went   to  Kii-no-Kami 

'"^vho  referred  him   and  his   complaint  to    the  magistrates. 

-All    concerned  were    examined  and    during    the    dilatory 

^nd  unnecessary  process  the    father  died   in  prison.     And 

^tte  magistrates   decided : — *'  The   father's  guilt  was  great 


228  Knox  : — Autobiography  of,Arai  HahisekL 

because,  thongh  he  did  not  know  of  the  barrier  at  fii 
he  did  not  confess  as  soon  as  he  found  out  about 
Let  his  head  be  cut  off,  sent  to  his  native  village  a 
exposed  there :  let  the  men  who  guided  the  party  p 
the  barrier  be  beheaded  or  crucified :  let  the  girls  rem. 
with  their  master  or  be  made  servants  and  let  the  ii 
keeper  be  driven  from  Shinagawa  or  banished  to  an 
land."     But  my  decision  was  this : — 

"  The  man   should  have   complained  at    once  when 
learned  of  the  barrier,    but  his    error    needed    no    sev 
reproof,  such  a  simple  old  man  and  so  misled !     The  1 
of   Gcnwa  5,    (A.D.   1619?)    restores  stolen    folks  to  1 
lawful  owner,    how  then    can  the    girls    remain    with 
brothel   keeper?     I  need    not   discuss    the  plain   guilt 
the  guides.     The    inn-keeper's    offence    comes    under 
law  which  decrees  death  to  those  who  buy  and  sell  m 
Why  lighten  his  punishment?*    He  deceived  these  peoj 
got  them   past  the  barrier,    sold  the   girls    to  the  Yos 
wara  and  took  the  profits."     So  I  decided  and  so  it  \ 
done.     The  girls  were  sent  home  to  Kii. 

The    magistrates    left  the    case  to    their  clerk    and 
latter  were  bribed  by  Doju  and  the  brothel  keeper.    Wi 
is  to    be  said    when  such    officials  have    the  awarding 
punishments  ? 

A  request  came  in  from  Kyoto  in  the  name  of  the  ; 
dicatcd  cmixiror,  that  the  Todai  temple  in  Nara  be  pern 
ted  to  collect  funds  throughout  the  empire  for  the  rebui 
ing  of  a  portion  of  the  edifice.  Precedents  were  s< 
with  the  petition.  Zcmbo  Asson  sent  the  petition  to 
expressing  his  dissent,  but  adding  that  he  did  not  \ 
how  we  could  refuse  an  emperor  and  an  ex-emper 
But  I  criticized  the  precedents  and  showed  why  wc  ik 


Ktiox : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki,  229 

not  agree,  arguing  that  the  response  would  be  small  be- 
cause of  many  extraordinary  imposts  on  the  provinces 
and  that  such  a  result  would  seem  disrespectful  to  the 
Emperors.  An  answer  was  sent  accordingly,  and  it  ap- 
peared that  it  agreed  with  the  wishes  of  the  Kyoto 
rulers,  but  that  they  had  yielded  to  the  importunity  of 
the  Nara  priests.  * 


THE  CHINESE  TRADE:  SOME  CRIMINAL 

CASES. 

Last  year  the  new  commercial  laws  were  made,  and 
this  year  the  men  from  Canton  and  Fuken,  who  had 
licenses,  came  and  traded  ,but  on  one  came  from  Nanking 
and  Nimba.  Later,  one  Ritoshi  came  from  Fuien  with 
this  tale, — The  Nanking  and  Nimbu  men  have  been  ac- 
cused of  plotting  against  the  government  and  adopting 
a  foreign  "  year-name "  because  the  Japanese  "  year- 
name  "  is  on  their  licences.  The  accusation  came  from 
men  who  failed  to  get  licenses,  and  though  the  men 
protested  their  innocence  their  licenses  were  taken  away. 
So  they  cannot  come,  but  I  went  to  Canton  and  sailed 
from  that  port.  So  far  Ritoshi ;  and  the  Nagasaki 
magistrates  wrote,  "  It  looks  as  if  the  Chinese  wish  to 
break  our  laws  .and  send  boats  as  before,  but  we  are  not 
sure  of  the  truth  of  this  story  and  shall  keep  Ritoshi 
until  others  come." 

When  Zemb5  Asson  asked  my  opinion  I  told  him  that 
there  would  be  difficulty  in  enforcing  the  lawi  Even  at 
home  we  had  trouble  in  carrying  out  the  laws  about  the 


230  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arm  Hakuseki. 

new  currency,  and  it  will  take  from  three  to  five  yeair 
to  enforce  this  one  completely  as  it  effects  foreign  lands 
The  leading  men  said  the  regulations  for  the  Korea* 
embassy  cannot  be  carried  out,  but  they  were  as  the 
Shdgun  insisted.  But  now  the  Shogun  is  a  child  anc 
it  is  impossible  to  mark  out  a  determined  course  of 
action.*' 

Zembo  Asson  again  consulted  with  the  elders  and  I  was 
called.  On  the  i8th  April  (17 16)  Tadanaga  Asson  took 
me  to  the  Council  of  State.  First  Kawachi-no-Kami, 
who  was  in  charge  of  this  business,  and  then  each  of 
the  others  expressed  his  opinion,  as  follows ; — The  laws 
follow  the  wishes  of  the  late  Shogun  but  they  will  be  in 
vain  if  this  request  from  Nagasaki  is  agreed  to.  You 
were  deep  in  the  confidence  of  the  late  Shogun  and  we 
are  prepared  to  follow  your  advice.     I  replied, — 

"As  I  told  Zembo  Asson,  when  the  laws  were  made 
I  anticipated  trouble,  and  as  I  am  ill  and  old,  do  not 
expect  to  live  to  see  them  completely  enforced.  But 
they  can  be  enforced,  if  they  are  all  insisted  on  and 
nothing  changed." 

Zembd  Asson  agreed,  and  after  a  while  all  agreed  that 
this  was  the  only  possible  course.  Then  being  without 
excuse,  I  promised  to  attend  to  it,  and  wrote  at  once 
to  the  Nagasaki  magistrate  to  the  following  effect;  — 
"  Under  Heaven  all  evil  is  one,  and  as  we  will  permit  no 
one  to  come  in  violation  of  our  laws,  we  will  not  admit 
Ritoshi,  who  confesses  that  he  has  violated  the  laws  ol 
his  country  by  coming.     Send  him  back  at  once." 

The  magistrates  wrote  that  another  man  had  come 
with  a  Chinese  license,  but  when  I  saw  it  I  said, — **  It  15 
not  a  license  to  trade  in  Japan  for   it   does   not    confonr 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hahiseki.  23 1 

to  ancient  usage.  Send  this  man  home  also."  So  both 
were  expelled. 

One  morning  a  young  samurai  killed  a  robber  on  the 
bank  of  the  Baniu  river  and  was  arrested  by  the  neigh- 
bors and  taken  to  the  officials.  On  examination  it  ap- 
peared that  he  was  a  samurai  named  Sakai  Johachi,  20 
years  old,  and  that  he  had  fled  from  his  lord,  Totomi- 
no-Kami  and  was  travelling  to  Suruga.  Between  Totsu- 
ka  and  Fujisawa  a  big  man  joined  him  and,  near  the  river, 
thrust  his  hand  into  Sakai's  bosom  to  take  his  things, 
when  Sakai  killed  him  with  one  stroke  of  the  sword. 
The  officials  praised  the  deed  but  put  Sakai  in  prison 
for  leaving  his  lord. 

To  me  it  seemed  that  thieves  would  take  his  impri- 
sonent  as  a  punishment  for  killing  one  of  their  number, 
and  so  would  be  emboldened  and  increase  to  the  injury 
of  travellers.  So  Zemb5  Asson  sent  for  the  minister  of 
T5tomi-no-Kami,  and  asked  him  if  the  matter  could  not 
be  arranged  and  said  that  it  was  a  shame  to  punish  a 
young  man  who  had  killed  a  robber.  So  the  minister 
saw  his  lord  and  Sakai  was  declared  innocent  and 
released. 

About  the  same  time  Yamato-no-Kami  said  to  Nori- 
yuki  the  younger  brother  of  Zembd  Asson,  "  Your  direc- 
tions to  that  merchant  cannot  be  carried  out."  "What 
directions?"  asked  Noriyuki,  and  investigation  showed 
that  his  name  had  been  forged  to  an  order  permitting 
a  merchant  to  coin  gold,  and  that  Noriyuki's  wife  was 
implicated.  Some  of  the  men  concerned  in  this  were 
crucified  and  others  were  banished.  I  said  to  Zembd 
Asson.  '*  This  comes  from  the  prevalence  of  bribery  and 
corruption,  and  that   is    why   the    merchants    are    full  of 


L 


232  Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Aral  Hakuseki. 

these  schemes.  It  must  all  be  stopped  or  we  shall  have 
these  terrible  scandals  constantly."  So  Zembd  Asson 
consulted  with  the  elders  and  a  law  was  issued.  (Even 
I  was  offered  500  gold  ryo  last  year  by  a  priest  in  con- 
nection with  the  Nagasaki  affair,  and  a  further  promise^ 
was  made  of  300  ryo  annually  to  each  of  my  sons  if  the 
desired  plans  were  caried  out.  What  then  was  probably 
offered  to  men  of  high  official  rank?) 

A  complaint  was  made  against  some  men  living  on  a 
plain  between  Ajiro  village  and  Toguchi  village,  in  Kam- 
bara  township  Echigo  province.  Funakoshi  Saemon  sent 
from  Edo  two  constables  who  arrested  a  man,  supposed 
to  be  a  robber,  named  Gouemon  and  his  five  followers. 
The  constable  tried  to  hand  over  the  band  to  the  Ajiro 
authorities,  but  these  would  not  take  chaise  of  them  but 
declared  the  men  not  under  their  jurisdiction.  The 
constables  then  went  to  Toguchi,  only  to  be  told  that 
Gouemon  was  a  tenant  of  the  Shogun.  The  constables 
accordingly  went  to  Kaiya  on  the  Shogun's  estates,  but 
were  again  refused.  The  Shogun's  deputy  was  at 
Idzumozaki,  twenty  miles  or  more  away  and  two  hun- 
dred miles  from  Edo.  A  company  of  fourteen  men  or 
more  was  collected*  including  the  constables,  prisoners 
and  men  armed  with  swords  and  spears,  and  they  start- 
ed one  day  and  arrived  the  evening  of  the  next.  Again 
custody  of  the  prisoners  was  refused,  and  the  con- 
stables were  told  the  men  should  be  imprisoned  and 
tried  where  the  crime  was  committed.  By  this  time 
the  constables*  funds  were  exhausted,  and  they  could  not 
take  the  robbers  to  Edo  without  passports  and  so,  after 
consultation  the  prisoners  were  set  free  and  the  con- 
stables   returned,    to    Edo   with   their  excuses.      Saemon 


Kftox  : — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hahiscki,  233 

^ent  the  constables  back  again    with    instructions   for  the 
local  ofiidals. 

At  the  end  of  the  next  month  the  father,  son  and  one 
other  man  were  taken,  and  given  in  charge  at  Toguchi 
and  soon  after  the  others  were  arrested,  and  all  were 
brought  to  Edo. 

Censors  and  magistrates  made  an  investigation,  and  the 
oiks  of  the  villages  were  also  examined  and  the  results 
sent  to  Edo.  There  it  was  proposed  to  send  men  to  the 
place,  and  have  them  discover  to  which  village  the  rob- 
bers belonged.  But  I  told  Zembo  Asson,  ''  The  exami- 
nation only  touches  the  leaves  and  branches  of  the  case. 
The  residence  of  the  men  was  put  on  the  plain  between 
the  villages,  after  consulting  with  the  inhabitants  of  both 
in  order  that  it  might  be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  neither. 
The  robber's  testimony  does  not  agree  with  that  of  the 
villagers.  His  place,  by  the  map,  is  only  three-fourths 
of  an  acre  in  extent  and  is  separated  from  Taguchi  by  a 
grove  of  cedars  which  the  Taguchi  folks  say  is  their 
boundary.  But  the  boundary  has  been  changed,  evident- 
ly, since  this  land  was  occupied,  to  avoid  [trouble.  But 
in  any  case  the  villages  were  wrong  in  refusing  to  take 
the  prisoners.  But  the  main  point  is  different, — Are  the 
men  robbers?"  With  that  the  boundary  investigation 
stopped. 

The  man's  papers  showed  these  facts: — He  was  born 
in  Kaya  village  and  was  the  son  of  a  farmer.  His  father 
died  when  the  boy  was  four  years  old,  and  he  was  cared 
lor  by  the  fourth  brother  of  his  mother,  until  his  grand- 
father died.  Then  the  lad  was  cast  adrift  and  became  a 
beggar.  When  thirteen  he  went  back  to  his  native  place 
^jid   found  an  employer.     A   year  later   he   went   to  his 


234  Knox: — Autobiography  of  Ami  Hakuseki. 

grandmother's  and  stayed  four  years.     He  married  a  \f 
owed  daughter-in-law  of  a  neighboring  farmer,  and  a  s 
was  born,  the  son    now  under    arrest.     But  the  woma 
temper  was  unendurable  and  Gouemon  could  not  stay 
his  father-in-law's  house,  but  left  wife  and  child  and  w^ 
to  the    Kanon  temple    in  Yotsuya    and  rented    land  fr 
the  priests.      He  brought   his  son    to  his    new  home  a 
took    anotlier  wife    from  the    Gosencho    village.       But 
had  trouble    with  the    people  of  that  village    over    so 
money  he  had  loaned  them,  and  when  they  threatened 
kill  him  he  took  wife  and  child  and  finally  obtained  tl 
land,  twelve    years  ago,    from  these    two    villages,    Aji 
and  Taguchi. 

He  built  a  house  and  cultivated  the  land.  The  villag 
hired  hini  to  protect  them  against  robbers,  for  he  h 
been  with  robbers  after  leaving  Yotsuya,  and  cou 
obtain  their  promise  not  to  molest  the  villages  where  \ 

to 

lived.     He  had  arms  too  and  gathered  followers,  wandere 
like  himself  whom  he    cared  for.      They  farmed    by  da 
and  patrolled    the  villages    by  night.      Gouemon    becam- 
prosjxri'ous  and  had  no  reason  for  stealing.  :   - 

The  story  the  villagers  told  agreed  with  Goucmoii* 
papers,  and  it  appeared  that  he  had  been  the  guardia/f 
of  fifteen  villages,  and  that  ten  years  before,  when  a 
thief  robbed  a  temple  Gouemon  found  him  and  recovered 
the  proix,Tty.  Gouemon's  followers  too  told  of  his  kind- 
ness and  the  strict  discipline  of  his  household,  not  an 
article  being  admitted  unless  a  clear  account  of  it  were 
given. 

When  asked, — '*  Why  did  you  confess  yourself  guilty  at 
first  to  Saemon?"  Gouemon  replied,  "  I  could  not  endure 
the  torture.     There  \v^is  no  owe  to  help  me  and  I  wished 


Knax  : — AutobiograpJiy  of  Aral  Hakuscki.  235 

^r  an  immediate  death.     The  villagers  will  testify  to  the 

ruth  cf  my  statements  if  they  are  asked." 

On  inquiry   at  the    places  where    the  crimes   were  said 

:o  have  been  committed,  it  appeared  that  there  had  been 

lo  such  crimes.      Especially  to  the    point  was   the  testi- 

nony  of  the  Mizoguchi  deputy  who  said  there  had  been 

o  murders  in  that  domain,  and  that  he  would  have  been 

:5n formed    had  any    been  committed ;    and   that    the    man 

Jirosaku  of  Tsukioku  village    who  is    said   to    have  been 

xnurdcred  died  of  illness  three  years  ago. 

Gouemon's  innocence   was  established.     It  appears  that 

there  were    robbers  and    laws  against    them  even    in  the 

time  of  the  Sage  Kings,    though  their    government    was 

_just,  kindness  prevailed    and    naturally,    man's    heart  was 

not    inclined  lo  theft.      The  vulgar   proverb   says,   *'  Lice 

on  the  body,  rats  in  the  house  and  robbers  in  the  state." 

Robbers  will  not  cease    to  be,    though   so  many    are  put 

to  death  that    their  bodies    are  as  hills    and   their    blood 

as  rivers. 

Gouemon  has  repented  of  his  former  misdeeds,  and  has 
kept  robbers  away  from  those  fifteen  villages  for  twelve 
years.  He  should  not  be  put  to  death  for  former  crimes^, 
even  if  he  committed  them.  That  region  has  been  full  of 
robbers  always,  and  if  he  is  punished  for  his  old  offences, 
the  people  cannot  sleep  in  peace  at  night.  Besides,  there 
are  many  persorts  who  w^re  once  robbers  but  are  now 
good  subjects.  If  they  are  led  to  think  they  are  to  be 
punished,  they  will  plan  to  Hve  in  luxury  by  any  means, 
for  at  least  a  day.  Such  restraint  of  robbers  makes 
robbers.  The  Great  Learning  says,  **  Make  new  the 
people :!'  the  Analects  teach,  *'  Think  not  of  old  mis- 
deeds :"  the  Book  of  Changes  says,  **  The  superior  man 


236         Knox : — Aniobiography  of  Arai  Hakuscki, 

truly  repents  and  reforms,  the  common  man  tries  to  save 
his  honor.  It  is  well  to  forsake  sin  and  live  in  righteous- 
ness." 

Let  Gouemon  be  sent  back  home,  restored  to  his  posi- 
tion as  guardian  and  let  his  place  be  put  under  the  Mizo- 
guchi  jurisdiction.  And  do  not  condemn  the  folks  of 
Ajiro,  Taguchi  and  Kaihara.  The  two  constables  should 
be  praised.  Why  have  they  been  imprisoned  at  home  for 
not  bringing  the  prisoners  the  first  time  ?  It  was  not  the 
officers*  fault  that  their  funds  gave  out  and  that  they 
dismissed  their  prisoners.  All  were  finally  arrested  and 
not  a  man  escaped." 

On  all  these  points  the  final  decision  followed  my  advice. 


THE  VILLAGE  WAR. 

A  statement  came  to  the  government,  about  the  same 
time,  from  a  village,  Koremasa,  some  twenty  five  miles 
from  Edo  to  this  effect,-^The  folks  from  this  village,  to 
the  number  of  1400  or  1500  in  the  seventh  month 
of  last  year  went  to  Shimo-koganai  village  and  created 
a  disturbance,  cutting  down  trees  and  bamboos  and 
grain,  and  carrying  all  away.  Three  leaders  were  put 
in  prison  but  escaped  when  the  prison  burned.  Some  of 
the  others  were  deported. 

I  wondered  that  nothing  had  been  known  of  so  great 
an  affair  and  ordered  an  investigation.  It  appeared  there 
had  been  a  quarrel  between  two  villages  over  a  common 
l>asturc  for  horses,  and   that   on   the    sixth    day    of  the 


Knox  : — Autobiography  of  Arai  Hakiiscki.  237 

seventh  month  of  last  }'ear,  the  Koremasa  folk  stirred 
up  the  people  of  the  neighboring  villages  and  attacked 
Shimo-Koganai  with  bows,  swords,  spears,  conch  shells 
and  war  cries.  The  inhabitants  of  Shimo-Koganai  all 
fled  and  the  invaders  broke  down  a  house,  destroyed  furni- 
ture and  treasures,  cut  down  the  grove  and  trampled  the 
crops. 

It  was  reported  to  the  deputy  but  his  summons  was  dis- 
regarded. The  next  day  there  was  another  invasion,  and 
trees  were  cut  down  and  crops  trampled  as  before.  In 
all  57,700  trees  besides  bamboos  were  cut  down,  so  that 
20,000  men  must  have  been  present,  allowing  two  or 
three  trees  to  each  man.  In  the  Shimabara  revolt  only 
30,000  men  were  engaged,  and  if  so  great  an  affair  took 
place  within  twenty  five  miles,  why  has  it  been  kept  hidden 
until  now  by  the  magistrates  ?  What  were  the  magistrates 
thinking  of,  as  the  laws  of  the  Shogunate  for  generations 
have  strictly  forbidden  combinations  ? 

The  deputy  replied  that  he  had  reported  to  the  finance 
magistrate  for  that  month  Ise-no-Kami,  as  the  villages  were 
on  the  Shogun*  domains :  that  many  witnesses  had  been 
examined  and  that  the  offenders  were  so  many  that  only 
the  three  leaders  were  deported,  and  that  the  case  was 
settled  on  the  4th  day  of  the  eleventh  month. 

I  asked  if  it  was  customary  to  decide  such  affairs  without 
reporting  them  first ;  and  the  deputy  replied,  **  The  govern- 
ment is  informed  when  the  offenders  are  punished  and 
not  before."  But  the  statements  of  the  different  officials 
did  not  agree,  though  all  laid  the  blame  on  Ise-no-kami. 
When  Zembo  Asson  asked,  "  What  shall  be  done  now  ?" 
the  officials  replied,  "The  degree  of  deportation  cannot 
be  changed."     But  we  deckled  that  in  addition  the  men 


238  '       Knox : — Autobiography  of  Arai  HakuseH. 

who  had  escaped  from  prison  should  be  recaptured,  or  if 
that  were  impossible  that  others  should  be  punished  in 
their  stead,  and  that  payment  must  be  made  for  the  damage 
wrought.  Ise-no-Kami  was  imprisoned  in  his  own  house. 
Many  lower  officials  were  found  guilty  and  removed  from 
office. 

Such  matters  are  left  to  subordinates  by  the  finance 
magistrates,  and  so  causes  are  not  settled  for  years  to  the 
great  injury  of  the  people.  So  I  proposed  a  law  requiring 
all  cases  to  be  reported  to  the  Shogun  if  not  heard  within 
an  hundred  days.  It  was  enacted;  but  on  the  death  of 
the  Shogun,  Ise-no-Kami  and  the  lower  officials  were  all 
pardoned  and  the  law  was  repealed,  to  the  joy  of  officials 

• 

and  the  grief  of  the  people. 

This  year  the  Shdgun  was  ill  from  early  spring,  and 
medicine  did  not  help  him,  he  died  at  the  monkey  hour 
(four  in  the  afternoon)  the  last  day  of  the  fourth  month 
(19th  June  1716).  In  accordance  with  my  lord's  words 
Lord  Kii  was  called  to  the  cattle. 

The  Shdgun's  death  was  announced  on  the  morning  of 
the  first  day  of  the  fifth  month.     On  the  seventh  the  body 
was  taken  to  the  Zojo  temple.     (It  was  the  anniversary- 
of  the  fall  of  Csaka.caslle.  *      Of  all   days   why   did   it 
happen  on  this?)     I  had  the  same  place  as  at  the  former 
obsequies. 

On  the  twelfth  day  of  the  month  I  gave  up  my  special 
apartment  in  the  palace.  Zemb5,  Tadanaga  Asson  and 
all  the  officials  who  had  been  in  the  confidential  service 
of  the  late  Shogun  resigned. 


*  The  final  victory  of  Ieya>u. 


BASHO 


AND 


THE  JAPANESE  POETICAL 

EPIGRAM. 


3ASHO  AND  THE  JAPANESE 
POETICAL  EPIGRAM. 


Bv  Basil  Hall  Chamberlain. 


(Read  4th  June^  igo2.) 


I. 


Japanese  ixxims  are  short,  as  measured  by  European 
rds.  l^ut  there  exists  an  ultra-short  variety  con- 
of  only  seventeen  syllables  all  told.  The  poets 
»an  have  produced  thousands  of  these  microscopic 
sitions,  which  enjoy  a  great  popularity,  have  been 
I,  reprinted,  commentated,  quoted,  copied,  in  fact 
ad  a  remarkable  literary  success.  Their  native  name 
^Xv/  (also  Haiku  and  Haikai*)^  which,  in  default 
better   equivalent,    I   venture  to  translate  by   "Epi- 

using  that  term,  not  in  the  modem  sense  of  a 
1  saying, — ;///  bon  mot  de  deux  rimes  oniiy  as 
I  has  it, — but  in  its  earlier  acceptation,  as  denoting 
ttle  piece  of  verse  that  expresses  a  delicate  or 
>us  thought.     I^fore  entering  into  historical  details, 

be  best  to  give  a  few  examples,  so  as  to  make 
^t  once  the  sort  of  thing  to  which  the  student's 
:>n  is  invited.  For  a  composition  begun,  continued, 
tided   within  the  limits  of  seventeen  syllables  must 

^-  -    -  -  -  ^  '11- 

ee  pp.  254  and  260-1  for  an  explanation  of  these  terms.    The  Chinese 
rs  serving  to  write  them  are  g^,  ^^^  ^|g. 


y 


244  BasJio  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

evidently  differ  considerably  from  our  ordinary  notions 
of  poetry,  there  being  no  room  in  so  narrow  a  space 
for  most  of  what  we  commonly  look  for  in  verse. 
Take   the   following   as   representative   specimens: — 

(O 

15     Naga-naga  to 
7  Kawa  hito-suji  ya 

5      Yuki  710  hara^ 

A  single  river,  stretching  far 

Across  the  moorland  [swathed]  in  snow. 

No  assertion,  you  see,  for  the  logical  intellect,  but  a 
natural  scene  outlined  in  three  strokes  of  the  brush  for 
the  imagination  or  the  memory.     Just  so  in  the  next : — 

*  For  the  sake  of  those  unfamiliar  with  Japanese  prosody,  it  should  be 
stated  that  I.  This  language  acknowledges  no  diphthongs : — wha*  appear 
to  be  such  in  a  Romanised  transliteration  are  really  two  independent 
syllables.  II.  Final  n  always  counts  as  a  whole  syllable.  The  reason  is  a 
historical  one,  namely,  that  this  final  n  generally  represents  the  syllable 
mu  in  the  archaic  language,  which  tolerated  no  final  consonants  whatever. 
Thus  the  word  aruran^  "  probably  is,"  counts  as  four  syllables,  and  actually 
sounds  so  to  Japanese  ears,  llie  m  in  such  words  as  ambaiy  amma^  comes 
under  the  same  rubric.  III.  To  a  similar  cause  must  be  ascribed  the  fact 
that  syllables  containing  long  vowels  count  double : — they  all  result  from 
the  crasis  of  two  original  short  syllables,  as  kori^  "  ice,"  from  ko-ho-ri. 
Some  Chinese  words  with  long  vowels  are  written  with  three  Kana  letters, 
for  instance  ^  choy  "  long,"  as  chi-ya-u  ^ -^  ^ .  As  the  classical  poets 
admit  no  Chinese  vocables,  such  cases  do  not  present  themselves  in  their 
compositions.  The  epigrammatists  count  all  long  syllables  as  ^uivalent  to 
two  short  ones,  irrespective  of  derivation  and  spelling,  following  in  this  the 
modern  pronunciation.  IV.  Such  combinations  as  kiua^  ^w/z,  shu^  cha^  etc., 
though  written  with  two  Kami  letters,  are  also  treated  by  the  epigram- 
matists as  monosyllables,  because  so  pronounced. 

Applying  the  above  rules,  it  will  be  seen  that  such  a  verse  as  No.  3 
is  perfectly  regular  in  its  prosody,  because  the  long  syllable  yfi  of  yudachi 
counts  double.  So  is  the  following,  where  a  novice  might  find  it  more 
difficult  to  make  the  count : — 


Bashb  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  245 

(3) 

15     Suzushisa  yo 
7  Yudachi  nagara 

5     Iru  hi'kage 

How  cool  the  air!  and  through  a  shower 
The  radiance  of  the  setting  sun. 

(4) 

15     HitO'ha  chirii 
7  Totsti  hito-ha  chini 

5     Kaze  no  ue 

A  leaf  whirls  down  whirls  down,  alackaday ! 
A  leaf  whirls  down  upon  the  breeze. 

This  last  requires  a  word  of  explanation.  It  is  not 
meant  to  call  up  any  actual  scene: — it  is  metaphoncaL, 
The  Japanese  poets  were  in  the  habit  of  composing  some 
lines  when  taking  leave  of  life, — a  death-song  in  fact. 
The  tiny  comjxjsition  here  quoted — itself  a  little  leaf  fallen 
two  centuries  ago — was  the  death-song  of  one  of  the  most 
famous  of  epigrammatists.  The  words  intimate  his  re- 
gret at  parting  from  life,  whirled  down  like  an  autumn 
leaf  upon  the  breeze,  to  perish  utterly  and  pa^^s  out  of 
remembrance. 

These  specimens  may  serve  to  show  the  general 
character  of  the  Japanese  epigram.  It  is  the  tiniest  of 
Wgnettes,    a   sketch    in    barest    outline,    the    suggestion, 

(2) 

15     Gwanjifm  ya 
7  Kind  no  oni  gii 

5     Rei  ni  kum 
On  New  Year's  day,  yesterday's  dun 
Comes  to  present  his  compliments. 
On  the  other  hand,  No.  17  [in/,  p.  265)  has  a  redundant  syllable, — viz., 
in  the  second  line  instead  of  7,  because  the  tno  of  rndshi-agiim  counts  as 
^po.     Such  cases  of  imperfect  prosody   are,  as  will   be    noticed    later   on, 
y   no  means  uncommon. 


v/ 


246  Bashd  and  the  Japamse  Poetical  Epigram. 

not  the  description,  of  a  scene  or  a  circumstance.  It 
is  a  little  dab  of  colour  thrown  upon  a  canvas  one  inch 
square,  where  the  spectator  is  left  _tp_.^uess^  at_the  picture 
as  best  he  may.  Often  it  reminds  us  less  of  an  actual 
picture  than  of  the  title  or  legend  attached  to  a  picture. 
Such  a  verse,  for  instance,  as 

(5) 

Ura-kaze  ya 

Tomoe  wo  kuzusu 
Mura-chidbri 

A  troop  of  sea-gulls,  and  a  gust 

Off  shore  that  brealcs  their  whirling  flight. 

— might  it  not,  without  the  alteration  of  a  single  word, 
serve  as  the  title  of  one  or  more  of  the  water-colour 
sketches  shown  at  any  of  our  modern  exhibitions?  Or 
take  this^  one  by  Basho,  the  greatest  of  all  Japanese 
epigrammatists ; — 

(6) 
Magusa  oji 

Hito  wo  shiori  no 
NatS7L-no  kana 

Over  the  summer  moor, — our  guide 
One  shouldering  fodder  for  his  horse. 

Here  anyone  familiar  with  Japanese  scenery  sees  mir- 
rored the  lush-green  landscape,  the  sloping  moor  with  its 
giant  grass  man-high,  that  obliterates  all  trace  of  the 
narrow  winter  pathway,  while  the  bundle  on  some 
peasant's  shoulder  alone  emerges  far  off  on  the  skyline, 
and  shows  the  wayfarers  in  which  direction  to  turn 
their  steps.  Across  a  distance  of  ten  thousand  miles 
and  an  interval  of  two  centuries,  the  spirit  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  Japanese  poet  is  identical  with  that  which 


BasJto  and  tlu  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram,  247 

tiforms  the  work  of  the  Western  water-colourist  of 
0-day.  It  IS  intensely  modern,  or  at  least  imbued  to  the 
jII  with  that  love  and  knowledge  of  nature  which  we 
re  accustomed  to  consider  characteristic  of  modern  times, 
fore  rarely  figures  take  the  chief  place,  as  when  Basho 
ives  us  the  following 

(7) 

Ckimaki  yiiu 

Kata-de  m  luisamu 
HiUU'gami 

She  wraps  up  rice-cakes,  while  one  hand 
Restrains  the  hair  upon  her  brow. 

A  picture  this  of  a  rustic  maiden  at  some  village  fair, 
ttending  to  her  business  of  selling  cakes  and  lollipops 
D  the  holiday-makers,  and  at  the  same  time  not  in- 
ttentive  to  her  personal  appearance.  Or  take  an  instance 
rom  a  higher  walk  in  life,  from  the  Samurai  caste  of 
eudal  days: — 

(8) 
Givanjitsu  ya 

le  ni  yusuri  no 
TaclU  Iiakan 

Tis  New  Year*s  day: — I'll  gird  me  on 
My  sword,  the  heirloom  of  my  house. 

This,  to  be  sure,  is  but  a  single  touch,  a  mere  indica- 
ion.  Nevertheless,  as  the  leading  thought,  the  key- 
lote,  so  to  say,  of  the  subject  is  struck — for  was  not  the 
word  called  "  the  living  soul  of  the  Samurai  ? " — it 
practically  suggests  the  whole  picture.  Without  any  ver- 
)ose  addition,  there  rises  up  before  us  the  image  of  the 
varrior  in  his  stiff-starched  robes,  ready  for  elaborate 
eudal  ceremonies,  for  war,  or  for  harakiri. 


248  Basho  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram. 

All  the  specimens  hitherto  quoted  are  on  subjects  com- 
monly called  "  poetical."  But  the  Japanese  epigrammatists 
by  no  means  confine  themselves  to  such.  They  turn 
willingly  to  the  homeliest  themes.  One  of  them  tells 
us  how  cold  he  was  in  bed  last  night: — 

(9) 

Samukereba 

Nerarezu  neneba 
Nao  samushi 

So  cold  I  cannot  sleep ;  and  as 
I  cannot  sleep,  I'm  colder  still. 

Another  exclaifns 

(10) 

Yobi'kaesu 

Fiina-tiri  mienu 
Arare  kana 

The  fishmonger,^-©!! !  call  him  backl  . 
But  he  has  vanished  in  the  hail. 

It  is  as  if  a  window-pane  had  been  thrown  open,  and 
instantly  shut  again.  We  have  barely  time  to  catch  a 
passing  glimpse  of  the  circumstance  hinted  at. 

A  third  grumbles,  for  that  "  the  rainy  season  of  June 
has  turned  his  razor  rusty  in  a  single  night,*'  while  a 
poetess,  complaining  of  that  same  source  of  trouble,  so 
familiar  to  us  residents  in  Japan,  declares  that  her  "em- 
broidered gown  is  spotted  before  it  has  even  once  been 
worn.**  The  washing,  the  yearly  house-cleaning,  Christmas 
(or  rather  December)  bills,  even  chilblains  ( !  ),  come 
under  the  epigrammatist's  ken.  In  fact,  nothing  is  too 
trivial  or  too  vulgar  for  him.  Many  epigrams  have  to  do 
with  packhorscs,  inns,  and  miscellaneous  incidents  of  travel. 
Some  contain  historical  allusions,  or  allusions  to  literature. 


Bas/iD  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  249 

Some  are  "  epigrams  "  in  the  exact  etymological  sense  of 
the  term,  being  inscriptions  on  pictures,  fans,  etc.  Hard- 
ly any  deal  with  love,  which  is  surprising,  as  love  takes 
liigh  rank  among  the  favourite  themes  in  the  other  sub- 
<livisions  of  Japanese  poetry. 


n. 

So  much  by  way  of  preface  and  orientation.  The  Japa- 
nese epigram  has  had  a  long  and  curious  history.  When 
^t  its  35enith,  it  allied  itself  with  a  system  of  ethical  teach- 
ing ;  yet  its  origin  can  be  traced  to  a  paltry  game.  The 
thing  merits  investigation. 

We  find,  then,  that  at  the  earliest  period  of  which  trust- 
^vorthy  information  has  survived, — say,  the  sixth  century 
of  the  Christian  era,  * — ^Japanese  verse  already  consisted 
of  the  same  extremely  simple  elements  as  characterise  it 
"«it  the  present  day.  So  .simple  and  scanty,  indeed,  arc  these 
^^lements  that  one  almost  hesitates  to  employ  the  term 
**  prosody  "  in  discussing  them.  Neither  rhyme,  quantity,  / 
3ior  accentual  stress  was  regarded,  but  a  mere  counting 
of  syllables,  eked  out  in  some  degree  by  adhesion  to  a 
traditional  phraseology,  more  particularly  to  certain  stock- 

*  The  ** Kojikij*  which  is  the  earliest  surviving  work  of  Japanese 
literature,  dates  only  from  A.  D.  712.  Rut  its  historical  notices  begin  to 
^>e  credible  when  dealing  with  events  of  the  fifth  century,  and  some  of  the 
l>oeins  preserved  in  it  may,  with  a  fair  degree  of  probability,  be  attributed 
'^o  the  sixth  century,  if  not  earlier.  For  a  discussion  of  the  whole  subject 
"^f  the  credibility  of  early  Japanese  history,  see  the  Introduction  to  the 
"Translation  of  the  «  Kojikiy''  in  the  Supplement  to  Vol.  X.  of  these  "  Transac- 
"^ions ; "  also  a  paper  by  Mr.  Aston  in  Vol.  XVI. 


:^  •  o  lUishd  and  i/tc  Japancsi  Poetical  Epigram. 

'jfiithcts  (\\\Q,  so-called  "  pillow-words  "  *).  The  style  was 
naive  in  the  extreme,  and  expressed  the  naive  sentiments 
of  a  primitive  people,  to  whom  writing  was  unknown  or  at 
least  unfamiliar,  and  literature  not  yet  thought  of  as  an 
art.  y\ll  i)oems  were  brief,  few  extending  beyond  forty  or 
fifty  lines,  most  to  less  than  half  that  number.  The  rule 
determining^  iheir  construction  was  that  lines  of  five  sylla- 
bles and  seven  syllables  must  alternate,  with  an  extra  line 
of  seven  syllables  at  the  c\\^,  to  mark  the  completion  ol 
the  pf>cm.  Hut  even  this  simple  rule  was  often  violated, 
esjx;cially  in  early  times,  for  no  apparent  reason  unless  it 
were  want  of  skill.  Frequently  the  impression  left  on  the 
ear  is  that  of  an  almost  total  absence  of  metre.  Anyhow, 
the   normal   form  of  the  Japanese  poem  became  fixed  at 

5,  7,  5,  7,  5,  7, 7,   the  number  of  lines  being  thus 

always  odd.  From  the  beginning,  there  had  been  an 
inclinati<Mi  to  prefer  poems  of  five  lines  to  those  of  any 
larger  number.  Thus  the  Tanka,  or  "  Short  Ode,"  as  it 
is  termed,  of  5,  7,  5,  7,  7 — or  31  syllables  in  all — was 
established  as  the  favourite  vehicle  of  ix)etry.  It  never 
was  what  we  term  a  '*  .stanza  :'* — no  Japanese  poet  ever 
employed  it  as  the  material  out  of  which  to  build  up  longer 
[MXims  b)'  adding  verse  to  verse,  such  composite  versifica- 
tion never  having  approved  itself  to  the  simple  native 
taste.  When  anything  longer  than  thirty-one  syllables 
was  wanted,  an  indefinite  series  of  5,  7,  5,  7  lines,  with 
one  of  7  at  the  end,  was  resorted  to,  as  already  indicated. 

An  impulse  towards  such  more  ambitious  efforts  \vas 
given  in  the  seventh  centur}*,  by  the  sudden  advance  of 
civilisation   at  that   period   under  Chinese  and  Indian   in- 

*  Kor  di'l.iiN  »»f  tho  pillow-wonU,  st'c  Vol.  V.,  l*t.  I.  of  these  "Trans- 
.iclii>n-«." 


Basho  ami  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  251 

lence.  The  quickening  of  the  national  intellect  through 
c  advent  of  a  new  religion,  the  remodelling  of  the  govern- 
t:nt,  the  introduction  of  innumerable  new  customs,  wants, 
d  industries,  the  general  diffusion  of  the  art  of  writing, 
d  the  study  of  Chinese  literature,  ended  by  invigorating 
en  poetry.  The  years  between,  say,  A.D.  700  and  760, 
icn  the  first  anthology — the  well-known  "  Man-ydslai  *'- — 
IS  compiled  by  Imperial  order,  witnessed  a  veritable  out- 
rst  of  song.  There  were  ballads,  love-poems,  elegies, 
scriptive  poems,  mythological  poems  that  sometimes  rise 
iiost  into  majesty  of  expression,  occasional  poems  of 
rious  import  evidently  inspired  by  genuine  sentiment. 
le  foreign  influence  docs  not  make  itself  obtrusively 
,t  ;  it  informed,  without  violently  warping,  the  native 
ste.  What  it  contributed  to  the  technique  of  verse  was 
liefly  a  knowledge  of  that  system  of  "  parallelism  "  which 
as  the  rule  in  Chinese,  and  which  the  Japanese  poets 
>w  adopted  as  an  occasional  ornament.  Some  of  these 
unpositions  of  the  golden  age  ran  into  as  many  as  50, 
),  or  100  lines.  Generally,  however,  a  thirty-one  syllable 
irsc  on  the  same  subject  was  appended,  showing  how 
iriously  tenacious  the  Japanese  taste  was  of  that  diminu- 
vc  form.  Specimens  translated  literally,  both  of  the 
mgcr  poems  and  of  the  short  ones  tagged  on  to  them, 
ill  be  found  in  Mr.  Aston *s  **  Grammar  of  the  Japanese 
C^ritten  language "  and  in  his  "  History  of  Japanese 
literature.'*  A  contemporary  critic  might  well  have 
lought  that  the  poetical  literature  of  Japan  was  marching 
:> wards  a  great  future. 

Unfortunately,  such  was  not  the  case.  The  wider  in- 
piration  died  out  within  a  single  life-time.  The  next 
irne  that  an  Imj^erial  anthology  was  called  for  (the  ''  Kokin- 


0 

/ 


y 


252  Bas/id  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram. 

j//^/' published  A.D.  905),  only  five  poems  out  of. a  total 
of  over  i,icx)  attained  to  any  length,  and  even  these  few 
arc  universally  allowed  to  lack  merit  of  any  kind.  All 
the  rest  were  diminutive  pieces  each  of  thirty-one  syllables 
only,  and  this  continued  ever  after  to  be  the  classical  form 
of  verse.  Very  dainty  some  of  these  little  verses  are  ;  for 
here  again  Chinese  influence  had  been  active,  and  had 
introduced  numerous  themes  hitherto  unthought  of,  besides 
suggesting  a  far  more  skilful  use  of  language.  The  snow, 
the  moon,  the  plum-blossom,  even  the  chcrry-blosson  which 
is  nowadays  considered  the  national  flower  par  excellence, 
the  autumn  leaves, — in  fact  well-nigh  all  the  subjects  that 
have  ever  since  formed  the  commonplaces  of  Japanese 
verse,  are  Chinese  importations  of  the  ninth  and  tenth 
centuries.  That  the  native  prosody  should  have  survived 
unchanged  under  these  circumstances,  may  appear  odd. 
The  cause  is  doubtless  to  be  sought  in  the  profoundly 
divergent  phonetic  structure  of  the  two  languages,  which 
,made  the  adoption  of  Chinese  metres  and  rhythms  physically 
impossible.  Here  is  a  couple  of  representative  specimens 
of  the  thirty-one  syllable  stanza,  as  turned  out  by  innumer- 
able poets  from  the  ninth  century  down  to  our  own  day  : — 

Fnyu  nagara 

Sora  yori  liana  no 
Chiri'kuru  wa — 

Kiwio  no  aftata  wa 

Ham  ni  ya  aruran 

When  from  the  skies  that  winter  shrouds 
The  l)K)ssoms  flutter  round  my  liead, 
Surely  the  spring  its  light  must  shed 
On  lands  that  lie  beyond  the  clouds.* 

*  The  "  blossoms  "  are  of  course  the  snow-flakes,  which,  by  a  graceful 
Chinese  conceit,  are  likened  to  the  white  petals  of  the  cheny^lower. 


Basfio  and  tJie  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram,  253 

Hana  vw  mitsu 

Hototogisu  wo  mo 
Kiki'/iatetsu — 

Kono  yo  nochi  no  yo 

Omou  koto  nashi 

I've  seen  the  flowers  bloom  and  fade, 
I  have  heard  out  the  cuckoo's  note  :— 
Neither  in  this  world  is  there  ought 
Nor  in  the  next  to  make  me  sad. 

That  is,  the  poet— a  true  Epicurean — has  drunk  to 
the  full  the  cup  of  life,  and  has  no  fears  for  the  life 
to  come. 

A  somewhat  free  translation  must  bo  excused,  as  our 
English  rhymed  stanza  is  not  easy  to  manage.  Yet  I 
hold  to  it,  as  fairly  representative  of  the  Japanese  original, 
with  which  it  agrees  in  length  within  one  syllable  (32  instead 
of  31),  and  also  because,  when  halved,  it  will  serve  better 
than  aught  else  to  render  the  epigram.  *  In  the  case 
of  the  epigrams,  which  are  far  easier  to  translate,  all 
the  versions  given  in  tWs  paper  are  literal, — as  literal,  that 
is,  as  the  disparity  between  English  and  Japanese  idiom 


*  The  whole  question  as  to  the  1x:st  equivalents  for  alien  metres  is  a 
notoriously  diflficuU  one.  Some  ingenious  reader  may  point  out  that  the 
Japanese  epigram  has  exactly  the  siime  number  of  syllables  (17)  as  the 
hexameter,  when  the  latter  runs  to  its  full  length  of  five  dactyls.  Never- 
theless, I  should  not  select  that  form  as  an  equivalent  in  the  present  case, 
{lartly  because  the  hexameter  always  sounds  exotic  in  English,  whereas  the 
Japanese  measure  to  be  represented  is  nothing  if  not  i)opular  and  familiar  ;  but 
still  more  because  the  Greek  or  I^tin  hexameter  possesses  a  grand  reson- 
ance, and  is  in  itself  a  complete  unit  perfectly  rounded  off,  whereas  the 
fonn  of  the  Japanese  epigram  is  essentially  fragmentary,  as  will  be  explain- 
ed later  on.  The  somewhat  jogging  form  which  I  haye  chosen,  with  its 
elementary  metre  and  its  suggestion  of  fragment arincss,  appears  to  mc  to 
suit  the  case  better. 


254  Bas/io  and  tJie  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

will  allow.     But  in  the  specimen  thirty-one  syllable  od< 
here  quoted  it  is  rather  to  the  form  that  I  would  invit 

!     attention  than  to  the  matter,  because  in  this  particular  forr    ^ 
O      the   epigram   had    its   origin.     It  will   be   noticed   that  ^ 
dash     has    been     placed    after     the   third    line     of    th<^ 
Japanese  original.     This  is  because  the  voice  always  pauses 
in  that  place,  after  what  is  termed  the  "upper  heiriistich" 
Qap.  Kami  no  ku,  also  Hokku,  lit.   **  initial   hemistich  "), 
consisting  of  17  syllables.     The  **  lower  hemistich  "  {S/timo 
no  ku  or  AgekUy  *  lit.  *'  raising"  that  is  '*  finishing  hemistich'*) 
consists  of  14  syllables.     The  slight  pause  made  between 
them  for  rhythmical  purposes  causes  each  to  be  recognised 
as  a  semi-independent  entity,  even  when  the  sense  flows 
on  widiout  interruption.     This  fact  had  an  important  result 
in  what  came  after. 

And  now  the  Chinese  influence,  which  so  far  had  acted 
for  good,  took  a  baneful  turn,  introducing  conventionality 

V  and  frivolity.  Poets — shall  we  rather  say  poetasters? — 
were  no  longer  to  draw  their  inspiration  from  their  own 
hearts,  and  from  the  incidents  of  their  lives : — ^they  were 
encouraged  to  write  to  order.  The  social  state  of  Japan 
at  that  period  fostered  the  evil.  There  could  be  no  popular 
or  national  literature ;  for  the  mass  of  the  nation  still  lay 
beyond  the  pale  of  the  only  literary  influence  then  known, 
— an  alien  one.  The  cultivation  of  letters  was  accordingly 
almost  confined  to  Court  circles,  a  Court  itself  bereft  of 
political  power,  and  where  life  had  sunk  into  an  effem- 
inate round  of  ceremonies  and  diversions  alike  puerile  and 
tiresome.  Poetical  tournaments  (uta-azvase)  became  a 
favourite  pastime.     In  imitation  of  Chinese  usage,  themes 

*  The  Colloquial  expression  agekit  fw  hate  /«',  **  the  end  of  it  all,"  comes 
from  this,  being  literally  "at  the  end  of  the  hemistich." 


Basho  attd  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  255 

^^^    ^^t,  courtiers*  wits  were  sharpened  against  each  other, 
^     Ptizes  were  adjudged.      We  even  hear  of  gold   dust 
^f  landed  estates  being  bestowed  on  successful  com- 
^^^^ors;  but  real  poetry  had  ceased  to  live. 

T^he  next  step  was   the   introduction,  at  these   poetry 
tournaments,  of  a  Chinese  game  resembling  our  "capping 
verses."     At   first,  in  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries,  the 
lords  and  ladies  of  Kyoto  composed  Chinese  verses  as  near- 
ly as  possible  after  the  mode  prevalent  at  the  Court  of 
Nanking,  on  rhymes  officially  given  out,  and  according  to 
the  intricate  rules  of  Chinese  prosody.     But  when,  in  the 
eleventh  century,  their  first  pro-Chinese  ardour  had  cooled, 
and  the  task  of  writing  in  a  foreign  tongue  was  felt  to  be 
too  irksome,  they  fell  back  on  the  traditional  native  stanza 
of  thirty-one  syllables.     The  game,  then,  in  this  stage,  con- 
sisted in  either  fitting  on  a  first  hemistich  to  a  second,  or  a 
second  to  a  first.     This  was  termed  Renga,  lit.  **  h'nked 
verses.'*     Sometimes,  supposing  a  second  hemistich  to  have 
been  given,  ingenuity  was  exercised  by  the  composition  of 
more  than  one  suitable  first  hemistich,  whose  merits  would 
be   discussed,  and   the  palm  awarded  to  the  best  by  an 
umpire.     The  independence  of  each  hemistich  thus  became 
accentuated  ;  and  if  the  second  and  less  important  half  were 
to  fall  off,  the  Hokhi  or  first  hemistich  would  remain  as  an 
independent  entity.     This  is  what  did  in  fact  happen,  and 
the  form  of  the  epigram  was  thus  determined. 

Things,  however,  did  not  at  first  move  in  that  direction. 
For  a  long  time — three  or  four  centuries — the  tendency 
was  the  other  way ;  and  here  comes  in  the  most  curious 
part  of  the  story.  Instead  of  producing  an  ultra-short 
variety  of  verse,  the  new  game  seemed  more  likely  to 
lead  to  a  long  and  intricate  variety.     It  would  certainly 


\ 


V 


•  »    .1 
I' 


256  Baslio  and  tlu  Japmtcse  Poetical  Epigram. 

have  done  so,  had   not  the  bent   of  the  Japanese  min^  ^ 
been   too   decid:dly   towards   the  small,  the  sketchy,  n^^ 
less  in  poetry  than  in  painting  and  carving.     The  "  linkecn^ 
verses,*'  which,  down  at  least  to  the  year  11 24,  had  consist — 
ed   of  two   members   only, — one   upper  and    one    lower* 
hemistich, — were  extended  to  a  lai^er  number,  in  imitation 
of  Chinese  models.     This  change  had  taken  place  by  the 
beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  ;  and  as  the  ^arjEastern 
^'     \\^'^        mind  habitually  submitted    all    matters — even    the   most 
trivial — to    rigid   rule,   a    code    was    drawn    up    for   the 
guidance  of  verse-cappers.    This  code  appeared  in  several 
recensions,  of  which  the  first  dates  from  A.  D.  1087,  the 
latest  from  1501.     According  to  it,  the  length  of  a  set  of 
"  linked  verses  "  was  extended  to  8,  to  50,  and  ultimately 
to  100  hemistichs,  and  a  certain  order  was  prescribed  for 
the    succession    of  subjects  treated    in    each  set.     Thus, 
if  the  Hokhi  (**  initial  hemistich  ")  spoke  of  the  spring  with 
special  reference  to  January,  the  second  hemistich  must  also 
refer  to  January,  and  end  with  a  full   stop.     The    third 
hemistich   must  introduce  some  idea  appropriate,  not  to 
January  only,  but  to  the  whole  season  of  spring,  and  must 
end  with  the  particle  te,  which  roughly  corresponds  to  our 
English  participles  in  r^  or /;/^;  but  should  the  second  hemi- 
stich have  included  a  te,  then  one  of  the  particles  ni  or  ran^  or 
the  phrase  mo  nashiy  must  be  preferred.  The  fourth  hemistich 
is  a  **  miscellaneous  "  one,  that  is,  no  mention   must  be 
made  in  it  of  any  of  the  four  seasons.      It  should  end  with 
some  such   easy,  graceful  verbal  termination  as   nari  or 
keri.     No.   5   is  called  the    "  Fixed  Seat  of  the   Moon," 
because  here  the  moon  must  in  any  case  be  made  mention 
of;  and   this  and  Nos.  6  and  7  are  termed  the  "  Three 
Autumn    Hemistichs, — for    the    moon,   which    introduces 


Baslw  atui  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  257 

these  three,  is  the  special  property  of  autumn.     All  the 
hemistichs  down  to  No.  6  inclusive  are  termed  the  "  Initial 
Obverse  "  {Sho-omote^y  because  always  written  on  one  side 
of  the  same  sheet  of  paper ;  and  (according  to  one  authority 
at  least)  such  subjects  as  religion,  love,  the  shortness  of  life, 
and  the  expression  of  personal  sentiments  are  forbidden 
therein.     Hemistichs  7  to  12  (in  some  cases  7  to  14) -are  the 
"  Initial  Reverse  "  or  *'  Reverse  Corner  "  {Sho-ura  or  Ura- 
kado).     No.  7,  as  already  indicated,  forms  one  of  the  three 
Autumn  Hemistichs ;  but  in  No.  8  and  those  that  follow,  the 
choice  of  subjects  is  left  free.     The  final  hemistich  (Agekti)^ 
however,  must  return  to  the  subject  of  No.    i.      The  rules 
vary  somewhat,  according  to  the  total  number  of  hemistichs 
gathered  together  into  a  set.     For  instance,  in  one  variety 
of  36,  whose  name  and  number  are  derived  from  the  Six- 
and-Thirty  Poetical  Geniuses  of  mediaeval  literature,  there  is 
a  division  into  two  sets  of  1 8  each ;  and  the  first  of  these  is 
subdivided  into  an  Obverse  of  6  and  a  Reverse  of  12  hemi- 
stichs, while  in  the  second  subdivision,  technically  termed 
the  **  Leave-taking,"   the   order   is   exactly   contrary,   the 
Obverse  having  12  and  the  Reversed  hemistichs,  while  the 
"  Fixed  Places  "  for  the  mention  of  the  moon  and  of  the 
flowers  are  also  exactly  contrary,  being  respectively  5  and 
n  in  the  one,  and  1 1  and  5  in  the  other.     I  have  here 
given  only  three  or  four  of  the  technical  terms  with  which 
the  subject  bristles,  and  will  not  claim  your  attention  for 
the  elaborate  rules  regarding  the  collocation  of  subjects  and 
the  choice   of   words.     Their   minuteness    almost    passes 
belief,  as  when,  for  instance,  it  is  ordained  that  the  word 
*^^«,  "  how  ?  "  may  not  be  repeated  except  at  an  interval 
of  three  hemistichs,  nor  the  word  bakari,  "  about,"  save  at 
an  interval  of  seven  hemistichs ;  hototogisu,  **  cuckoo,"  only 


258  Bas/io  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

once  in  a  set  of  100,  but  fiobc,  '*  moorland/'  and  viatsu  koi, 
"  love  kept  waiting,"  twice.  Additional  rules  provide  for 
the  preferential  use  of  homonyms, — for  instance,  ka  ^, 
*'  fragrance,"  instead  of  ka  ^,  "  mosquito;"  for  anagrams 
of  proper  names,  for  alphabetical  sequence  in  the  order  of 
the  Ka^ta  syllabary, — all  this  in  certain  fixed  places, — ^as 
also  for  the  insertion  of  words  upside  down,  as  mitsu, 
**  three,"  for  tsinui,  **  sin,*'  and  for  the  introduction,  not  of 
actual  words  themselves,  but  of  certain  others  with  which 
they  may  form  grammatical  compounds.  At  this  point 
even  the  Japanese  commentator  breaks  down,  confessing 
that  the  intricacies  of  the  subject  begin  to  baffle  him.  In 
fact,  he  ventures  so  far  as  mildly  to  suggest  that  "  these 
rules,  being  too  mechanical,  must  have  interfered  to  some 
extent  with  the  poetical  value  of  the  pieces  composed. "( !  ) 
Easier  of  comprehension  is  the  classification  of  all  the  items 
allowed  to  be  mentioned  under  the  caption  of  each  nK>nth. 
Thus,  under  January  we  find  New  Year's  day,  the  New 
Year  sky,  certain  rice-cakes,  a  particular  kind  of  wine, 
ferns,  the  straw  and  other  emblems  used  in  New  Year 
decorations,  various  ceremonies,  lotteries,  gifts,  the  seven 
herbs  of  spring,  the  plum-blossom,  the  willow,  etc.  Wc 
also  understand  without  difficulty,  though  perhaps  with 
wonderment,  that  an  elaborate  set  of  rules  prescribed  the 
method  to  be  followed  in  transcribing  each  set  of  poems  on 
paper,  as  some  of  the  pages  were  to  have  more  written  on 
them,  some  less.  The  j^aper  itself,  too,  had  to  be  folded 
in  a  peculiar  manner,  and  the  various  pages  possessed 
technical  names,  as  already  hinted  at  above. 

All  this  is  puerile  enough.  How  far  more  absurd  will 
it  not  appear,  when  closer  scrutiny  reveals  the  fact  that 
the  total  of  36,  44,  50,  88,  or  100  hemistichs  thus  tacked 


Basho  ami  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram,  259 

on  to  each  other  by  unalterable  rule  gave  no  continuous 
sense !  In  the  Chinese  models  the  sense  ran  on  continu- 
ously. But  either  these  models  were  misunderstood,  owing 
to  thjir  being  read  in  anthologies  which  gave  only  *'  elegant 
extracts  "  of  the  chief  *'  beauties,"  or  else  the  Japanese 
stanza— or  perhaps  we  should  rather  say  the  Japanese  mind 
of  that  age — obstinately  refused  to  lend  itself  to  any  but 
the  shortest  flights.  To  be  sure,  the  work  was  done,  or 
rather  the  game  was  played,  under  circumstances  which 
would  have  cramped  more  soaring  intellects.  Notwith- 
standing the  dominion  of  Chinese  precedents  over  Japanese 
literature,  which  has  already  been  commented  on,  a  rule 
handed  down  from  time  immemorial  forbade  the  use  in 
poetry  of  any  but  purely  native  words.  Thus,  more  than 
half  the  vocabulary  was  excluded  ;  for  half  the  vocabulary 
was  Chinese,  and  these  Chinese  words  comprised  many 
of  those  in  most  familiar  use,  besides  most  of  the  terms 
denoting  delicate  shades  of  meaning.  Their  exclusion  at 
once  limited  the  scope  of  poetical  expression,  helped  to 
make  it  artificial,  and  divorced  it  ever  more  and  more  from 
real  life. 

In  serious  poetry  the  ban  placed  on  all  foreign  terms 
proved  too  strong  to  break,  and  has  remained  in  force 
down  to  the  present  day.  The  result  was  that  this  serious 
poetry  soon  became  fossilised  in  mannerism  and  vain  re- 
petitions. But  even  at  Court, — solemn  as  the  Court  of 
Kyoto  was, — a  revulsion  took  place.  As  early  as  A.D. 
905,  we  find  the  compilers  of  the  "  Kokin-shu''  admitting 
to  a  corner  of  their  anthology  a  small  set  of  stanzas  of 
more  or  less  comic  import,  or  characterised  by  conceits 
which  overstepped  the  limits  set  by  the  rules  of  serious 
poetry.     Such  comic   stanzas  were  termed  IlaiJ^ai^^nd  the 


26o  Basho  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram. 

taste  for  them  gradually  spread.      The  subjects  might  \m     ^       be 
taken  from  common  life  ;  and  common  words — Chinese  n^    ^^    no 

less  than  native — were  admitted  into  their  vocabulary ,^ 

an  innovation  of  far-reaching  effect,  for  it  gave  free  scopczz 


alike  to  the  mind  and  the  tongue,  which  had  hitherto  bee  •=^^=^^ti 
bound  in  mediaeval  fetters.     After  some  time,  it  becani^c=~     -le 
fashionable  to  compose  "  linked  verses  "  in  the  new  com^"      — ic 
or  colloquial  style,  which  accordingly  received  the  nau= —         le 
of  Haikai  no  Renga,  that  is,  "  comic  linked  verses."     Tlr  =3e 

first  extensive  collection  of  these  was  made  by  one  YanK 
zaki  Sokan,  an  ex-Samurai  who  turned  Buddhist  priest,- 
priest,  apparently,   of   the  jovial  sort,  as  he  forsook  t 
world  less  to  practise  devotion  than  to  be  rid  of  the  word' 
of  feudal   service.     He   lived  from    1465  to    1553,  and 
commonly  regarded  as  the  father  of  the  Japanese  epigra 
although  another  poet-priest,  Sogi  Hoshi  (1421-1^2)  w; 
his  elder  by  more  than  forty  years.     A  noticeable  featu 
of  this  period  was  the  downward  spread  of  the  taste  1^ 
this  class  of  poetry  into  the  inferior  ranks  of  society. 

Although  the  custom   long   persisted — indeed  it  is 
quite  dead  even  in  our  own  day — of  linking  verses  togetim 
according   to   the   elaborate   and   puerile   rules  mention 
above,  the  Hokku,  or   "  initial  hemistich,"  had   gradual 
come  to  be  considered  more  important  than  all  those 
were  tagged  on  to  it.     Its  composition  was  habitually 
trusted  to  the  most  skilful  of  the  poets   present  at  a 
p<x:tr>'  meeting,  it  was  rcjxiated  from  mouth  to  mouth  wh 
the   others   were   forgotten,   and   many   anthologies   w« 
devoted  to  it  alone.     Thus  did  it  happen  that  though  t 
word  Ilokku  projx^rly  means  **  initial  stanza,"  and 
no    Rcnga   properly   means    **  comic   linked   verses,"   t  ^ 
two  terms  llokku  and  Haikai  have  practically  run  togetlm 


Basho  and  t/te  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  261 

nto  one  signification.  They,  as  well  as  Haiku  (which  is 
cross  between  the  two),  indifferently  denote  what  we 
lave  ventured  to  term  the  Japanese  "  epigram."  This 
pigram  may  be  defined  as  a  half-stanza  originally  of  a 
omic,  or  at  least  a  colloquial  cast,  which  in  time  came 
o  be  composed  in  all  moods, — ^grave  as  well  as  jocular, 
esthetic  as  well  as  trivial,  classical  as  well  as  colloquial. 
Its  permanently  distinctive  characteristics  are  two  in  num- 
3er  : — firstly,  it  is  quite  fi*ee  in  its  choice  whether  of  subject 
Dr  of  diction ;  secondly,  it  is  essentially  fragmentary,  the 
Fact  that  it  is  part  only  of  a  complete  stanza,  and  that  it  is 
consequently  not  expected  to  do  more  than  adumbrate  tlie 
thought  in  the  writer's  mind,  having  never  been  lost  sight 
of.  All  thfough  its  history,  inditers  of  epigrams  have 
devoted  no  small  portion  of  their  time  to  furbishing  up  the 
missing  second  halves  of  their  staves.  A  second  stave  is 
always  £here  in  posse  if  not  />/  esse, — a  fact  important  to 
the  would-be  translator,  because  it  shows  him  that  in 
selecting  a  form  for  his  versions,  he  shouid  prefer  one  wfilfch 
is  calculated  to  produce  on  the  English  car  the  impression 
of  fragmentariness.  If  he  omits  to  notice  this,  he  will 
fail  in  his  chief  duty,—  that  of  rendering  in  some  sort  the 
movement  of  the  original.  The  same  consideration  ex- 
plains why  the  grammar  of  this  style  of  verse  is  apt  to  be 
elliptjcal^othe  verge  of  obscurity, — past  that  verge  indeed, 
— so  that  great  numbers  of  verses  are  unintelligible  as  they 
stand.  They  are  not  (technically  speaking)  meant  to 
stand  so;  it  is  assumed  that  something  ought  to  follow. 
Accordingly,  the  reader  is  constantly  called  upon  to  supply, 
not  only  missing  verbs  and  particles,  but  whole  clauses. 
The  Japanese  themselves  often  grope  vainly  in  the  obscur- 
ity  thus   caused,   as   the   attempted    explanations   of   the 


y 


262  Basfto  ami  ike  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram. 

commentators  amusingly  testify.  IJttle  wonder,  then,  that 
the  foreign  student  will  be  apt  to  find  fully  half,  perhaps 
three-quarters,  of  the  epigrams  submitted  to  his  notice 
enigmatical.     Take  this,  for  instance, 

Hatsu-yiiki  ya 

^  Are  mo  hito  no  ko 
Tarii'hiroi 

lit.     First  snow,  aye !    that   too  a  child  of   man,    picker-ap  of  barrels. 

Such  a  collocation  of  words  sounds  to  us  like  absolute 
nonsense.  But  it  is  not  nonsense ;  it  is  only  sense  over- 
condctised.  The  meaning  is :  *'  That  poor  boy,  walking 
along  the  streets  picking  up  cast-off  barrels*  in  the  first 
winter  snow, — he,  too,  and  others  like  him,  miserable 
though  be  their  lot,  yet  count  among  the  sons  of  men, 
and  as  such  deserve  our  pity.''  The  s^nrfication  is  clear 
to  tlie  Japanese  without  periphrasis  or  comment,  because 
they  are  habituated  to  siich  elliptical  modes  of  expression. 
In  (act,  this  verse  has  passed  into  a  proverb.     Or  again, 

(12) 

Yo  no  naka  wa 
1  JUikJta  minu  tna  no 

Saknra  kafta 

lit.     iVs  for  the  world,  oh!   cherry  unseen  darmg  three    days. 

Tliis,  too,  is  proverbial,  being  equivalent  to  some  such 
saying  of  ours  as  "  The  fashion  of  this  world  passeth 
away."  Interpreted  more  closely,  the  exact  sense  conveyed 
is  that  *•  The  world  changes  as  rapidly  as  does  a  cherry- 
tree  which  one  should  not  have  visited  for  the  space  of  three 
daj's.  He  saw  it  in  full  bloom ;  meantime  the  wind  has 
blown,   and  left  not  a  single  blossom  on  the  branches." 


Bas/id  atid  the  Japanese  Ihetical  Epigram,  263 

.  too,  Japanese  readers  would  require  no  explanation, 
arc,  however,  nunoerous  cases  in  which  the  process 
Icnsation  has  been  carried  so  far  as  to  baffle  even 
.iiein.  This  happens  chiefly  when  the  epigram  refers  tx> 
>onie  particular  circumstance  or  event,  which  has  been  for- 
gotten. No  ordinary  educated  Japanese  would  understand 
the  following  without  explanation  : — 

(13) 

Hirosawa  ya 

HitO'Sfdgurtini 
Ntimataro 

Hirosazva  must  probably,  says    the    commentator,  be 

explained  as  the  name  of  a  place* — a  large  mere  in  the 

neighbourhood  oi  Kyoto ;  the  grammar  and  metre  of  the 

second  line  are  both  shaky ;  and  the  last  word  Nuviatard 

has,  it  would  seem«  been  coiiied  as  an  equivalent  for  Jiiild- 

kui,  a  kind  of  wild-goose,  which  is  here  personified  as  the 

eldest  son  {Taro)  of  the  marsh  {nutnd).     Thus  we  arrive  at 

some  such  sense  as 

'<  A  wild-goose  alone  in  a  shower  at  Hirosawa  " 

which  result,  to  say  the  least,  sounds  unattractive  and  un- 
comfortable. The  impression  which  the  author  meant  to 
convey — an  impression  of  gney  solitude  and  dreariness — 
could  haiie  been  conveyed  with  &r  greater  effect  in  intelligi- 
ble language, — has  in  fact  been  so  conveyed  by  other 
epigranimatists  over  and  over  again,  for  instance  in  these 
closely  parallel  lines ; — 

(14) 

Mozti  no  iru 

No-naka  no  kui  yo 
Kaininazuki 

lit.    *^  Oh !  Che  post  in  the  midst  of  the  moor,  on  whkh  a  Ivntcher- 
biid  nBiciKSd — November  I " 


264         BcisJio  and  the  Japamsc  Poetical  Epigram. 

that  is, 

"  November,  with  a  butcher-bird 
'  Perched  on  a  post  on  th*  open  moor " 

a  graphic  suggestion,  truly,  of  a  dreary  autumn  scene. 

The  legitimate  use  of  condensation — legitimate  because 
of  the  vivid  effect  produced — is  well-exemplified  in  the 
following  verse  by  the  poetess  Chiyo,  which  ranks  among 
the  most  famous  productions  of  this  Lilliputian  literary 
form : — 

(15) 

Asagao  ni 

Tsurube  torarete 
Morai-mizu 

Lit.    Having  had  well-bucket  taken  away  by  convolvuli, — gift-water  i 

The  meaning  is  this  : — Chiyo,  having  gone  to  her  well  one 
morning  to  draw  water,  found  that  some  tendrils  of  the 
convolvulus  had  twined  themselves  around  the  rope.  As  a 
poetess  and  a  woman  of  taste,  she  could  not  bring  herself  to 
disturb  the  dainty  blossoms.  So,  leaving  her  own  well  to 
the  convolvuli,  she  went  and  begged  water  of  a  neighbour, 
—a  pretty  little  vignette,  surely,  and  expressed  in  five 
words. 

But  to  return  to  the  historical  sketch  of  our  subject, 
which  was  interrupted  by  the  need  for  explanation  and 
comment.  It  was  mentioned  a  page  or  two  back  that  the  first 
collectors  of  ** epigrams,"  as  distinguished  from  the  "linked 
verses  "  of  which  these  same  epigrams  were  originally  but 
fragments,  was  Yamazaki  S5kan,  a  Buddhist  priest  whose 
long  life  extended  from  A.  D.  1465  to  1553.  Great  num- 
bers of  priests  belonging  to  the  Zen  sect  of  Buddhism  devoted 
themselves  at  this  period,  and  for  a  couple  of  centuries 
more,  to  the  art  of  versification  and  to  esthetics  generally. 


Basho  and  the  Japanese  Fdetical  Epigram,  265 

Some  few  Shintoists  did  likewise.  A  Shinto  priest  of  the  Sun- 
Goddess's  temple  at  Ise,  named  Arakida  Moritake  (1472- 
1549),  a  contemporary  of  the  just-named  father  of  epigram- 
matic poetry,  specially  distinguished  himself;  but  his 
compositions,  and  indeed  all  those  of  this  early  age, 
retained  a  strong  comic  tinge.  The  composers  themselves, 
despite  their  ecclesiastical  character,  were  much  given  to 
eccentric  frolics,  and  to  all  the  sans-gette  of  a  semi-lfc>hemian 
life.  To  their  honour  be  it  added  that,  while  fun  counted 
in  their  eyes  for  a  great  deal,  money  counted  for  nothing  at 
all.  Yamazaki  Sokan  is  said  to  have  lived  on  ten  cash  a 
day,  and  to  have  had  no  other  furniture  in  his  cell  than  a 
single  kettle.  The  prettiest  of  his  verses  that  has  survived 
is  the  following,  which  is  worthy  of  the  later,  classic  age  ; — 

(16) 

Koe  nahiba 

Sagi  koso  ytiki  no 
HU(htstirane 

But  for  its  voice,  the  heron  were 
A  line  of  snow,  and  nothing  more. 

How  often  has  not  this  subject  been  treated  by  the  Japanese 
painter,  as  a  delicate  symphony  in  white  !  But,  as  already 
remarked,  almost  all  his  compositions  verge  on  the  comic, 
for  instance  this  one,  comparing,  not  inaptly,  the  posture  of 
the  frc^  to  that  which  a  Japanese  assumes  when  squatting 
respectfully,  with  his  hands  stretched  out  on  the  mats  to 
address  a  superior : — 

(17) 

Te  wo  tsuite 

Uta  moshi-agttm  * 
Kawasn  kafia 

*  Note  the  polite  word  moshi-agiiruy  used  in  addressing  a  sujserior.  ■ 


•.\ 


266  Bashd  and  titc  Japmtcsc  Poetical  Epigram. 

Oh !  the  frog,  with  its  hands  on   the  floor,  lifting  up   [its  voice  in] 
song! 

^        Puns  were  tnuch  sought  after,  as  in 

(18) 

Yo  ni  ftiru  wa 

Sara  ni  shigure  no 
Yadori  kajia 

where  funi  has  a  double  signification : — firstly,  construed 
with  yo,  it  means  "  dwelling  in  the  world,'*  while  secondly 
construed  with  shigure,  it  means  "  a  shower  falling,"  so 
that  the  entire  sense  meant  to  be  conveyed — though  the 
actual  words  merely  adumbrate  it — is  that  **  Man's  sojourn 
in  this  world  is  as  transitory  as  a  shelter  to  which  one 
may  betake  oneself  during  a  shower."  But  to  cap  verses 
cleverly  was  still  the  poet*s  chief  aim.  Some  one  having 
proposed  as  second  hemistich  the  lines 

Kiritaku  mo  ari 

Kiritaku  7no  nashi 

/  I  want    to  kill    him,  and    [at  the   same  time]  I  don't   want  to  kill 

him, — 

Yamazaki  Sokan  immediately  added  the  first  hemistich 

(19) 

Nustibito  7U0 

Toracte  mircba 
Waga  ko  nari 

On   looking   at   the   thief  whom  I  have   caught,   [behold]   it  is  my 
own  child. 

This  epigram  has  remained  proverbial  for  a  wish,  which, 
when  fulfilled,  turns  out  to  be  anything  but  pleasant. 

On  another  occasion — it  was  in  the  tenth  month  of  a 
certain  year — the  Shinto  priest  above  mentioned,  on  enter- 
ing the  apartment  where  a  poetical  tournament  was  to  be 


Dashb  afui  the  Japanese  Poetieal  Epigram,  267 

held,  and  perceiving  that  tho  whole  assemblage  consisted 
of  Buddhists,  exclaimed  in  verse 

(20) 

O  zashiki  wo 

Mireba  izure  mo 
Kaminazuki 

to  which  Sogi  responded  with  the  second  hemistich 

Hitori  shigure  no 

Furi-eboshi  kite 

The  task  of  making  this  intelligible  to  any  one  entirely 

ignorant  of  Japan,  its  language,   and  customs,   might  be 

abandoned  as  hopeless.     Members  of  the  Asiatic  Society 

will,  however,  easily  perceive  that  the  contrast  insisted  on 

by  the  two  ready  wits  is  that  between  the  shaven  pates 

of  the  Buddhists  and  the  curious  gauze  cap  worn  by  Shintd 

priests  over  their  natural  hair.     But  this  is  not  all : — there 

are  two  puns  to  be  taken  into  account,  and  Kaminazuki 

is   here   the   first   important   word.       It   signifies   literally 

**  the  month  without  Shinto  gods."     The  tenth  month  of 

the  year  is  so  styled  in  Japanese  poetical   and  religious 

parlance,  because  of  a  tradition  to  the  effect  that  in  that 

month  all  the  Shint5    gods  and    goddesses  forsake  their 

other  shrines  in  order  to    hold  a  conclave   at   the  great 

temple  of  Izumo.    The  sight  of  a  party  consisting  exclusively 

of  Buddhists  would  naturally  remind    a   Shintoist  of   the 

absence  of  his  Shinto  gods,  and  furthermore,  as  kami  means 

"hair"    as   well   as    *' god,"    the   syllables   kami  na[shi^ 

suggest  "  no  hair,"    in   allusion   to   the    Buddhist   shaven 

heads,  so  that  the  upper  hemistich  comes  to  mean  "  On 

looking  round  the  ^apartment,  I  see  none  but  Buddhists." 

In   the   second    hemistich    the    word    shigurcy    **  shower," 

which  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter  in  hand,  forms 


t^ 


268  Bashb  aiid  tite  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

a  sort  of  punning  "  pillow-word  "  to  introduce  y«n,  which 
has  the  sense  of  **  raining,"  and  at  the  same  time  recalls 
fiiniiy  "  old,"  thus  giving  the  sense  of  **  Yes,  but  there  is 
one  Shintoist  among  us  in  his  old  gauze  cap."  Both 
hemistichs  are  decidedly  clever  in  the  original,  though 
the  sparkle  is  of  course  lost  and  the  point  blunted  by  the 
laborious  process  of  elucidation  in  a  foreign  tongue. 

A  few  more  examples  of  the  compositions  of  this, 
the  earliest,  age  of  Japanese  epigram  will  be  found  at  the 
end  of  the  present  essay.  The  authors  above  mentioned 
each  had  numerous  pupils,  by  whom  their  tradition  was 
continued.  But  no  eminent  names  are  recorded  till  the 
close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  a  Samurai  called 
Matsunaga  Teitoku  (i 571-165 3)  became  the  legislator  for 
epigrammatic  poetry  by  the  publication  of  a  work  entitled 
'*  0-Garagasal'  in  which  its  rules  were  detailed  aj)art  from 
those  that  had  so  long  guided  the  composers  of  **  linked  ^ 
verses."  Of  the  latter,  too,  he  was  the  acknowledged 
master  in  his  day,  and  was  accordingly  nominated  by 
Imperial  decree  to  the  post  of  Hana-yio-niotOy  which  may 
be  rendered  '*  the  Flowery  Seat," — a  laureateship  which 
carried  with  it  the  control  over  all  minor  teachers  and 
pupils  in  the  poetry  schools  by  the  granting  or  withholding 
of  diplomas,  etc.;  for  in  the  Japan  of  that  age  everything 
was  legislated  for, — even  verse  and  versifiers.  This  par- 
ticular poet,  though  highly  eccentric  and  finally  blind, 
left  a  flourishing  school,  from  which  shone  out  with  parti- 
cular lustre  five  disciples  known  to  fame  as  the  "Five  Stars  ** 
(j£  S)-  ^^ven  such  a  Confucian  scholar  as  Hayashi  Razan, 
even  so  eminent  a  Japanologue  as  Kitamura  Kigin,  did 
not  disdain  to  take  lessons  from  him  in  epigram  ;  and  the 
great  Basho  himself  was,  poetically  speaking,  his  descend- 


Bas/io  and  tlie  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram,  269 

ant  in  the  second  generation.  His  verses  api^ear  to  mc 
somewhat  formal ;  but  he  had  the  merit  of  avoiding  vulgar- 
ityi  Teishitsu  (i 608-1 671),  one  of  the  **  Five  Stars," 
equalled,  if  he  did  not  suri>ass,  his  master,  though  it  is 
related  that  he  had  so  poor  an  opinion  of  his  own  pro- 
ductions that  he  considered  only  three  worth  preservation, 
and  committed  all  the  rest  to  the  flames.  One  of  these 
three  has  been  held  by  the  best  judges*  to  be  the  finest 
epigram  ever  written.     It  runs  as  follows  : — 

(22)       • 

Korc  wa  kore  zva 

To  bakari  liana  no 
Yoshino-yama 

The  verse  resists  jll  attempts  at  adequate  representation  in 
English ;  but  the  gist  of  it  is  that  the  mountains  of  Yoshino, 
when  covered  with  the  cherry-blossom,  baffle  description 
by  their  loveliness,  and  leave  the  beholder  nothing  but 
inarticulate  exclamations  of  wonder  and  delight.  This 
poet  also  had  five  specially  eminent  pupils,  known  in  literary 
history  as  "  The  Two  Guests  and  the  Three  Men  "  (H^ 


*  By  such  men,  for  instance,,  as  I^hu.  But  Aeha  Koson,  an  ingenious 
modern  critic,  has  pointed  out  a  flaw  in  the  verse : — it  is  not  characteristic 
enough.  Muiaiis  muiandhy  the  same  words  might  l>e  applied  to  other  unique 
scenes,  as  AJy/v  wa  kore  wa — To  btikariyuki  fw — Fuji  no  yafna,  substituting 
Fuji  with  its  snows  for  Yoshino  with  its  flowers.  Among  epigrams  on 
Yoshino,  this  critic  would  award  the  palm  to  the  following  (hy  the  ]Kx:t 
Ryota),  which  could  not  be  transferred  to  any  other  scene : — 

(21) 

Shira-kwno  ya 

Chiru  toki  hana  no 
Yoshino-yama 
Its  puipoit  is  to  liken  the   falling   ])etals   of  the    cherry-blossoms   of 
Yoshino  to  a  white  cloud.     Perhapw  one  might  render  it  thus :    "  A  white 
cloud, — nay!  the  blossoms  on  Moimt  Yoshino  as  they  flutter  down/' 


270  Bashb  mid  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram. 

HA)-     With  them  the  first  or  introductory  period  of  the 

Japanese  epigram,  as  cultivated  at  Kyoto,  may  be  said  to 

close.     Its  latest  members  were  contemporary  with  the  rise 
o 

of  two   other  schools, — the  Danrin  Ha  at  Yedo,  which 

plunged  into  intricacy,  mannerism,  and  exaggeration,  and 

Basho's  school  which  finally  led  Ja[>anese  poetry  back  into 

v 

the  paths  of  good  taste  and  good  morals. 

The  origin  of  the  Danrin  School  was  on  this  wise.  A 
^  Samurai  from  the  province  of  Higo,  named  Nishiyama  Soin 
(1605- 1 68 2),  whose  lord  had  been  cashiered,  wandered  off 
to  Osaka  and  Kyoto,  where  he  shaved  his  head  as  a 
Buddhist  priest  and  prayed  for  poetical  inspiration  to  the 
god  Tcmmangii,  at  whose  shrine  each  of  his  compositions 
was  successively  offered  up.  Such  pious  preparation  would 
lead  the  European  student  to  expect  some  grave  and 
serious  result ;  but  in  Japan  they  manage  these  matters 
differently.  The  result  in  this  case  was  that  the  poet 
went  in  for  every  kind  of  verbal  jugglery  and  ingenious 
conceit !  Meantime,  at  the  then  recently  founded  and  luxuri- 
ous city  of  Yedo,  a  similar  meretricious  taste  had  found 
a  home  in  a  little  coterie  of  versifiers  who  were  weary 
of  the  simplicity  of  the  earlier  Kyoto  school.  Their 
club,  which  was  known  by  the  title  of  Danrin  (^^),  or 
*'  The  Forest  of  Consultation,"  warmly  welcomed  Nishi- 
yama to  Yedo  in  1664.  He  became  its  leader,  and,  by 
roving  all  over  the  country  from  Nagasaki  to  the  extreme 
North,  where  one  of  the  local  Daimy5s  enrolled  himself 
among  his  pupils,  he  spread  the  new  mode  far  and  wide, 
assisted  therein  by  his  contemporary  Saikaku,  the  favourite 
novelist  of  the  day,  who  may  be  best  described  as  a 
Japanese  Zola,  as  his  stories  are  alike  admirable  in  style 
and  abominable  in   matter.     His  epigrams,  fortunately — at 


Basho  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  27 1 

least  those  that  I  have  seen  quoted — do  not  appear  to  have 
shared  in  this  coarseness.  Tradition  credits  liim  with 
having  composed  twenty  thousand  of  them  in  a  single 
day.  Here  are  a  few  examples  of  the  verses  of  the 
Danrin  School : — 

(23) 

Naga-mochi  ni 

Haru  kakure-yuku 
KoromO'gae 

A  change  of  garments,  and  the  spring 
Goes  into  hiding  in  the  chest 

that  is  to  say,  **  When  we  stow  away  our  heavier  gar- 
ments on  the  approach  of  summer,  spring  hides  itself  in 
our  trunks  or  closets  till  next  year," — a  conceit  which 
it  doubtless  cost  the  composer  some  trouble  to  excogitate. 

(24) 

Kumo  no  mine  ya 

Yama  minn  knni  no 
Hiroi'Vwno 

A  lucky  find, — the  i>eaks  of  cIoikI, — 
For  countries  that  no  mountains  see 

that  is,  **  In  flat  countries,  how  glad  the  natives  must 
be  to  see  mountainous  masses  of  cloud  1" — another  conceit 
of  like  calibre  to  the  first. 

(25) 

Moshi  nakaba 

t    Clwcho  kago  no 
Ku  zvo  uken. 

Did  it  but  sing,  the  butterfly 
Might  have  to  suffer  in  a  cage 

in  other  words,  **  'Tis  fortunate  for  the  butterfly  that  its 
\oice    is    not    as    beautiful    as    its    wings ;    for    in    that 


2/2  Bashb  mid  the  Japanese  Boetical  Epigram. 

case   it  would    run  the  risk  of  being  shut    up    in  a  cage 
by  those  who  would  fain  hear  it  sing." 

(26) 

Tsuki-yo  yoshi 

TachitSH  itsu  netsu 

Mitsu-no-hcmta 
The  actual  sense  here  conveyed  is,  "  Beauteous  is  the 
moonlight  night  at  Mitsu-no-liama,  whether  one  stand 
up,  or  sit,  or  lie  down."  But  the  real  point  must  be 
sought  in  the  sound  of  the  words, — the  three  tsiis  of 
TachitSH  itsu  netstiy  resumed  in  the  word  mitsu^  which  it- 
self signifies  "  three." 

(27) 

Sarcba  aki 

To  mosu  iware  no 

Nobe  soro 
Here  again  the  matter  signifies  little;  it  is  the  manner 
that  amuses.  The  meaning,  so  far  as  there  is  any,  is 
merely  that  the  aspect  of  the  moor  proclaims  the  autumn 
.season.  But,  apart  from  a  pun  on  the  word  nobe^  which 
may  mean  either  "  to  proclaim  "  or  "  a  moor-side/*  an 
irresistibly  droll  effect  is  produced  by  the  employment 
of  the  stiflL  .epistolary  style,  than  which  nothing  can  be 
further  from  the  spirit  of  poetry.  One  poetess  even 
composed  her  death-song  in  this  mock  epistolary  style : — 

(28) 

Tsiiki  mo  mite 

Ware  wa  kono  yo  wo 
Kashiku  kaiia 
which  may  be  rendered  into  fairly  equivalent  English  thus : 

And  having  seen  the  moon,  I  now 
To  this  world  have  the  honour  to  be 


Baskb  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.         273 

that  is  to  say»  ''  Having  enjoyed  the  world,  its  beauties 
and  its  glories,  I  now  have  the  honour  to  remain  your 
humble  servant,  etc.,  etc.,  and  to  depart  this  life."  It 
seems  a  poor  joke  to  die  with. 

Literary  conceits  are,  of  all  things,  the  hardest  to 
transfer  from  one  language  to  another.  Still,  even  the 
slight  indications  here  given  may  suffice  to  show  how 
naturally  and  inevitably  the  fireworks  of  the  Danrin 
School  would  eclipse  the  productions  of  the  earlier 
epigrammatists,  with  their  quiet  prettinesses  and  their 
innocent  little  puns.  For  a  whole  generation  this  sort 
of  thing  hit  the  public  taste,  just  as  "smart"  writing 
has  done  in  our  own  day  among  Anglo-Saxons.  The 
only  question  was  as  to  who  should  express  the  most 
far-fetched  ideas  in  the  most  unexpected  words.  Some- 
times it  was  a  clever  literary  allusion, — a  Confucian  maxim, 
perhaps,  masquerading  in  modern  Japanese  guise ; — some- 
times an  astounding  exaggeration  ;  at  ocher3- something  new 
in  the  mere  phrasing, — a  horribly  vulvar  word,  or  else  a 
solemnly  classical  one, — ^anything  in  short,  provided  that 
the  effect  was  warranted  tfii  startle.  As  for  the  matter, 
that  was  a  quantite  nigligeable. 


m. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Japanese  poetry — for  the  epigram 
was  the  only  species  of  poetry  that  retained  any  life — when 
a  man  appeared,  named  Basho,  who  was  destined  to  infuse 
into  it  a  totally  new  spirit.  This  remarkable  person  was 
born  in  the  year  1644  ^^  Ueno,  in  the  province  of  Iga. ' 


I 


274  Bashd  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

He  came  of  ancient  Samurai  lineage,  ahd  from  boyhood 
had  been  the  favourite  companion  of  his  Daimyo's  son. 
This  accomplished  youth,  himself  no  mean,  scholar  and 
poet,  was  at  once  Basho's  feudal  lord,  his  teacher,  and 
his  friend.  When  death  prematurely  removed  htm,  Basho, 
then  a  boy  of  sixteen,  was  so  distraught  with  grief  that 
home  and  the  ordinary  avocations  of  a  Samurai  could  ho 
longer  restrain  him.  Despite  the  Daimyo's  injunctions, 
he  fled  privately,  carrying  with  him  a  lock  of  his  dead 
young  lord's  hah*  to  the  great  Buddhist  monastery  of 
Koya-san,  and  leaving  behind  him  a  very  pretty  verse  of 
adieu  to  the  comrades  of  his  youth  : — 

(29) 

Kumo  to  hedatsu 

Toino  ka  ya  kari  no 

Iki'ivakare 
The  words  are  not  susceptible  of  exact  translation  into  Eng- 
lish ;  but  their  drift  is  that  the  writer  is  now  severed  for 
life  from  his  former  friends,  as  the  soaring  wild-geese  are 
from  each  other  by  thd  clouds,  of  heaven.  In  the  au'.umn 
of  the  same  year  he  abandoned  the  world,  in  order  to 
throw  himself  into  the  arms  of  poverty  and  mysticism. 
Many  contradictory  versions  are  given  of  the  exact  reasons 
for  his  retirement.  One,  for  which  there  is  no  shadow 
of  proof,  but  which  has  been  made  the  theme  of  a  popular 
drama,  implicates  his  moral  character,  telling  of  an  intrigue 
with  his  lord  s  wife.  But  the  simplest  explanation  is  to 
be  found  in  that  pessimistic  and  ascetic  tinge,  which, 
though  dead  in  the  Japan  of  the  twentieth  century,  had 
been  impressed  on  the  .national  mind  during  the  mediaeval 
period  of  civil  i  war  and  misery,  and  which,  long  before 
Bashd's  time,  had  driven  warriors  and  nobles  innumerable 


Bashb  and  ttie  Japanese  poetical  Epigraih.  275 

to  lay  aside  worldly  dignities.'  After  the  final  pacification 
of  the  country  about  the  year  1600,  under  the  sway  of 
the  Tokugawa  Shoguns,  the  sarrie  causes  no  longier 
operated.  But  in  their  place,  for  all  members  of  the 
Samurai  caste  or  military  gentry,  there  came  a  grinding, 
omnipresent  routine,  a  ceaseless  round  of  minute  ceremonial 
observances,  which  made  life  a  burden  to  any  but  the  most 
prosaic  spirits.  Little  wonder  that  heads  of  families  be- 
came inkyo,  as  it  was  called* — that  is,  retired  from  active 
life,  as  early  as  possible,  as  the  only  escape  from  official 

tyranny,  the  only  means  of  following  their  own  tastes,-^ 
while  others,  more  impatient  still,  threw  over  the  traces 
even  in  youth  by  sheltering  themselves  under  the  shadow 
'of  the  Buddhist  profession,  whose  power  in  the  land  was 
still  a  mighty  one.  Many  became  Buddhist  priests  in 
form  only,  renouncing  their  hereditary  names  and  titles, 
shaving  their  heads,  and  donning  priestly  robes,  but  devot- 
ing themselves  to  pleasure,  nowise  to  religion.  Such  were 
the  esthetes  who,  as  playmates  of  Shoguns  and  other 
exalted  personages,  developed  the  tea  ceremonies,  planned 
most  of  the  beautiful  gardens  at  Kyoto,  and  helped  to 
advance  all  the  fine  arts.  Others  were  genuine  converts ; 
many  seem  to  have  stood  lialf-way  between  mystic  fervour 
and  artistic  or  literary  culture.  Basho's  position  was 
peculiar.  Genuinely  converted,  a  mystic  of  the  Zen  sect  , 
to;  the  tip  of  his  fingers,  his  aim  was  yet  strictly/ .practical ; 
he  wished  to  turn  men's  Ityes  and  thought3  in; 'a.  better 
and  liigher  direction,  antl  he  employed  Qne':braiKhpf 
art,  namely  poetry,  as  the  vehicle  for  the:  etbiQSfl  influ- 
ence to  whose  exercise:  he  had  devoted 'hi?  ^if^.  rr  Tl^e 
vefy  word  "poetry"  (at  least  //^/-^^/>.  whi^Jf^'we  'Hprust 
here    perforce    translate    by   "  poetry*'/  -rathier    th^i):.  by 


L 


2/6  Bashd  attd  t/u  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

/  "  epigram ")  came  in  his  mouth  to  stand  for  morality. 
Did  any  of  his  followers  transgress  the  code  of  poverty, 
simplicity,  humility,  long-suffering,  he  would  rebuke  the 
offender  with  a  "  This  is  not  poetry "  (literally,  "  not 
epigram  "),  meaning  "  this  k  not  right."  But  more  often 
he  contented  himself  with  preaching  by  example. 

But  to  return  to  his  biography.  Having  freed  himself 
in  early  youth  from  all  official  duties,  and  having  deter- 
mined to  lead  a  life  devoted  to  virtue  and  to  intellectual 
achievement,  he  went  to  Osaka  and  Kyoto,  and  wandered 
with  special  delight  amid  the  mountain  fastnesses  of 
Yoshino,  which  had  been  the  favourite  retreat  of  his 
^  favourite  poet,  Saigyo  H5shi.  There  he  bathed  in  the 
/  brooks  and  rested  in  the  shady  valleys,  and  meditated  on 
the  impermanence  of  human  fate.  This  life  and  the 
composition  of  poetry  helped  to  calm  his  spirit.  A 
verse  from  those  days  preserves  the  memory  of  his  early 
struggles : — 

(30) 

Tsuyu  tokurtoku 

Kokoroffd  fd  uki-yo 
Sosogaba  ya 

A^liere  the  dews  drop,  there  would  I  lain 
Essay  to  wash  this  frivolous  world 

that  is,  "  I  would  wash  away  from  me  all  taint  of  the 
world  by  a  plunge  into  pure  nature." — ^The  deep  gulf 
separating  utterances  like  this  from  the  futilities  of  pre- 
vious epigrammatists  need  scarcely  be  pointed  out. 
Bashd  s  position  as  poet  and  as  moralist  is  here  taken 
up,  never  to  be  relinquished.  Soon  afterwards  we  find 
him  at  Yedo,  where  he  studied  all  the  literature  then 
accessible  under  the  best  masters, — masters  whose  names 


Basho  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  277 

have  remained  famous  to  this  very  day, — Chinese  philo- 
sophy and  belles-lettres  under  Ito  Tan-an,  Japanese  clas- 
sical poetry  and  prose  under  Kitamura  Kigin,  modern 
poetry  under  Yamaguchi  Sodo,  Buddhism  under  Butchd 
Qsho.  He  constantly  carried  about  with  him  one  or  other 
of  the  chief  works  of  the  standard  authors,  and  several 
of  these  he  knew  by  heart ;  so  that  when  he  came  to 
employ  epigram  as  his  vehicle  of  .expression,  he  did  so 
with  a  mind  full  of  ideas  differing  widely  from  the  idle 
conceits  which  had  formed  the  stock-in-trade  of  his  pre- 
decessors in  that  art.  But  though  so  great  a  reader,  his 
favourite  book  of  aU  was  nature,  which  he  studied  in 
extensive  wanderings  almost  all  over  Japan.  From  the 
year  1672  onwards,  his  residence — so  far  as  he  can  be 
said  to  have  had  any  permanent  residence — was  at  Yedo 
in  a  little  villa,  or  rather  cottage,  in  the  garden  of  a 
friend,  a  well-to-do  citizen,  where  grew  some  banana- 
trees  (Jap.  basho),  which  suggested  the  literary  pseudonym 
by  which  he  is  known  to  fame;  for  here  be  it  paren- 
thetically remarked  that  almost  all  Japanese  artists  and 
poets  take  some  such  pseudonym,  often  several.  The 
whole  literary  world  of  the  new  metropolis  seems  to 
have  at  once  kindly  welcomed  him.  Soon  he  became 
the  acknowledged  leader  of  tliose  who  wrote  verse ;  and 
the  almost  yearly  publication  of  some  new  work  led  even 
such  as  had  hitherto  practised  other  styles  to  renounce 
them,  and  to  proclaim  themselves  his  pupils.  Every 
rank  of  society  contributed  its  quota.  The  majority  per- 
haps were  priests^ — at  least  priests  in  name;  but  we  find 
also  doctors,  tradesmen.  Samurai,  even  Daimyos,  and  not 
grown  men  only,  but  boy  students,  and  ladies  too  of 
various  degrees  enrolled  in   this  truly  democratic  literary 


2/8  Basho  and  the  Japamse  Poetical  Epigram, 

circle,  which  so  strangely  maintained  its  private  liberty  in 
the  midst  of  the  rigidly  fettered  social  organism*  that 
enveloped  it  on  every  side. 

About  the  year  1682,  Bashd  seems  to  have  experienced 
a  second  conversion ;  at  any  rate  his  study  of  the  doctrines 
of  the  Zen  sect  of  Buddhism  then   became  more  earnest, 
owing  to  continued  intercourse  with  the  Buddhist  teacher 
above  mentioned,  aided  by  conversations  with  the  latter*s 
personal     attendant,     who,     though     an     illiterate    man, 
had    attained    to    spiritual    enlightenment.       The    learned 
abbot    endeavoured  at  first    to  wean    him  from   the  conl- 
position    of  epigrams,    on    the  ground    of  their  frivolity. 
The  story  goes  that,   as  the  two  were   strolling  one  day 
in  a  country  lane,  the  abbot  said,  "  You,  who  turn  every- 
thing into    idle  verse,    what  useful    thing  could    you  find 
to  say  about  this  mallow   by  the   roadside?"     Basho   at 
once  responded  with  the  stanza 

(31)  '■ 

Michi-fiO'be  no 

Mokuge  wa  mna  ni 
Knware-keri 

The  mallow-flower  by  the  road 
Was  eaten  by  a  [passing]  horse 

and  the  abbot  owned  himself  vanquished  in  the  dispute ; 
for  the  moral  lesson  conveyed  in  those  few  words  was 
too  obvious : — "  Had  not  the  mallow  pressed  forward 
into  public  view,  the  horse  would  never  have  devouri^ 
it  I^am,  then,  ambitious  man,  to  be  humble  and  retiring. 
The  vulgar  yearning  for  fame  and  distinction  can  lead 
nowhither  but  to  misery,  for  it  contradicts  the  essential 
principle  of  ethics." 


Baskd  and  tJic  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  279 

The  fojiowing   epigram,  which   every  Japanese  *has  by 
heart,  also  probably  dates  from  this  period: 

(32) 

FurU'ike  ya 

Kawasii  tobi-konm 
Mizu  no  oto 

The  old  pond,  aye !  and  the  sound  of  a  frog  leaping  into  the  watcr« 

From  a  European  point  of  view,  the  mention  of  the  frc^ 
spoils  these  lines  completely;  for  we  tacitly  include 
frogs  in  the  same  category  as  monkeys  and  donkeys, — 
absurd  creatures  scarcely  to  be  named  without  turning 
verse  into  caricature.  The  Japanese  think  differently: — 
the  frog,  in  their  language,  has  even  a  poetical  name — 
kenvazu — ^besides  its  ordinary  name,  kairu^  and  his  very 
croak  appeals  to  them  as  a  sort  of  song.  The  picture 
here  outlined  of  some  mouldering  temple  enclosure  with 
its  ancient  piece  of  water,  stagnant,  silent  but  for  the 
occasional  splash  of  a  frc^,  suggests  to  them  the  medi- 
tative and  pathetic  side  of  life.  To  them  it  appears  natural 
thjat  the  "  attainment  of  enlightenment,"  as  the  Buddhists 
call  it,  or  conversion,  as  we  say  in  Christian  parlance, 
should  express  itself  in  some  such  guise. 
^  The  foreign  student  may  at  first  feel  somewhat  sceptical 
concerning  the  moral  signification  attributed  to  many  of 
Bashd's  epigrams.  The  justice  of  such  a  method  of  inter- 
pretation is  bf  course  difficult  to  prove  convincingly. 
Nevertheless,  the  testimony  of  tradition  must  be  allowed 
some  weight,  and  I  have  been  brought  to  believe  that  a 
thorough  study  of  the  influence  of  the  mysticism  of  the 
2fen  sect  in  Japan  would  bear  out  native  tradition  in  its 
attribution  of  **  inner  meanings,"  not  to  Basho's  writings 
merely,  but  to  the  writings  and  even  the  actions  of  many 


28o  Basho  attd  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

other  men  of  that  and  previous  periods.  In  any  case, 
whether  this  current  method  of  interpretation  be  true 
or  false,  it  has  been  so  widely  received  that  no  study 
of  the  Japanese  epigram  would  be  complete  without  some 
reference  to  it. 

According  to   the  accepted  account,   Bashd's  change  of 
views,  his    conviction  of  the    transitoriness  of  all    things 
earthly,    and   his    consequent    determination   to    have    no 
longer  any   fixed  home,  were  accelerated  by   the  impres- 
sion left  on  his  mind  by  the  burning  of  his  house  in  the 
fire    of   January,     1683,     which    destroyed     the     greater 
part  of  Yedo.     It    is  said  that   he  had  to  throw  himself 
into  the    pond  in    his  little   garden  to    avoid  being  burnt, 
alive,  a  literal    illustration  of  the  text  familiar  to  him  as 
a  good  Buddhist,  which  teaches  that  **  [man's  life]  is  like 
unto  a  house  on  fire,"  that  is,   equally  sure  of  swift    de- 
struction.    Though  his  pupils  clubbed  together  to  rebuild 
his  modest  abode,   though  they   even    undertook   to  feed 
him,    he  is  to  be  found    from  that    time   forward   almost 
constantly   on  the    road.      The  Tokaido,   the  Nakasendd, 
the    provinces    around    Ky5to    including    his   own    native 
province  of  Iga,  and    above   all    the   shores   of  beautiful 
Lake  Biwa,  of  which  some  of  his  favourite   pupils  were 
natives   and  which    have  thus    become   classic   ground  in 
the    annals  of  Japanese  poetry, — all    these  districts    were 
visited  and    re-visited,  and    commemorated  'in  a  series  of 
diaries  interspersed  with  stanzas,  such  as  the  **  No-zarashi 
Kiko^'  the  "  Sarashina  Kiko**  the   "  Oi  710  S/idbun^'*  and 
various  others,  not  to  mention  the  *^  Saru-mno  SJni"  and 
other  anthologies,  besides  didactic  works  on  the  composi- 
tion of  epigram.     His  most    distant   journey  was    one  to 
the  North,  when,  beginning  with  Nikko  and  the  moor  of 


Basho  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  28 1 

Nasu,  he  continued  on  to  Matsushima,  thence  up  the 
river  Kitakami,  afterwards  across  country  to  the  opposite 
or  Western  const,  and  back  through  tlie  provinces  of 
Uzen,  Echigo,  etc.,  into  Mino.  We  know  the  exact  day 
when  he  and  his  companion  started, — the  i6th  May, 
1689, — we  know  the  weather  they  encountered,  the  people 
they  met,  the  thoughts  they  thought, — for  all  this  is 
chronicled  in  a  diary  entitled  *'  Oku  no  Hoso-inichi"  which 
may  perhaps  be  freely  rendered  as  **  Our  Trail  North- 
ward." The  whole  thing  may  sound  not  so  very  unlike 
the  tour  of  a  modem  globe-trotter.  Mr.  Aston,  in  his 
charming  "History  of  Japanese  Literature,"  has  accord- 
ingly spoken  of  Basho  as  "a  great  traveller."  But  I 
venture  to  think  that  this  term,  with  its  prosaic  connota- 
tion, may  mislead.  He  always  spoke  of  himself  as  a 
pilgrim  {angya).  If  he  wandered  up  and  down  the 
country,  it  was  in  order  to  commune  with  mountains,  ; 
and  rivers,  and  forests,  and  waterfalls,  in  order  to  ponder 
on  scenes  of  antiquity,  and  in  order  to  realize  in  himself 
the  Buddhistic  ideal  and  to  communicate  it  to  his  fol- 
lowers in  all  parts  of  the  empire,  as  much  by  the  con- 
tact of  his  personality  as  by  the  example  of  his  verse.  ' 
If  he  visited  every  place  famous  in  song  and  legend  and 
history,— battle-fields  as  well  as  graves  and  temples  and 
places  famed  for  beauty,  he  did  so  seeking  not  so  much 
information,  as  does  the  intelligent  but  cold-blooded 
"  traveller  "  of  our  own  day  and  race,  as  edification.  In 
other  words,  his  aim  was  "  enlightenment "  in  the  Bud- 
dhistic sense, — ^a  thing  superficially  akin  to,  yet  fundament- 
ally differing  from,  what  we  term  **  information,"  because 
the  end  in  view  is  not  scientific,  intellectual,  but  ethical. 
Sometimes  he   might  take  a  lift   on  a  horse,   or  even  in 


\ 


282  Basho  tiitd  tJie  Japanese  Poctiial  Epigram. 

a  palanquin;  but  the  plan  generally  followed  by  him  and  the 
two    or   three    pupils   whom    he   permitted    to   share    his 
wanderings,  was  to  go  on  foot,  dressed  in  the  poor  garb 
of  a   pilgrim,    and    carrying    no    luggage    save    a  wallet 
which     contained     his     writing-box    and    a    few    books. 
Sometimes  they  would  sleep  at  a  wayside  inn,  sometimes 
at  a  peasant's   hut,  sometimes   in  the  open  air.      Not  in- 
frequently, .owing  to  Bash5*s    wide-spread    reputation,  the 
hospitality  of  some  great  house  was  pressed  on  him ;  nor 
was  it  refused,   though  he  knew  on  an  occasion    how   to 
rebuke    the    ostentation    even  of  a   host.      For    instance^ 
when  spending  a  few  days  at  the   rich  city  of  Kaiiazawa 
on  the  northern  pilgrimage  just  mentioned,  a  grand  feast 
was    organised    in    his    honour    by    the    local    leaders    of 
literary  society.     When  it  was  over,  he  thanked  them  for 
their    kind    intentions   on    his  behalf,    but    added    bluntly 
that  such  feasting  on  rare  and  expensive  viands  wjis  no- 
wise to   his  taste,  nor  at   all  compatible    with  the   poetic 
life,  that    his  own    custom   was    to  take    his    siesta   on  a 
moor  or  to   sit  under  a  tree   to  avoid    a   shower,   that  if 
•he  required    food  he    would  ask    for  it,  and    in  fine    that 
only  on  condition  of  perfect  sobriety  and  simplicity,  would 
he  consent  to  keep  up  intercourse  with  his  present  hosts. 
The   rebuke,    tempered    doubtless    by    the    courtly,    old- 
fashioned  manners  for  which  he  was  noted,  was  taken  in 
good  part.     At   the  next  meeting,   nothing  was  provided 
but  tea,    and  there    was  all    the  more    leisure  for   fruitful 
discourse  on    poetry,  and    for  the    composition    of  verses 
by  all  present,  and  for  their  correction,  according  to  estab- 
lished   Japanese    custom,    by    the    master    himself.       At 
length  he    suggested  that    the 'company  might  be  feeling 
hungry,    and    would    be   grateful   for   a    little    cold   rice. 


Bashd  an  I  the  Japanese  Poetical  Kpigrani.  283 

hereupon  no  servant,  but  the  master  of  the  house  him- 

:lf,  brought  in  the  family  rice-tub,  and  helped  each  guest 

a    bowl    or   two    of  rice,    with    pickles   as    tlie    sole 

crondiment.     The    whole    company    gathered    round    in    a 

crircle  to  share  the  frugal  fepast,  and  Basho's  thanks  were 

xvarnily  expressed    for  the  readiness  shown  in  complying 

xvith  his  recommendation  of  plain  living  and  high  thinking. 

The     severe    simplicity    observed     in     his     cottage    at 

Yedo  is  described   by  a  writer  who  visited  him   there  in 

the    year    1684.      The    same    writer   afifords    us  a  quaint 

peep  at  the  life  led   in  those  days  by  two  of  his  pupils, 

who    afterwards    rose    to    great    celebrity, — Kikaku    and 

Rai^setsu.      These   youths,    with    one    other,    inhabited    a 

room  of  eight  mats,  bare  of  all  conveniences  save  one  pan 

and  one  kettle,   and  having   for  sole    ornament  an  image 

of  the  infant    Buddha  stuck    in  a  hole  in  the  wall.     The 

three  owned  but  a  single  quilt  between  them,  from  which, 

as  it  was  rather  short,  their  toes;  stuck  out  at  nighty  and 

•       •  • 

~    Avhen  they   felt  col^i,   they  got  up  and   composed  verses. 

Yet  they   came   of  parents    well-born'   and   not    specially 

poor,   and    they   had    been  trained    in   the    best  schools. 

Some  of  the  houses    inhabited  by    the  members   of  this 

semi-religious,  semi-Bohemian  circle  had  rules  written  up 

/Prescribing  the    conduct  which    all  guests    were  expected 

to   observe.     One  excellent   code,  which   was  followed  in 

a.      rich    house    near    Kydto    where    Bashd    was    always  a 

iv^^i^lcome    guest,  forbade,    among  other    things,    **  arguing 

axii.<i  loud  snoring." 

INever  to  yield  to  anger  was  one  of  Basho's  fixed 
P*^i  nciples.  Another  was  universal  charity,  not  towards  men 
^r-^.  My,  but  towards  animals.  His  vivid  realisation  of  the  Bud- 
^•-"*- istic  dpctrine  of  the  essential  identity  of  all  sentient  ex- 


284  Basfio  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigroin. 

istence,  whether  brute  or  human,  seems  to  liave  become 
an  ingrained  feeling,  to  which  many  of  his  best-known 
stanzas  bear  witness,  for  instance : — 

(33) 

Nana  ni  asobu 

Abu  na  km  so 
Tomo-suzume 

Sparrow,  my  friend,  ♦  oh !  do  not  eat 
The  bcesf  that  hover  o*er  the  flowers! 

(34) 

Hai-ide  yo 

Kai-ya  7to  sldta  no 
Hiki  no  koe 

'  Tis  a  toad's  croak.    Come !  hop  away 
From  underneath  the  fancier's  house.  % 

He  would  not  allow  of  unkindness  to  animals  so  much 
as  in  thought.  An  anecdote  will  serve  to  illustrate  this 
point.  As  he  and  his  pupil  Kikaku  were  riding  along 
a  country  lane  one  day,  the  latter,  espying  a  red  dragon- 
fly, cried  out  in  verse 

(35) 

Aka-tomho 

Hane  wo  tottara 
To'garas/d 


*  One  might  also  translate  tonio-suzutfte  by  "  companion  sparrows/'  i.e., 
sparrows  flying  in  flocks.  In  the  present  connection,  however,  this  is  less 
likely  to    have  been  the  poet's  meaning. 

t  Abu  generally  means  the  "  horsefly."  But  another  smaller  insect  if 
also  so  called, — ai)parently  a  species  of  bee,  which  hums  and  is  fond  oa 
hovering  over  flowers. 

X  liird-fancicrs  calch  toads,  in  order  to  fatten  them  up  and  use  their 
skins  to  make  pouches  of,  or  they  sell  the  flesh  of  the  creatures  themselves 
as  medicine.    The  kindly  poet  wishes  this  toad  to  escape  such  a  fate. 


i 


BasJid  and  tlie  Japattese  Poetical  Epigram,  285 

ie.,  "Pluck  off  the  wings  of  a  red  dragon-fly,  and  you 
liave  a  Cayenne  pepper-pod."  But  Bash5  reproved  him 
for  so  cruel  a  fiincy,  and  corrected  the  verse  thus : — 

To-garashi 

Hatie  wo  tsuketara 

Aka-tombo 
i.e.,  "  Add  wings  to  a  Cayenne  pepper-pod,  and  you  have 
a  red  dragon-fly. " 

His  ardent  love  of  all  sentient  beings  and  even  of 
inanimate  nature,  especially  of  flowers,  showed  itself  fur- 
ther in  a  minute  observation  of  natural  objects  and  their  "^^ 
ways,  and  this  became  a  characteristic  of  the  whole  later 
epigrammatic  school,  moulded  as  it  was  by  his  influence. 
Doubtless  an  element  of  weakness  as  well  as  of  strength  was 
contained  herein ;  for  the  perpetual  observation  of  small 
natural  details  encouraged  a  mode  of  thought  prone  to  dwell 
on  the  surface  of  the  visible  world,  while  neglecting  the 
depths  and  heights  of  human  nature.  This  has  always^  o 
been  a  weak  point  in  the  intellectual  armour  of  the  Far- 
Eastern  nations : — they  have  never  fully  realised  that 
"  the  proper  study  of  mankind  is  man,"  and  accordingly 
their  art  and  philosophy  alike  have  remained  on  a  com- 
paratively lower  plane. 

The  purity  of  Basho's  life — ^a  thing  far  from  common 
in  the  Japan  of  those  days — was  patent  to  the  world. 
But  he  was  no  prude.  On  one  occasion,  at  a  country 
inn  irt"  the"  North,  he  found  himself  in  the  room  next  to 
that  where  slept,  or  rather  chattered,  two  unhappy  girls, 
— courtesans.  They  were  bound  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Ise, 
in  atonement  for  their  ill-spent  lives,  and  the  man-servant 
^who  had  accompanied  them  so  far  was  to  return  from 
that    post-station,    leaving    them    to    pursue    tiieir    long 


286  Bashb  ami  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

journey  alone.  Next  morning,  noticing  the  priestly  garb* 
of  their  neighbour  and  of  his  companion,  they  begged 
to  be  allowed  to  journey  part  of  the  way  in  .the 
company  of  the  holy  men,  or,  if  that  were  asking  too 
much,  at  least  in  sight  of  them.  This  Basho  excused 
himself  from ;  but  he  spoke  kindly,  assuring  the  girls  of 
the  divine  care  for  wayfarers,  even  such  as  they.  The 
epigram  which  he  then  composed  has  remained  famous  i—^ 

Hitotsu-ya  ni 

Ytijo  mo  Jietari 
Hagi  to  tsuki 
The  literal    interpretation  of  these  words  is   **  Courtesans 
[and  I]    slept    in    the    same    house, — the  lespedeza    and 
the  moon.*'      The  meaning  is  that  "  Occasion   will  make 
the    greatest     strangers    companions.-^a^    the     moon    in 
heaven  and  the    lespedeza  blossom    on   earth,_  as   priests 
vowed    to  a  life  of  sanctity    and    girls    fated  to  a  life  of 
shame.     The  happier  should   not  altogether  condemn  or 
disown  the    less  fortunate,    no,  not   even  the  guilty,  who 
may  often  be  more  sinned  against  than  sinning.  " 
O  Another  of  Basho's  marked   characteristics  was  a  con- 

//  tempt  for  shams  and  for  triviality  of  every  kind.  True, 
he  could  not  altogether  free  himself  from  the  literary 
conventions  of  his  time  and  nation  ;  yet  he  did  so  to  a 
considerable  degree.  It  was  noticed  that,  of  his  many 
thousands  of  epigrams,  not  one  dealt  with  Mount  Fuji, 
or  with  the  cherry-blossoms  of  Yoshino,  or  with  the  pine- 
clad  islets  of  Matsushima, — subjects  which  custom  had,  in 
a  manner,  imposed  on  all  Japanese  writers  of  verse. 
Moreover,  Yoshino  had.  been  one  of  his  favourite  haunts', 
and  Fuji  of  course  a  familiar  friend  on  tramps  innumer- 
able.    He    even  made  a  long  journey    (which  was   mor^ 


Basho  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  287 

^han  the  majority  of  rhymesters  did)  to  see  Matsushima 
"xvith  his  own  eyes;  but  when  he  had  seen  it,  he  confes- 
sed that  all  that  could  be  said  on  the  subject  had  been 
ssaid  already,  and  therefore  would  not  write,  having  no- 
t:hing  new  to  tell. 

To    the   so-called    rules  of   composition    he   paid    little  . 

lieed, — so    little    in    fact    that    his    followers,    themselves 

anxious    for  rules    to  guide    their   own    practice,    had    to 

allow    that   tlieir    teacher    stood   outside    the    rules.     He 

appears  to  have  instinctively  felt  the  absurdity  of  all  the 

grave    legislation   which    there   had    been    for   such    little 

cockle-shells  of  verse;  but   actual  revolt    was  as    foreign 

t:o    the    Zen    spirit   in    artistic    matters    as    in    social    or 

apolitical.      Basho's  theoiy    and  practice    were  resumed    in 

the  four  words  ^  ^  8fe  ^f  f^^'^f^i  ryu-ko,   which  may  be 

freely  rendered  as   **  unchanging   truth  hi    fleeting  form,'*\ 

that  is,    the  matter   must  be    such  as    has  permanent    in- 

'.terest,  the   manner  must  be   that  of  the  writer's  age, — as  . 

good  a  definition  as  could  perhaps  be  given  of  a  classic.  . 

Truth,  he  said,    has  ever    been    considered    **  the  marrow 

CDf  style,"  and   he  defined    truth  of  style  as   consisting  in 

repose  and  in  sifnplicity.      Again,    **  In  composing,    com- 

fDOse    not   overmuch : — ^you    will   lose     genuineness.      Ixt 

3/our    epigrams  spring    from  the    heart    rather   than    from 

'*     And  to  a  correspondent  he  wrote,  "  Your  zeal  for 

pigram  is  good  news.     But  epigrams  from  the  heart  are 

more  important  than  erudition.     Many  men  there  are  who 

<::an  turn  a  phrase;  there  are  few  who  observe  the  heart's 

"X^ules."      Or    take    such    utterances    as    the    following: — 

*  *  Style  should  be  natural,  with  a  graceful  turn.     Ingenuity 

nd  the   search  after    what  is  strange    are  less    to  be  re- 

ommended Follow    nature,    and   constantly   turn    to 


288  Bashb  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

nature Let  your  epigrams   resemble  a  willow-branch 

struck  by  a  light  shower,  and  sometimes  waving  in  the 
breeze."  Furthermore,  he  never  wearied  of  impressing 
on  his  pupils  that  they  should  lead  the  poetic  life,  for  that 
then  the  words  of  their  poems  would  flow  spontaneously ; 
and  it  was  observed  that  he  rarely,  if  ever,  discoursed  on 
art  alone,  but  constantly  brought  in  the  ethical  element, 
for  which  above  all  he  really  cared,  poetry  being  to  him 
a  means  rather  than  an  end.  Accordingly,  as  already 
noticed,  he  paid  little  heed  to  traditional  rules.  Even 
prosody  counted  for  little  in  his  practice.  Though  no 
author  had  Japanese  prosody — such  as  it  is — in  more 
perfect  command,  none  offers  so  many  examples  of  rhythm 
broken  by  redundant  syllables,  doubtless  because  his  in- 
stinct told  him  that  the  poetic  form  current  in  his  day 
and  nation  was  unreasonably  short,  and  because  he  there? 
fore  preferred  breaking  through  the  form  to  sacrificing  the 
sense.  The  following  may  serve  as  one  instance  among 
many : — 

(37) 
Kare-eda  ni 

Karasu  no  tomari-keri 

Aki  no  hire 

The  end  of  autumn,  and  some  rooks 
Are  perched  upon  a  withered  branch 

The  second  line  has  nine  syllables  instead  of  the  regular 
seven;  but  it  would  be  impossible  to  convey  more  for- 
cibly in  one  brief  phrase  the  idea  of  autumnal  desolation, 
and  that  was  all  that  Bashd  cared  for.  This  was  an 
**  epigram "  in  the  literal  sense  of  the  word,  having 
been  inscribed  on  a  sketch  of  three  crows  huddling  on 
a  leafless   branch.     Other   examples  of  lines  with  super- 


Bashd  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  289 

nous  syllables  will  be  found  in  the  little  anthology  at 
le  end  of  this  paper.  The  Japanese  have  never  been 
icklei's  for  prosodial  accuracy ;  but  Bash5  allowed  hirn- 
;lf  an  unusual  latitude. 

Basho's  healthj  always  delicate,  seems  to  have  been 
orn  out  by  his  constant  wanderings,  which  exposed  him 
'  many  hardships.  He  died  at  the  age  of  fifty,  while  on 
e  road  as  usual,  busy  spreading  his  ideas,  ethical  and 
)etical.     He  had  been  entertained  at  Osaka  at  the  house 

the  poetess  Sono-Jo,  where  some  mushrooms  poisoned 
m.  A  minute  account  has  been  preserved  of  his  last 
lys.  He  lingered  for  a  fortnight,  his  chief  pupils  gat her- 
g  round  him  and  nursing  him  with  filial  care.  When  it 
came  evident  that  no  hope  remained,  they  requested  him 

compose  a  death-bed  stanza,  according  to  the  universal 
istom  of  Japanese  poets.     But  he  refused,  being  unwilling 

sanction  by  his  example  a  practice  which  he  thought 
d  to  vanity  and  deceit,  for  that  insincere  persons  were 
ant  to  get  their  so-called  death-bed  poems  ready  long 
iforehandj  wherewith  to  cheat  the  world  at  their  last 
)ur.  Nevertheless,  next  morning,  he  called  two  of  the 
atchers  to  his  bedside,  and  said,  **  Last  night,  while  I  lay 
^pless,  the  following  stanza  came  into  my  mind : — 

(38) 

Tabi  ni  yamite 

Yiwu  zva  kare-no  wo 
Kakc-mazvani 

Ta'en  iU  while  journeying,  I  dreamt 
I  wandered  o'er  a  withered  moor. 

"  Neither  is  this  a  death-bed  stanza,  nor  is  it  not  one. 
blame   myself  for   being   still   attached   to  my  lifelong 


O 


4  .1 


290  Baslw  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram* 

pursuit  of  poetry  at  this  moment,  when  face  to  face  with 
the  great  change  from  life  to  death." 

His  state  grew  more  and  more  critical.  On  the  27th 
November,  his  favourite  disciple  Kikaku  arrived.  The 
interview  affected  both  to  tears.  Nevertheless,  on  the 
next  day,  liasho  was  still  able  to  be  moved  to  laughter 
by  some  trivial  occurrence  which  suggested  comic  verses 
to  one  of  the  party;  so  they  took  to  composing  turn 
and  turn  about,  in  order  to  amuse  him.  On  the 
28th,  out  of  his  great  love  of  cleanliness,  he  insisted  on 
taking  a  bath,  after  which  he  sat  up  in  bed  with  his 
chief  pupils  facing  him,  and  the  others  ranged  in  a  row 
on  either  side,  when  one  of  them  took  down  his  last  will 
and  testament  in  writing.  He  himself  penned  a  letter  to 
his  old  home,  sent  verbal  messages  to  various  pupils, 
charged  those  present  to  forgive  one  whom,  for  a  grave 
offence,  they  had  ostracised  from  their  company,  then 
folding  his  hands  in  prayer,  recited  the  Buddhist  sutra  of 
the  Goddess  of  Mercy  (**  Kwannon  Ky^  "),  and  sank  back 
dead  as  if  asleep.  He  was  buried  in  the  temple  grave- 
yard of  Gichuji,  by  the  shores  of  Lake  Biwa,  on — ^as  it  is 
specially  recorded — a  beautiful  day  in  the  Indian  summer, 
the  30th  November,  1694,  over  three  hundred  mourners 
attending.  The  catalogue  of  the  possessions  which  he  left 
behind  is  recorded  too, — one  image  of  Shaka  Muni,  one 
copper  bowl,  one  cape,  one  wooden  ink-box,  and  so  on, 
ending  with  a  few  books  and  scrolls. 

Such,  sketched  in  barest  outline,  was  the  career  of  this 
amiable  and  accomplished  man,  whom  some  students  of 
his  life  and  works  might  perhaps  feel  inclined  to  term 
the  Japanese  Wordsworth.  Of  course  it  would  not  do  to 
press  the  comparison  closely.     Basho  was  not  born  under 


Baslio  attd  the  Japanese  Iheiical  Epigram.  291 

^he    same    lucky   star  as   Wordsworth.      He   inherited   a 
language   incomparably   inferior   as   a   vehicle  for  poetry,  ^ 
^md  was   restricted   to   a   single   form   of  verse,  and  that 
tile    poorest.     From   this    cause,    if  from    no   other,    his 
poetical  performance  may  no  more  be  ranked  with  Words- 
^vorth's  than  Skiddaw  may  be  ranked  with  Fuji.     Never- 
theless,   he    succeeded  in   regenerating    the    poetic   taste 
of  his  day.     His  knowledge  of  nature  and  his  sympathy 
-with  nature   were   at   least  as  intimate  as  Wordsworth's, 
sind   his  sympathy  with  all  sorts   and  conditions  of  men 
-was    fer   more    intimate;   for   he    never   isolated    himself 
from  his  kind,  but  lived  cheerfully  in  the    world,  though 
not  of  the  world.      Accordingly,  his   contemporaries   re- 
ceived  from  him  a  moral   no   less   than  a   literary   influ- 
ence;  he  embodied  for  them  the  Zen  form  of  Buddhism. 
TTiis  subject — ^the  Zen  doctrine  and  its  influence  in  China 
5ind  Japan — is   one   that   has   never  yet  been   treated  as 
it  deserves,   and  it  is  impossible   here  to  treat  it  paren- 
thetically.     At    least  so   much    will  perhaps   have  been 
gathered  from   the   foregoing, — that  the  Zen  philosophy, 
or    religion,   or   whatever   it   may   best   be  termed,  is  a 
system  in   which  the   pessimism   of  original  Buddhism  is 
^softened  by  wise   concessions   to   common   sense  and   to 
"the  needs  and  limitations  of  common  life,  in  which  ascet- 
icism of  the   body   is   exchanged   for  a    sort   of  mental 
"detachment  not  inconsistent   with   the   calls  of  social  in- 
tiercourse,   in   which,    while    the   essential   vanity    of   all 
earthly  pursuits  is  still   recognised,   some   of  those  which 
Appeal    most    strongly    to    the    cultivated    human    mind, 
^namely  the  various  branches  of  art,  are  welcomed  to  an 
Inonoured  place  in  the  plan  of  life,  because  they  may  be 
vailed  of  as  a  means  for  passing  to  yet  higher  spheres 


V-' 


292  Basho  atid  t/tc  Japamse  Poetical  Epigram. 

of  thought  and  conduct.  The  word  Zen  is  a  contraction  of 
the  Sanskrit  word  dliydtia^  "  contemplation.  *'  *  The  early 
votaries  of  the  sect  used  to  pass  their  time  in  con  templar 
tion  or  abstraction.  Of  some  it  is  related  that  they  sat 
for  years  gazing  at  a  wall,  scarcely  even  thinking  any 
more,  but  in  a  state  betwixt  rapture  and  unconsciousness. 
E^xperience,  however;  showed  that  mankind  was  not  serv- 
ed by  such  unnatural  excesses,  and  that  the  cultivation 
of  harmless  pursuits  was  a  preferable  mental  anodyne. 
Of  course  they  were  never  meant  to  be  more  than  an 
Jv-^  anodyne.     They  were  to  be  what  the  Japanese  Buddhists 

term  a  /idbefi,  a  word  not  susceptible  of  literal  translation 
V"  .^...  into  English,  and  which  has  most  erroneously  been  'J 
translated  as  '*,pious  fraud."  The  hoben  is  rather  a  way, 
a  means,  an  instrument.  The  parables  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, for  instance,  are  Iwben, — stories  not  literally  true, 
but  useful  though  fictitious,  because  pointing  the  way  to 
truth.  \\\\  its  modern  form,  the  Zen  creed  had  become 
essentially  tolerant  and  cheery.^  Under*  its  influence  such 
virtues  as  moderation,  contentment,  simplicity,  kindliness 
naturally  flourished,  together  with  that  sobriety  and  good 
taste  which  we  have  all  learnt  to  admire  in  the  exquisite 
art  of  *'  Old  Japan. "  Its  danger  was  a  tendency  to  de- 
generate into  hedonism.  We  have  already  seen  that 
some  of  its  earlier  professors  studied  simplicity  less  as  a 
virtue  than  as  the  easiest  road  to  pleasure,  and  especial- 
ly to  individual  freedom  in  society  as  then  constituted. 

There  is  a  point  often  incidentally  touched  on  in  the 
preceding  pages,  which  may  seem  particularly  strange  to 
anyone  unacquainted  with  the  manner  in  which  the  arts 
are  cultivated  in  Japan,  namely,  the  great  number  of  dis- 
ciples who  gathered    around    Basho,    followed  him  about. 


« 1 1 « 


i 


BasJio  tiJid  the  Japmuse  Poetical  Epigram,  293 

"  Trended  hkn.     Basho,    in   fact,    is   commonly  said  to  have 
Xiad  three  thousand  disciples.      Another  account  says  one 
thousand,   of  whom    two   hundred    principal    ones.      The 
names  of  about  one  hundred  are  still  familiar  to  educated 
persons.     Yet   he   had  laboured  for  little   over  ten  years. 
Similar  phenomena  meet  us  in  the  careers  of  other  poets 
before  and  since,  and  of  professors  of  various   arts.     The 
explanation  of  this  circumstance  is  rooted  in   one    of  the 
fundamental   doctrines    of  Chinese    philosophy,  as  taught 
by  Confucius  and  developed  more  particularly  by  Mencius, 
-  — the  doctrine  of  the  essential  goodness  of  human  nature. 
The  prominence  given  to  this  doctrine  leads  to  an  extra- 
vagantly  high  opinion  of  the   value  of  education;    for   a 
mind   essentially   good  will    of  course  require    but    right 
•  training"    to    attain    to    something    very    like    perfection. 
■  Hence  also,  by   analogy,  the   power  attributed  to  educa- 
.  tion  of  working,  not  moral  marvels  only,  but  intellectual. 
Our  Western  saying  that  Poeta  nascitury  iion  fit   springs 
from    an    entirely    different  mental  soil.      Here  it  is  held 
that  every  one  can  become  a  painter,  every  one  can  be- 
come a   poet,  just  as  every   one   can  learn  to  read   and 
write  and   to  behave   himself.      To  a  certain   extent   this 
I  is  true.     What   renders  it   doubly   true    in   the   Far-East  ( 
is  the  absence  of  real  genius, — as  we  Westerns  understand 
genius, — so  that  the  interval  between  different  degrees  of 
.  xnerit  is  less  than  with  us.      In  this  manner,  racial  disposition, 
-strengthened   by  a   congenial  doctrine   and    its   attendant 
fDractice,  accounts  for  the  enormous  number  of  persons  in 
<3hina  and  Japan  who  can  paint,  poetise,  and  so  on,  after 
^^.    quite  respectable    fashion.      Mediocrity    does    not   dis- 
ilease  here^  which,  is    fortunate,    seeing    that    the  highest 
xcellence   is ;  wanting.     At   the   same   time,   it   must   be 


294         Basho  atid  the  Japanese  Ihetical  Epigram. 

granted  that  the  immense  spread  of  the  cultivation  of 
various  arts  has  tended  still  further  to  debase  the  average 
standard.  Hundreds  of  so-called  epigrams,  in  particular, 
call  to  mind  nothing  so  much  as  the  performance  of  a 
•poor  amateur  with  a  poor  kodak. 

Fortunately,  the  very  worst  performers  rarely  walk 
quite  alone,  the  usual  plan  being  for  the  teacher  to 
touch  up  his  pupils'  productions  before  they  are  allowed 
to  circulate.  For  centuries  past,  in  every  branch  of 
art,  a  whole  class  of  professional  or  semi-professional 
persons,  furnished  with  diplomas  and  ranged  in  a  hie- 
rarchy of  gradually  ascending  excellence,  has  made  a 
livelihood  by  polishing  the  unskilful  efforts  of  amateurs. 
As  such  teachers  of  the  poetic  art  place  particular  marks 
against  the  words  needing  emendation  or  calling  fof 
special  praise,  they  are  termed  "markers"  {tensha),  and 
many  have  a  bad  reputation  for  avarice  and  corruption. 
Basho  was  no  friend  to  the  "  markers.  *'  His  expression 
of  opinion  on  the  amateurs  of  his  day,  given  in  a  letter 
to  a  friend,  is  characteristic.  He  divides  epigrammatists 
into  three  classes,  namely :  I.  Those  who  spend  their 
lives  wrangling  with  professional  **  markers "  over  the 
correctness  of  their  diction.  Even  these,  he  remarks 
with  his  usual  kindliness  and  perhaps  a  little  touch  of 
irony,  do  better  than  if  they  were  to  give  themselves  up 
to  evil  courses;  for  their  innocent  folly  helps  in  any 
case  to  support  the  '*  marker, "  his  wife,  his  children, 
and  his  landlord.  II.  Rich  men  who  take  up  epi- 
gram-writing as  an  amusement,  caring  little  whether  the 
"  marker "  gives  them  good  marks  or  bad.  These  re- 
semble children  playing  at  cards.  Their  time  is  at  least 
better    thus   spent  than    in    gossip.      Their    money    and 


Baslw  and  tJu  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram.  295 

patronage,  likewise,  not  only  support  the  "  marker  **  class, 
but  do  really  to  some  extent  help  forward  the  cause  of 
true  estheticism.  Ill,  Those  who  study  poetry  genuine- 
ly, devote  to  it  all  their  strength,  and  employ  it  as  a 
means  to  enter  on  the  true  "  way/*  that  is,  on  a 
philosophical  and  ethical  life.  Of  these  last,  he  concluded, 
tHere  could  scarcely  be  ten  in  the  whole  empire.  Evi- 
dently, Basho  shared  in  no  delusions  as  to  the  innate 
goodness  or  cleverness  of  men  in  general.  But  he  did 
hb  best  towards  helping  as  many  as  possible  to  be  better 
and  to  strive  after  a  better  esthetic  taste,  and  he  wisely 
abstained  from  discouraging  well-meant  efTort,  however 
feeble.  His  philosophy  was  truly  practical, — humanitarian 
without  fuss.  He  was  the  mildest,  the  least  revolutionary 
of  reformers. 


IV. 

In  the  preliminary  studies   for   this  paper,  notes   were 
taken  for  the  biography   and   characterisation  of  each  of 
the  leading  ep^rammatists   of  the  seventeenth  and  eigh- 
teenth  centuries.     Independence   and   eccentricity    having 
always  been'  prominent  traits  of  the  class,  many  of  these 
eptgraitnnatists  are   the  subjects  of  interesting  anecdotes. 
At  least  one  of  them,  Omteura,  was  a   truly  remarkable 
man,  almost  the  peer  of  Basho  himself,  whose  friend  and 
contemporary  he  was,  though   he  survived  to  the  year 
1738.     But  the   foregoing  account   of  Bash5  has  run  to 
such  lei^rths  that  his  successors  must  be  dealt  with  sum- 
marily, before   passing  on   to  some  concluding  remarks 
of  a  miscellaneous  nature. 


c 


296  Bashb  and  the  Japmiese  Poetical  Epigram, 

Bash5's  two  most  eminent  disciples — Kikaku  and  Rein- 
setsu — have  already  been  mentioned.  These,  with  eight 
more,  named  respectively  Kyorai,  Joso,  Kyoroku,  Shiko> 
Yaha,  Kokushi,  Etsujiii,  and  Safnpu,  are  knowft  collectively 
as  the  Jit'tetsn  (-f'^),— a  title  signifying  not  exactly  the 
"  Ten  Sages "  nor  yet  exactly  the  **  Ten  Wits,  '*  but 
something  between  the  two.  Most  of  these  died  early  in 
the  eighteenth  century.  Though  hone  came  up  to  Ba- 
sho's  standard  of  moral  philosophy,  their  fives  testified  in 
many  ways  to  the  effect  of  his  teaching,  arid  many  of 
their  epigrams  deserve  to  be  placed  on  a  par  with  his:. 
In  fact,  these  ten  men — arid  notably  the  first  four  on  the 
Hst — seem  often  to  realise  absolute  perfection  in  this  par- 
ticular style,  conveying  through  a  mere  pin-point  of  ex- 
pression a  whole  picture  to  the  mind.  Examples  of  their 
compositions  will  be  found  at  the  end  of  this  essay. 
Kikaku,  though  too  independent  and  hasty  to  copy  even 
Basho,  was  himself  copied  by  numberless  pupils  and  ad- 
mirers, forming  the  Edo-Za  ox  "  Yedo  School,"  which 
subsists  to  the  present  day.  Rinsetsu  also  left  a  school, 
named  after  him  the  Setsu-Mon,  Other  schools,  all 
traceable  to  Basho,  but  tinged  with  local  peculiarities, 
arose  on  the  shores  of  that  beautiful  Lake  Biwa  where 
the  master  had  spent  so  many  happy  days,*at  Kyot5,  in 
the  provinces  of  Mino  and  Owari,  at  Ise,  and  in  the 
North,  in  fact  almost  all  over  the  Main  Island  of  Japan ; 
arid  literary  history  has  preserved  careful  genealogical 
records  of  the  succession  in  each,  and  of  their  occasional 
complicated  interminglings. 

It  would  seem  that  at  first,  that  is,  during  the  genera- 
tion that  lived  from  about  1720  to  1750,  a  marked  decline 
in    the    standard    of  epigrammatic  excellence   took  place. 


Baslio  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram,  297 

-A  vulgar  variety  was  evolved,  wherein  one  person  com- 
posed the  first  five  syllables,  another  the  last  twelve. 
This,  which  was  known  as  Kaininuri-ziikc,  formed  the  very 
furthest  point  to  which  the  disintegration  of  Japanese  verse 
"was  carried.  Sometimes  people  turned  the  making  of 
<^igrams  into  a  kind  of  lottery,  in  which  the  winner 
gained  a  dollar,  or  they  employed  it  as  a  vehicle  for 
xiddles  and  for  caricatures  of  proverbs. 

A  second  bloom  of  the   true   epigram   occurred   in   the 

latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  when  names  meet  us 

:xiot  unworthy  of  comparison  with  any  of  those  that   had 

^sidorned  an  earlier  age.      Yokoi  Yayu,  for  example,  was 

^3l,    bom    versifier.      He    went   so   far   as    to  hold  that  all 

^^hildren's   speech    falls   naturally   into  sets  of  five,  seven, 

•siand  five   syllables.      Because   he   himself  had   ''  lisp'd   in 

umbers,"  he  assumed  that  others  did  the  like.     In  later 

ife,    he   became    still    better  known   as   a  writer  of  what 

s    called    Haibun,    that    is,    epigrammatic  prose,    and    in 

;ociety    he    was     idolised    as    a    universal     genius,    an 

'admirable    Crichton, " — the     best    bowman,     horseman, 

swordsman    of  his    day.      When  rebuked  by    his    feudal 

superior  for  wasting  time  on  the  composition  of  epigrams, 

^e  proved  to  the  latter,  by  pouring  them  out  extempore, 

:  hat   he  wasted    no  time  on  them,  for  the  simple  reason 

hat    they   cost   him    neither   thought   nor    trouble;    and 

e    was   known   throughout   his    clan    as    the   most  loyal 

f    retainers,   the   most  faithful   of  friends,  and — unusual 

ombination — ^the  most  economical  of  householders. 

The   greatest   epigrammatist    of  the    silver   age     (circa 

770-80).  was    Buson,    the    bold    painter    whose    lifelike 

elineations   of  tigers   and    other    striking   objects    adorn 

ome  of  the  Kyoto   temples.     It  may   be  said  of  him,  as 


298         B0fsia^  ami  tkejapamst  Piutkml  E^gfenm. 

of  Baslwi's.  two  greatest  pupHs,.  that  he  caYpfed  th&  awt  o^ 
art    up    ta   perfection   point      His    technique    is    undur- 
passed: — he  literally  psmks  with   wocdB^  and    1mm    fisiw 
wovds!     See^  for  example,   Nos.   175,.  179,  it  stf^-^-eaeh 
v^rside  a  peirfect  little  cameo,  sometimes  of  heaa^^  aoifte^ 
"^    times  of  humour.     The  tradition  was  camied  oft   by.  Isaa 
/  (1763 — 1'8^7),.  a  former  of  Sbinshxu  noted  for  eccentncity 
^      and  childlike  simplicity,,  and  for  kindltiies»  which:  went  so- 
far   that   he    refused   even    ta  kiU  a   flea.      One   of  his 
verses  expresses,    or   rather   indicates^  the  spirit  -of  the 
Zen'  teaching  more  perfecdy  perhaps  than  any  by    other 
authors :— 

(39) 

Tsuyu  tw  ye*  w* 

Tstiyu  n0'  ye  nagara 
Sari  nagara 

Granted'  this  dfewdvop  world  is  but 

A  dewdrop  world^i — this  granted,  yelk 

that  is,  **  Granted  that  all  pbenomeiia  are  transitory  and 
valueless,  like  the  dew  that  forthwith  (&iesr  up  and' 
vanishes,  still,  wheiv  alli  isi  saiA  and  done,  we  camnt  quite 
aflbrd  to  throw  life  and'  its  joys  away.  There  is  some 
element  of  penmatnence  in  ft  yet,  thoug'h  it  wene  hand  to< 
define  this  element  precisdjjr.  *' — The  wordb  ini  the  orig- 
inal are  as  pretty  as  the  thoujjht  itself  is  gracefoB  aad: 
true. 
r  Some'  of  the  foremost  epigrammaitbts:  were  wconen : 
— The  names  of  Mitsunjx!)  (E7tb  century),  her  popii 
Sono-J)o  (died  1726),.  Chigetsu-ni  (died  1706),.  Shushiki 
(died  1725),  and  above  all  KagaHio-Cldyo  C^i-1775X 
are  known  to  all  students  of  Japaaese  poetry.  Ohe  of 
CWyo's  most  celebraited  epigrams  has  ah-eaidy  bcem  given, — 


Basho  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigrofn.  299 

ithat  descrSbing  the  coovolyuli  which  twined  about  the  well. 
But  her  preeoiinocit  superiority,  alike  in  diction,  in  smnble- 
wfttedaess^  and  in  depth  of  thought  and   feeling,   claims 
attention,  even  where  so  many  famous  names  have  to  be 
passed  over  in  silence.     In  no  other   Japanese  verse,  per- 
haps, is  liie  souod  a  more  perfect  echo  to  the  sense  than 
in  the  following   from    her  pen.     The   occasion    erf"  it   is 
thus  relaled.     A  celebrated  professor    of  the  art,    Rogen- 
-bo,  who  happened  to  pass  through    the   remote  northern 
town  where  she  lived  as  a  girl,  and  who  was  applied  to 
by  her  for  instruction,  gave  her  the  cuckoo  as   a    theme, 
T>ut  was  rude  eaough  to   pay  no  heed  to  her  efforts  and 
to  fall  asleep  till  dawn.     She  sat  there  patiently  all  night, 
^nd  when  the  master  at  length  opened  his  eyes,   greeted 
lim  with  the  following : — 

(40) 

Hotatogisu 

Hototogisn  tote 
Ake  ni  keri 

"whidi  0iade  him  clap  his  hands  and  aver  that  she  needed 
:aio  teacher,  being  already  passed  mistress  of  the  art. 
Ulendered  into  English,  the  dines  merely  mean  **  Day  has 
^dawned  to  [the  sound  of]  *  cuckoo! '  'cuckoo! '"  But  the 
apanese  scholar  will  TeaKse  the  mastery  necessary  to 
ut  together  those  six  seemingly  simple  words. 
This  poetess's  married  life  was  summarised  in  three 
pigrams.     The  first 

(41) 

Shibukaro  *  ka 

Shiranedo  kaki  no 
HeUsU'chigiri 


*  Short  0  for  long  0  on  account  of  tlic  metre. 


300  B as/to  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

which  was  presented  by  her  to  her  husband  on  their 
wedding-day,  defies  translation  into  English  owing 
to  its  terseness.  The  meaning,  however,  is  clear.  The 
poetess  compares  her  marriage  vows  to  a  persimmon. 
No  one  can  tell  whether  a  persimmon  be  astringent 
or  not  until  he  bites  into  it,  nor  can  happiness  in 
wedlock  be  assured  till  trial  of  it  has  been  made. 
Chiyo  had  no  illusions ;  but  she  bore  her  griefs  with 
ortitude.     Her  elegy  for  her  husband,  who  died  early,  was 

(42) 

Okite  mitsu 

Nete  mitsu  kaya  no 
Hirosa  kana 

Whether  I  lay  me  down  or  wake, 
How  large  seems  the  mo«>quito-net ! 

that  is,  "The  very  sight  of  my  widowed  couch,  when  I 
retire  to  rest  and  when  I  wake  again  in  the  morning,  re- 
minds me  of  my  loss  and  of  my  solitude. "  But  she 
was  to  be  still  further  bereft.  Perhaps  the  reader,  with 
his  mind  now  better  attuned  to  the  Japanese  style,  will 
grasp  the  sad  purport  of  the  last  epigram  of  the  three: — 

(43) 

Tombo-tori  * 

Kyo  wa  dokora  ye 
Itta  yara 

Where  may  he  have  gone  off  to-day, — 
Tlie  hunter  after  dragon-flies? 

Her  little  boy,  too,  had  died,  the  bright  lad  who  used 
to  run  after  dragon-flies  in   the   sunshine.     To    what   un- 


♦Another  reading  gives  Tomho-isun.  If  we  accept  it,  the  second  line 
of  the  English  must  nm  thus,  *<  The  fisherman  for  dragon-flies."  Japanese 
children  do,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  often  catch  these  insects  with  toy  lines 
and  hooks. 


Bashd  and  tlie  Japanese  PbetUal  Epigranu  ■  301 

known  land  has  he  wandered  off?— Surely  this  tiny 
composition  were  almost  worthy  a  place  in  the  Greek 
Anthology,  so  true  is  it  to  nature,  so  perfectly  simple, 
and  yet  saying,  or  at  least  indicating  all  that  can  be 
said  so  fully  that  any  word  added  would  be  superfluous. 
But  to  finish  this  thumb-nail  sketch  of  Chiyo's  mind,  the 
humorous  side,  which  in  her,  as  in  so  many  others,  jostled 
the  pathetic,  claims  a  moment's  notice.  When  left  alone 
in  the  world  as  a  woman  of  a  certain  age,  she  made  a 
living  by  teaching  of  the  poetic  artj  and  it  is  related  that 
her  figure  became  unwieldy.  One  day,  as  she  was  quitting 
the  mansion  of  a  noble  personage  who  had  entertained 
her  at  dinner,  the  servant-girls,  astonished  to  find  that 
the  pretty  name  of  Chiyo  belonged  to  a  fat,  plain,  mid- 
dle-aged woman,  began  tittering  in  the  passage  behind 
her.  Instantly  the  poetess  wheeled  round,  and  admonish- 
ed her  pert  critics  in  the  following  impromptu  verse  \- — 

(44)    ,  ; ,  ■; 

HiiO'kakae 

Aredo  yanagi  iva 
Yanagi  kana 

A  willow  may  an  annful  be, 
But  'tis  a  willow  all  the  same« 

That  is,  "  I  may  be  fat,  but  I  am  a  lady,  and  expect  to 
be  treated  as  one,  '* — the  willow-tree,  with  its  slender 
gracefiJness,  being  of  course  symbolical  of  womanhood. 


With   the    generation   which    passed  away  about  1780, 
the  art  of  composing  epigrams   was  gradually  lost.     The 


I 


302         Batkd  4md  Mie  iap0tuse  Aetkad  Epigram 

acIioqIs  nvliiofa  eodeaiffoured  ito  preserve  die  dbd  mamier 
ilwnme  foiwilisod,  >yjiiie  fOvt-oMoors  tise  f<Man  of  tdie 
efngmni  feH  into  vui^par  .hands  >v4iiGh  busied  tbes^aelvics 
JHidiliiQg  tvvihat  a«e  Gained,  ^om  die  iia«ie  of^dietr  tnwenter, 
^iS^nqri  {liifid  d  790),— ^voraee  •which  Jiave  this  on  common  wkh 
Ahe  ^fjeram,  libat  ishepr  coasint  tof  aevoniscui  sytUables,  but 
Mfjstch  .»fe  vulgar^  often  e«9eo  ^008,  tn  tnatter*  and  equally 
Jtomr  in  •didiarL  No  laeed  te  ^eftt  bese  dther  of  idaem  or 
(Of  A  «cvhcGd[-*4dfte  60-f:aUed  SfegVi^^t-Hyhich  is  in  /progress 
an  our  iMim  4ay:.  Tihis  last  ^|ibase  (cannot  well  be  judged 
ittU  unore  «f  jte  ooturse  «hatl  hay»  been  f  tm.  Neireotfaeless, 
iflom  tiie  ispsctmons  io  be  Ibmid  .in  almost  e\«ry 
mewspaper,  dae  <vttic  tiviU  'jKwJtole  to  attribute  to  \t 
•tntich  importanoe.  It  seems  rather  that  all  4:hat  cam  be 
raaid  twathin  the  narrow  limits  set  hy  tsuch  liiUqnitian 
neratc^,  or  «entt-veraicles«  has  been  said  long  ago,  and 
that  we  aineady  atand  at  jl  suficiont  idtatance  of  ttime 
from  the  best  and  most  representative  epigrammatists  to 
be  able  to  view  their  productions  as  a  whole. 
(  Notice,in  passings  the  •curious  xjrder  in  which  the  phases 
\ of  the  Japanese  epigram  succeeded  -each  other: — first,  a 
]  frivolous  stage ;  then  the  appearance  of  a  reformer  who 
j  put  thought  and  feeling  into  the  empty  shell ;  then  a  stage 
V^f,  so  to  say,  art  for  art's  sake;  lastly,  fossilisation. 
European  precedents  would  have  led  us  to  expect  a 
certain  sturdy  and  simple  genuineness  at  the  beginning, 
extravagance  at  the  end.  But  the  epigram  is  not  the 
only  Japanese  art  which  shows  the  exactly  reversed 
sequence.  The  tea  ceremonies  offer  another  marked  in- 
stance; for  there,  too,  luxury  and  bad  taste  ran  riot  at 
the  begimiing,  followed  by  Sen-no-£ik^u*s  reform  in  the 
dinection  tof  «iwpfa'fi!ty^  and  eadtng  in  itdne  fosstUsattion   of 


J 


tkat  aimfrficky.  This>  p^euiiaarity  oS  the  JapiBui«9e  eslhetie 
devclopcnciit  mtnt  be  left  lo  others  to  explaML  Meve 
afipropriate  to  the  subject  of  tilie  poesent  essajr  m-  it  ta_^ 
enqaire : — ^what  i»  the  valtfe  of  tlie  ^^apanese  epigram^  as 
litevatoce?  Doubtless  a  foreig^ev  unaided  might  well  distvust 
Ms  afeUity' to- answer  this  questioiu  Bat  the  native  com.- 
inentators — sucb  men  a»  Aefea^Itesop,  one  of  the  kadkig 
Iktirmieurs  efthe  pment  dagri*  sMd  SUki,.aiid  Kdyo  Sanjin— * 
hd)^  us  ovei  thi»  difficukj.  Not  only  liawe  they  cempiled 
uaefial*  anthokgies^  and  written  ho6k%  exphining  the  aietual 
text  of  cof^ideiaUe  numbeit^  of  famous*  epigrams ;  sonie  of 
their  editions  indicate  the  classic  sources,  botl>  Japanese 
and  Chinese,  from  which  Basfao  drew,  and  thus  enable 
us  to  appreciate  his  erudition.  One  on  Buson's  epigrams 
gives  the  opinions  of  a  whole  circle  of  his  modem  admirers 
on  most  points,  while  others  supply  as  with  biographies, 
anecdotes^  etc^r  ^U  helping:  not  enlj  lO'  elucidate  an  enigmat- 
ical style,  but  to  fii  i»  the  pictufe  of  a  vanished  aigyr.. 

Bui  while  the  native  commentaftors-  are  indispensable  helps 
taa  cDmprehenBion  of  the  subject^  it  may  be  doubted  whether 
ai^  European!  stflMlent  could  bring  himself  to  adopt  thcic 
estiflMteSi.  Medeni'  Js^«esc  critics  do  not  intend  that 
theie  national  literature  shalL  3ridd  the  palm  to  that  of 
any  otbei  land.  Accordingly,  they  have  set  themselves 
to  discover  Japanese  Shakespeares,  Japanese  ScottSy 
Japanese  Victor  Hugos,,  etc.,.   etc.,   etc.*     In  fact,   they 


^  Theit  Ifine*  bad  sonrcsly  been  penned^  when  a  newspaper  appeavedf 
aDDOBDcing^  amoag  othes  kitenstixig  items,  the  death  of  *^the  Japa. 
nese  Rousseau,"  Mi;  Nakae  Tokusuke.  As  this  gentleman  was  a  violent 
atheist  and  matenalist  (his  latest  work  bore  the  title  "  Neither  God 
nor  Soul"),  the  nature  of  his  intellectual  kinship  to  the  author  o^ 
'<  Ijt,  VicaiM'Safeyaid  "  soems  somewlMt  problemoticaL  Eximo-disee  omnus. 


304I         Basho  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigrdm, 

are  busy  turning  all  their  geese  into  swans,  with  the 
help  of  the  technicalities  of  European  art  criticism, — the 
"subjective,  "the  "objective,"  and  all  the  rest  of  the 
jargon.  They  inform  us  that  Basho's  verse  was  a  mirror 
reflecting  the  universe  within  a  frame  of  seventeen 
syllables.  They  discover  a  criticism  of  life — the  whole 
2j^xi  philosophy  in  fact— itl  that  single  stanza  of  his  on 
the  old  pond  and  the  frog  jumping  into  the  water,  which 
has  been  quoted  on  page  279 ;  and  in  the  next  specimen  (by 
one  of  the  ''Ten  Wits")  they  admire  "that  absolute  transpa- 
rency and  truth  to  nature  which  are  of  the  essence  of 
the  epigram :  " — 

':'■''■  '   >s)..  : 

Susus^isa  ya 

En  yari  ashi  wo 
Bura-sageru 

Oh !  how  cool,  dangling    one's  legs  over  the  verandah,! 

Similarly  do  they  judge  in  countless  other  cases. 

At  the  same  time^  and  though  nothing  would  be  easier 
than  to  make  fun  of  the  extravagantly  laudatory  critics, 
and  even  of  the  epigrammiatists  themselves,  to  do  so 
would  surely  prove  little  but  that  the  foreign  investigator's 
own  critical  sense  was  deficient,  but  in  another  direction. 
For  is  he  not  called  on  to  treat  his  subject  sympathetical- 
ly, or,  as  Pope  puts  it,  to 

\  <  u  fead  each  work  of  wit 

.     -  With  the  same  spirit  that  its  author  writ  ? "       . 

And  is  this  not  more  than  ever  necessary  in  the  case  of  any 
Oriental    literary    product,    because    the    conditions  under 
which  if  came  into  existence  differ    toto   ccelo  from    those 
of  our  own  literature  ? 
The  leg^dangling  epigram  must  of  course,  be  given  up. 


Bdsha  0^  tlu  Japanese  PoeticUt  Epigratit^         ^05 

and  with  it  scores    and  hundreds  of  "the  baser  sort/* — 

trivialities    traceable    to    the    unhappy    assumption    that 

every  one   is  capable   of  writing  vjrse'.:    But   when  ihe 

European  critic  has  made  alt  reasonable  deductions;  wlron 

lie  has  eliminated  the   prosings  and  the  quibbles  and  the 

vulgarities  of  those   poetasters   whom    Japanese   tolerance 

admits  to  a  niche  in  the   national   temple  of  fame,  iks;  is 

yet  left  with  a   remnant  wherein   many   tiny   prettinesses 

sparkle.     If  he   cannot   here   discover   intact  that  mitror 

Tcflecttng  the   universe   of  which   the  Japanese  ri  comment 

tators  speak,    he   does    find  thousands    of  fragments  'of 

shattered  glass,  among   which   some  of  shattered  crystal, 

each  reflecting  at  a  different  angle  some  n;\inute  comer  of 

a  scene,  a  brief  note  of  some  fact   in '  nature,    or   maybe 

an  indication  of  some  sentiment  or  fancy.  .  The  Japanese 

Epigram  at  its  best  is  a   loop-hole   opei^ed   foe  Jm  instant 

on  some  little  natural   £ict,   some    incident   of  daily  lifef.       \ 

It  is  a  momentary  flash,  a  smile  half-fbmied,  a  sigh  sup*- 

pressed   almost   before   it   becomes    audible/     Take;    for 

instance,  Basho's  lines  composed  on  one  of  Jstpan''^  most 

.fiimotis  battle-fields,  now  a  desolate  moot(:«--^ 

(46) 

Natsurgusa  ya 

Tsuwa-ntonfhdofno  nb'^ 
Yunte  no  ato  ' 

Haply  the  summer  grasses  are    , 

A  relic  of  the  warriors*  drean^'  .'?r^r';. '^ 

TTiat  u||  "Of  the  warriors'  dream  of  poVirer  and  gloiy, 
nought   femains   but  the  high   grasses   wavitig^  o'er    the 

~  '  •  •  • 

vnoor  ^hat  is  their  tomb. "  Or  this  oth6r;  already  quoted 
ait  the  beginning  of  the  present^  paper,  and  which  is 
typical  of  the  art  at  its  highest  point  of  perfection  1— 


hU. 


.Mi 


::;/; 


/ 


30$         Basko  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  ^igram, 

A  single  river,  stretching  far 

Across  the  moorland  swathed  in  snow. 

Such  shorthand  verses,  if  so  they  may  be  called,  sp^iig 
from  idle  same  mental  soil  as  that  on  which  stftild 
many  Japanese  artists,  who  have — not  painted,  or 
evea  sketched, — but  hjptgd  ^t,  a  flight  of  birds,  a  ika- 
coast,  a  pine-tree,  with  but  two  or  .three  strokes  of  the 
brush.  The  result  is  not  great,  perhaps ;  but  we  woddejr 
at  the  production,  with  such  scanty  means,  of  any  rcMlt 
at  all ;  and  we  cannot  refrain  from  wishing  that  the  itlto 
who  performed  these  feats  in  little  .had  tried  his 
skill  on  a  lai^er  canvas.  Practically,  the  classical  or 
semi^classical  poets  of  Japan,  for  over  a  thousatid  yieto 
past,  have  confined  themselves  to  pieces  of  31  syllabi^ 
or  of  17,  whereas  even  our  sonnet,  which  we  look  on 
as  a  trifle,  has  140,  and  our  system  of  stanzas  strtUig 
together  enables  us  to  cos^inue  indefinitely  till  the  whole 
of  a  complex  train  of  thought  has  been  brought,  before 
the  mind.  But  it  may  well  be  that,  even  had  Euro^ 
been  available  as  a  model,  no  such  sustained  styb 
would  have  had  much  chance  of  permanently  establishiiiit 
itself  in  Japan.  When  an  artist — when  whole  generations 
of  artists  have  produced  one  sort  of  thing,  it  must 
always  remain  extremely  doubtful  whether,  after  all,  they 
could  have  produced  another.  The  tendency  to  ultra- 
,/  brevity  is  too  persistent  a  characteristic  of  Japanese 
esthetics  to  be  accidental  in  any  given  case.  Remember 
that  there  was  no  want  of  longer  models.  Such  nKxids 
were  at  liand  in  Chinese  poetry ;  there  were  a  few^  a^ 
we  have  seen,  even  in  the  ancient  poetry  of  Japan  itself* 
But  somehow  these  mpdelis. failed  to  attract. 

Granting,   therefore,   as  a  sober  judgment  forces  us  to 


Basho  ami  tlu  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram,  307 

do,   that'   Japanese   poems   arc    but    slight    cfibrts,— ^not 

pearls,  but  only  tiny  beads, — a  critical  esthnate  of  Basho, 

and   of  the  Japanese   epig^mmatists   generally,   reduces 

itself  to  two  points:—*  I.  What  is  each  individual  tiny  bead 

Tv<Mth?  and  II.  Are  there  enough  of  these  beads,  and  are 

they  varied  enough,   to   make   up  a  valuable  sum  total? 

The  foregoing  essay  will,  it  is  hoped,  have  put  the  reader 

sn  the  way  of  forming  his   own   opinion   on  both  these 

ssues.     Possibly  he  may  deem  that  the    nearest  &iglish 

•suialogues  of  the  molecules  of  description,  fiincy,  or  morality 

Jeft   us    by    the  best  Japanese  epigrammatists  are    such 

TTennysonian  half-stanzas  as 

'^A  single  church  below  the  hill 
Is  pealing,  folded  in  the  mist. " 

*<The  last  red  leaf  is  whirl'd  away, 
The  rooks  are  blown  about  the  skies.** 

*'Bbt'in  my  spirit  will  I  dwell. 

And  dream  my  dream,  and  hold  it  true.'' 

^7he  difference  between  the  two  cases — and  doubtless  it 
2s  a  vital-  difference^ — lies  in  this,  that  the  Japanese  pro- 
duction b  isolated,  fragmentary,  whereas  the  European 
gjruis  part  of  a  grand  organic  whole.  On  the  one  side» 
•  *  In  Memoriam  "  and  whole  "  Palaces  of  Art ;  **  on  the 
other,  a  litter  of  single  bricks,  half-bricks  in  fact  The 
Snvest^pttor  of  Japanese  literature,  for  all  that  his  task  is 
^(d  arduous,  has  not  the  satisfiiction  to  be  rewarded  by 
fcbc  "uhearthtng  of  any  sublime  or  epoch-making  monu- 
Kuents.  He  must  take  sundry  small  finds,  and  be  thankful. 
-S^e  is  in  the  position  of  a  botanist  whose  .  specialty 
^bould  be  mosses  or  Kchcns,  and  who  therefore  coukl 
rmot  h<^'t6:didight  either  himself  or  the  public  with  any 


I 


50§  Bdsho  and  t/ie  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram, 

grand,  ■;]  discoveries .  in  the  way  of  new  flowers  ,or 
fruits- ;'  'fitiU;  a  careful  monograph  on-  a  new  ,moss 
would/i  possess  a  certain  interest  and  value.  The 
intecest  :t)fr:such  an  enquiry  as  that  here  undertaken 
\\x&  lin  thj^  fact  that,  of  all  the  divisions  of  Japanjese 
poetry^  the :  'epigram  is  the  most  thoroughly  popular, 
national/  therefore  characteristip.  By  the  investigator 
of  ^Ijie':  Japanese  mind  k  cari  be  studied  almost  as 
the  subject-matter,  of  a  natural  science  can  be  studied; 
arid,  it- yields  as  ,its  result  a  picture  of  the  national 
character.  ,  We,  see  this  character  at  work  while  it 
is,  so  to  say,  at  play : — we  see  it  ingenious,  witty, 
good-natured,  much  addicted  to  punning  and  to  tom- 
foolery; we  see  it  fanciful  but  not  imaginative,  clever 
but  not  profound ;  we  see  it  joking  on  the  gravest  sub- 
jects ;  we  see  it  taking  life  easily  and  trifles  seriously ;  we 
see  its  minute  observation  of  detail,  its  endless  patience 
in  accumulating  materials,  together  with  its  incapacity  for 
building  with  them;  we  see  its  knack  for  hinting  rather 
tban  describing^,, — ^a  knack  which,  when  it  becomes  self- 
conscious,  degenerates  inta  i  trick  and  is  often  carried  past 
the  limit  of  obscurity,  not  to  say  absurdity,  as  when  a 
tso-called  drawing  is  so  sketchy  that  the  beholder 
cannot,  with  the  best  will  in  the  world,  tell  whether 
wJiat  he  is  invited  to  look  at  be  a  rock  or  a  bit  of  pine- 
bark.  ^  We  see  likewise  the  essentially  democratic  ^spirit 
of  the  nation,  no  less  in  the  pell-mell  choice  orno  choice 
•of  subjects,  than  in  the  manner  in  which  all  classes  joined 
in  the  fun.  We  see  that  comparative  weakness  of  the 
feeling  for  colour  which  characterises  Japanese  art  reap- 
'piearing  here  as  a  want  of  feeling  for  rhyme  and  rhyttim 
'^nd  sfanzaic  arrangement,   for  all,  in    fact,  that  goes  to 


Bas/u)  and  the  Japanese  Poetical  Epigram,  309 

« 

make  up  the  colour  of  verse.  I^astly, — ^and  some  may 
deem  this  the  most  curious  feature  of  all, — we  find  a 
way  of  looking  at  nature  which  recalls  the  method  of  our 
own  modern  water-colour  artists,  and  which  thus  constitutes 
a  point  of  likeness  and  sympathy  between  ourselves  and  a 
vanished  Japanese  world  of  long  ago.  What,  for  instance, 
could  be  more  absolutely  modern  than  this  vignette  of 
Basho's  ?— 

.r  -    (47) 

Tonibo  ya 

Tori'tsuki'kaneshi 
Ktisa  no  ue 

A  stem  of  grass,  whereon  in  vain 

A  dragon-fly  essayed  to  light !  -  ■ 

Anyone  -strolling  along  a  country  lane  at  ^ttie  proper 
season*  may  verify  for  himself  this  minute  lait  in  natural 
history,  as  some  gieiss-stalks  are  too  slender  to  afford 
foothold  even  to  a    dragon-fly.     May    not   the   Japanese 

-  •  •  •  • 

epigram    itself   remfnd    us     of    these     frail    objects?     It 

iappears,"now  as  a  tiny  Tierb  or  flower  oh  our  fiath,  now 

,  ■      ,    '  ....  •         '       ' 

as  some  brilliant  insect  which  hovers  f6r  a  moment,  and, 
ere  we  have  well  noticed  it,  flits  aw^y  out  of  sight  and 
memory. 


ADDITIONAL  SELECT  EPIGRAMS. 


In  order  to  put  the  reader  in  touch  with  native  taste, 
the  choice  of  all  the  epigrams  quoted  in  the  present  essay 
has  been  guided  by  native  standards,  such  beia^  preferred  as 
have,  gained  the  admiration  of  the  Japanese  themselves. 
The  translation  aims,  not  only  at  being  literal,  but  at  pre* 
serving  the  spirit  of  each  original, — poetical  where  it  is 
poetical,  prosaic  (e.g.  No.  6i)  where  it  is  prosaic  The 
different  poets  are  placed,  as  far  as  possible,  in  chronologi- 
cal order.  The  numerous  specimens  of  Basho's  work  are 
likewise  so  anrat^ed. 


EARLY  EPIGRAMMATISTS. 


1^ 


(48) 

Yo  ni  furu  wa 

Sara  ni  shigure  no 
Yadcri  kana 

^  ,.  (Sogi,  1421-1502) 

Ah !  yes,  my  passage  through  the  world 
Is  a  mere  shelter  from  a  shower. 

*31ie  poet*s  death  song.    He  oompares  brief  hanian  life  to  a  momentary 
Furu   contain!   a    pun  on  « passing    through"  (the  world)  and 
5iig." 

(49) 

Tsuki  ni  e  wo 

Saskitaraba  yoki 
Ucfmva  kana 

(Sokan) 
Add  but  a  handle  to  the  moon, 
And  what  a  pretty  fiin  it  makes ! 

(50) 

Cfm  no  mizu  no 

Ware  to  futa  sunt 
Kori  kana 

(Sokan,  1465-15  54) 
Behold  the  water  for  ,the  tea 
Make  for  itself  a  Iki  of  ice ! 


3 1 2  Basho  and  the  Japanese  Epigram, 

(51) 
Rakkwa  eda  ni 

Kaeru  to  mireba   , 

Kocfid  kana 

(Arakida -Moritake,  1472-1549) 

Fairn  flow'r  returning  to  the  branch, — 

Behold !  it  is  a  butterfly. 

I.e.  For  a  moment  I  fancied  it  to  be  a  fallen  petal  flying  back,  by 
some  miracle,  to  its  native  branch^    But  lo!  it  was   a  butterfly. 

(52)    :     •     ; 

•      Samidare  ni 

Hi  no  ante  majiru 
Hotam  kana 

(Arakida  Moritake) 
,      Oh  !  fireflies,  what  a  fiery  rain 
i  i    -Commingling  with  the  summer  shower ! 

(53) 

Asagao  ni 

Kyo  wa  iniyuran 
.  ^\  Waga  yo  J^ana 

lj(^      '        >  (Arakida  Moritake) 

\j^         f^  Ah  !  yes,  as  a  convolvulus 

* '  To-day  my  lifetime  will  appear. 

The  poet's  death  song.  Life  is  fleeting  as  the  convotvultis, "  which 
blooms  in  the  morning  (asa)  only  to  wither  at  eve.  What  the  translation 
renders  by  "  my  lifetime  "  is  literally   "  my  world. " 

(54) 

Kaze  keznrii 

Vanagt  ya  kishi  no 
Hitai'gami 

(Arakida  Moritake) 
The  willows  which  the  breezes  comb,     - 
,    ^  N  Are  they  the  forelock  of  the  bank  ?•■-    '  • 


'V 


Early  Epigrammatists.  313 

The  poet  likens  the  catkins  of  the  willow  to  a  lady's  tresses,  and  the 
wind  to  a  comb.  The  "  bank "  is  the  bank  of  the  river  on  which  the 
willow-trees  are  growirj^.  Tlie  modern  critic  Acba  Knson  considers 
this  artificial  verse  highly  characteristic  of  its  composer. 

(55) 

Chi-nomi-ko  ni 

Yo  wo  watashitaru 
ShizuasH  katia 

(Shohaku,  1444-1527) 
Oh  !  the  December  in  which  the  heritage  is  handed  on     V 
to  a  suckling ! 

This  is  a  lament  on  the  death  of  a  man  poor  and  in  difficulties,  who 
has  left  an  infant  heir.  The  end  of  the  year  is  the  season  when  debts 
and  bills  must  be  paid,  and  when  ix)verty  consequently  presses  hardest. 

(56) 

Nakdzarcba 

Koroshite  shimae 
Hototogisn 

Nobunaga. 
The  cuckoo, — kill  it,  if  it  sing  not. 

(57) 

Nakazarcba 

Nakashite  misho 
Hototogisn 

Hideyoshi. 
The  cuckoo, — I  will  show  it  how  to  sing,  if  it  sing  not. 

(58) 

Nakazarcba 

Naku  made  mato 
Hototogisn 

leyasu. 
The  cuckoo, — I  will  wait  till  it  sings,  if  it  sing  not. 


( 


n 


.r  ^ 


3 14  Bas/to  and  thi  Jafanese  Epigram, 

TheM  thne  epigrams^  which  have  passed  into  household  words^  are  not 
specially  well- written,  neither  are  they  the  con^xisition  of  the  three 
celehiated  rulers  whose  names  they  hear.  They  are  sometimes  attributed  to 
Shdha,  an  epigrammatist  who  died  in  the  year  1600,  and  who  meant  to  paint, 
each  with  a  single  graphic  touch,  the  characters  of  the  three  heroes  of  his 
day, — Nobunaga,  impetuous  and  cruel;  Hideyoshi,  clever;  leyasu,  patient, 
because  well*knowing  that,  as  we  say,  **  All  Comes  to  him  who  waits. " 
The  empire  came  to  him,  and  remained  in  the  hands  of  his  descendants 
for  over  two  and  a  half  centuries. 

(59) 

Ham  tatsiiya 

Ni'hon  viedctaki 
Kado  no  vtatsii 

When  spring  comes,  the  two  pine-trees  [stand]  by  the 

Yi  ^^  > '  gate  for  luck. 

"^       .  /^  (Saito  Tokugen,  circa  A.D.  1640.) 

y  .-  Or — for  ni-kon  contains  a  pun  (ll;tt  and  Q  ;Jt) — "  When  spring  comes» 

the   pine-trees   by    the   gate   bring   luck   to   Japan, " — an  allusion  to  the 
customary  New  Year  decorations. 

(60) 

Manzcd  ya 

Mau  mo  utau  mo 
Vokti  no  koto 

,'  (Baisei,  1611-1699) 

v>  '         ^  *  Even  the  morris-dancers*  steps 

^      ^  And  songs  spring  from  cupidity. 

The  desire  for  money   rules   all   things,  even  what  superficially  looks 
like  innocent  mirth. 

(61) 

Masa-masa  to 

Imasu  ga  gotos/ti 
Tatna-matsuri 

(Kitamura  Kigin,  1624-1711) 

Serving  the  spirits  of  the  dead 

V  ^  '  ^  Exactly  as  if  they  were  living. 


^ 


\y' 


Early  Epigrammatists.  315 

Tlieie  words  arc  transcribed  almost  literally  frum  a  maxim  in  the  <'  Con- 
^^cian  Analects. " 

(62) 

Noku  ni  sae 

Warawaffa  ikani 
HototQgisu 

(Mitsu-Jo,  1572-1647)  X 

[So  lovely]  even  in  its  cry, —  /^  i  ^  ^ 

What  were  the  cuckoo  if  it  laughed  ? 

Japanese,  like  English,  employs  the  same  word  {nakn^  *'  to  cry  ")  for 
weeping  and  for  the  sounds  uttered  by  birds  and  some  other  animals.  Cry- 
ing disfigures  the  countenance.  If,  then,  the  cuckoo  enchants  us  even  when 
it  cries,  what  would  not  he  the  beauty  of  its  smile  or  its  laughter?  A 
good  example  this  of  the  conceits  in  which  the  epigrammatists  before 
Basho's  reform  took  such  delight. 

(63) 

Cfw  karoshi 

Koro  wa  kiru  mono 
Hitotsu  kana 

(Koshun,  1650-1697) 
Light  goes  the  butterfly,  what  time 
A  single  robe  is  all  we  don. 

(64) 

Yo  710  akete 

Hana  ni  hiraku  ya 
Jbdo-mon  I  • 

(Seibu,  1 606- 1 678) 
The  daylight  dawns,  and,  like  a  flower^  ^  ,  ^ 

Open  the  gates  of  Paradise. 

IVe  poef  s  death  song.    JbiUi  literally,  "  the  Pure  Land« ''  is  one  of  the 
Baddhist  heavens,  fabled  to  exist  in  the  West. 


-X 


3 1 6  Basho  and  the  Japanese  Epigram, 

(65) 

Tsuki  hana  no 

San-kti-me  wo  Una 
Shiru  yo  kana 

(Rippo,  1600-1669) 
The  moon,  the  flow'rs,  ah  !  no\v*s  the  time 
To  learn  the  third  name  of  the  set. 

The  poet's  death  son^.     He    alludes    to   the.^^thetic  txva^Uuki  haua 
yuki^  "  the  moon,  the  blossoms,    and  the   snow,  "  which  are  esteemed  the 
,      ,   loveliest  things  in  nature.      Yuki^  "  snow, "  however,  is  homonymous   with 
\      \  yukiy  "going,"  here  taken  in  the    sense   of  "dying": — it  is  not  the  snow, 
^"  *  but  death,  which  now  comes  to  complete  his  exjierienccs. 

(66) 
Orafida  no 

Moji  ga  yokotau 
Ania  tsii  kari 

(Nishiyama  S5in,  1605- 1682) 
The  wild-geese  in  the  firmament, — 
These  are  Dutch  letters  sideways  stretching. 

The  flight  of  the  wild-geese  athwart  the  sky  suggests  to  the  epigram- 
matist that  outlandish  method  of  communication  practised  by  Europeans, 
who  write  across  the  page  instead  of  up  and  down  it,  as  the  Chinese  and 
Japanese  consider  natural.  lu  those  days  any  scrap  of  European  WTiting 
would  be  the  greatest  rarity  at  the  Japanese  capital,  and  the  mention  of 
it  in  verse  a  daring  novelty. 

Yo  no  naka  ya 

Choc/io  tomare 
Kaku  mo  are 

(Nishiyama  Soin) 

Impossible  to  translate,  owing  to  the  punning  insertion  of  two    words 
which  have  no  direct  relation    to  the  sense  of  the  rest  of  the  verse.     The 
gist  is :      "  ITie  world  is   just    what    it    is.     It    is    an    uncertain    quantity  • 
Don't  take  it    -that  is,  don't  take  life — too  seriously."     Written  across  tliis 


.v^ 


-v-v  I 


Early  Epigrammatists,  317 

mcipal  assertion,  as  it  were,  are  the  words  Chdchd  totnare^  "  Butterfly, 
ght ! "  Besides  adding  the  ornament  of  a  pun,  this  graceful  unage 
Ips  to  reinforce  the  assertion  of  the  flimsy,  flighty  character  of  human  life. 

(68) 

Sldra-tsuyu  ya 

Mu'fumbetsii  nam 
'  Oki'dokoro, 

(Nishiyama  Soin) 

Lacking  in  all  discernment  as 

To  where  they  light  are  the  white  dews. 

This  is  considered  one  of  the  best  compositions  of  the  leader  of  the 
Danrin  school.  His  admiration  of  nature  is  conveyed  in  the  form  of 
portive  blame : — instead  of  seeking  out  Ixiautiful  places,  the  dew  shows  so 
itllc  discretion  as  to  fall  everywhere  alike. 

(69) 

Natsu-yase  to 

Kotaete  sliinobii 
Namida  karia 

(Nishiyama  Soin  ?) 

Alas  !  the  tears  which  she  restrains, 

Saying  the  heat  has  made  her  thin. 

Hiding  grief  under  a  pretence  of  illness.  This  epigram  has  passed 
nto  a  proverb, 

(70) 

Kaya-bara-ni 

Oshi  ya  sutc-oku 
Tsuyu  no  tama 

(Sute-Jo,   1635-1698) 

Pity  the  dewy  pearl  be  thrown 

Away  upon  the  grassy  moor ! 

The  poetess  Sute-Jo  was  bom  at  Kayabara  (the  name  means 
'* grassy  moor")  in  Tamba,  where  the  Daimyo  of  the  province  visited 
ber  and  composed  this  complimentary  epigram,  which  includes  puns 
)n  her  name  and  the  name  of  her  birthplace.  Over  thirty  of  Sute-Jo's 
friends — all  nuns — ^used  to  follow  her  about  in  her  wanderings. 


v 


f 


,  * 


) 


J^ 


V 


318  Baskd  and  the  Japanese  Epigram, 

(71) 

Yuki  no  asa 

Ni  nv  ji  ni  }io  ji  fio 
Geta  no  ato 


x^  (Sute-Jo) 

Q^^\h  A  snowy  morning,— everywhere 

^     ^^  The  figure  "  2  "  left  by  the  clogs. 

^  This  epigram — a  perfect    specimen    in    its  way — was  composed  by  the 

poetess  at  the  early  age  of  six.  Every  resident  in  Japan  has  seen  snow  or 
mud  or  sand  thus  marked  with  the  Chinese  numeral  ZL  **  two,  **  by  the  two 
underpieces  of  wood  that  support  the  clogs  which  are  the  commonest  foot- 
gear among  the  townsfolk  of  this  country. 

(72) 

Kado-^natsu  ya 

Meido  no  tabi  no 
IcJu-ri-zuka 

(Raizan,  1654-1716) 

Literally,  "  The  pine-trees  by  the  gate  [which  are  set  up  as  New  Year 
decorations]  are  mile -stones  on  the  journey  to  the  nether  world. " — Some 
one  added  the  following  second  hemistich : 

Aiedetaku  tiio  ari 

Medetakti  tno  ttashi 
i.e.  "  they  are  both  lucky  and  unlucky, " — a  lueky  omen  on  account  of  their 
connection  with  the  New  Vear  rejoicings,  an  unlucky  one  because  of  their 
marking  a  stage  on  the  way  to  death.  The  lines  are  popularly  thus 
quoted  as  a  thirty-one  syllal^le  verse,  and  are  erroneously  ascribed  to  the 
priest  Ikkyu  Osho. 

(73) 

Ike  mirunm 

Koro  to  ya  tewo  no 
Atama-ehmo 

The  season  when  the  pond  grows  warm, 

To  judge  from  all  the  fishes'  heads. 

A  panting  summer's  day,  with  the  fishes'  heads  at  the  suriioe  <tf  tke 
water,  gasping  for  foieath. 


BAHSO  AND  HIS  .SCHOOL. 


(74) 
Toshi  kurenu 

Kasa  kite  waraji 
Haki-nagara 

(Basho,  1 644- 1 694) 

The  year  has  closed  while  still  I  wear 

My  sandals  and  my  pilgrim's  hat. 

Written  on  one  of  his  many  pilgrimages. 

(75) 

Yama-ji  kite 

Nani  yori  ynkashi 
Sufftire-gusa 

(Basho) 

Coming  this  mountain  way,  no  herb 

Is  lovelier  than  the  violet. 

The  Japanese   violet,   which   possesses   no  fragrance,  is  <<  the  meanest 
flower  that  blows.  "      Basho   evinces  his  love   of  lowly  natural  objects  by  j         |  f  i ' ' 

singling  it  oat  for  mention.    According  to  one  commentator,  however,  the  \  f\v  ^      ' 

lines  are  metaphorical : — Bash5  having,  to  his  joy,  met  a  Buddhist  ancho- 
rite in  the  depths  of  the  forest,  compares  him  to  the  violet  which  shuns 
the  sunlight. 

(76) 

Yoku  mireba 

Nasuna  haiia  sakii 
Kakine  kana 

(Basho) 

On  looking  carefully,  behold 

The  caseweed  flowering  near  the  fence  ! 

Another  example  of  his  ^>preciation  of  humble  natural  objects; 


320 


Basfio  mid  tlu  Japanese  Epigram, 


V 


\  ; 


ill) 

Iza  •  saraba 

Yuki-mi  ni  korohu 
Tokoro  made 


(Basho) 


Well  then,  we'll  off  to  see  the  snow, 
Far  as  we  can  without  a  tumble. 

(78) 
Hebi  kuu  to 

Kikeba  osaroshi 
Kiji  no  koe 


(. 


s 


/ 


(Basho) 


V       \      When  told  that  it  will  snakes  devour, 
How  frightful  is  the  pheasant's  voice ! 

'     This  epigram  lias  l^ecome  proverbial  for  l>eauty  marred  by  miscondi 

(79) 
Oki-yo  oki-yo 

Waga  tomo  ni  sen 

Nurn  kocho 

1/  (l^h5) 

Awake  !  awake  !     I'll  make  of  thee 

My  comrade,  sleeping  butterfly. 

(80) 
Yagate  shinii 

Keshiki  2va  miezu 
Semi  no  koe 

(Basha) 
Nothing  in  the  cicada's  voice 
Gives  token  of  a  speedy  death. 

This  w.is  Basho's  parting  word  to  one  who  visited  him  in  his  hut  1^- 
Lake  Biwa.  The  implied  meaning  seems  to  Ixj  that  human  life  is  sho*" 
and  uncertain,  despite  present  joy  in  scenes  of  l)eauty. 


BashiK  5^1 

(8i) 

Tako-tsubo  ya 

Hakanaki  yumc  wo 
Natsu  no  tsuki 

(Basha) 

As  literally  as  a  play  upon  words  will  permit  (ttalsuy  "  summer, ''  from 
liich  n/ixM,  *'  to  do,"  is  mentally  supplied),  this  may  be  rendered,  "  Octopus 
»t,  aye !  and  a  brief  dream  while  the  summer  moon  [is   shining].  "    The  . I  i  * 

topus  pot  is  an  earthenwiire  vessel  with  a  \u^  opening,  which   is  sunk  .  v^^     . 

the  sea.    Hie  octopus,  deeming  it  a  quiet  retreat,  crawls  inside  it,  and 
thus  easily  drawn  up  and  caught.    The  creature's  dream  of  happiness  is  | 

ort.  How  dreamy,  too,  is  its  whole  scarcely  conscious  existence !  Equal- 
brief  were  the  dream  of  one  who  should  fidl  asleep  on  a  moonlit 
{ht  in  summer,  when  the  nights  are  at  their  shortest.  There  is  an  im- 
ed  comparison  with  the  evanescence  of  human  life : — maivhimself  is 
e  a  moonbeam,  like  a  fleeTing  dream,  like  a  creature  only  half-, 
nscious. 

(82)  .     i 

Omoshirote 

Yagatc  kanashiki  f,  C- 

U'bune  kana 

(Basho) 

Oh !  cormorant  fishing-boat  so  gay, 

And  then  again  so  melancholy  ! 

I1ie  cormorants  start  off  gaily ;  but  their  mirth  is  changed  to  melancholy 
len  the  fish  they  have  caught  are  forced  from  them  by  the  fishermen 
lo  hold  them  in  leash.  This  was  composed  in  1 688,  on  passing  through 
fo,  which  b  still  the  locality  where  the  curious  method  of  fishing  with 
e  aid  of  tame  cormorants  may  best  be  witnessed.  See  <'  Things  Japa-  f 
se,"  s.  v.  **  Cormorant  Fishing. " 

(83) 
Uki  ware  wo 

Sabishigarase  yo 
Kanko'dori 

(Basha) 
Cuckoo !  for  melancholy  me 
Oh !  make  still  deeper  loneliness. 


320 


Baslw  attd  Hu  Japanese  Jif 


(77) 
iMa-saraba 

Tckoro 


.le  Rasho  was 
/ourite  disciples, 
jncholya  and  of  lei.**' 
^en  his  l)est-loved  fric: 


}^ 


\  ■>■ 


Well  then,  we'll  ^  J'^' 

Far  as  wc  ca«'  ^^^^^  '''  yokotau 


(liasho) 


Ji 


^,  and  the  Milky  Way 


^ 


{ 1^"^.^  across  to  Sado's  isle. 


f  on   the   coast   opfiosite   Sado   one   starry  night,  whe «' 
O'^^finxt^  ^^^  ^^^  the  loneliness   of  his   pilgrimage  oppr^ 

(«5) 

Hiya-hiya  to 

Kabc  wo  fumactc 
Hiru-nc  kana 

Oh  !  those  siestas,  with  my  feet 
Tressed  fearsomely  against  the  wall ! 


(Risho) 


'I^his  verse  and  the  next  illustrate  the  poverty  and  simplicity  of  Rasli 
mode  of  life  So  fragile  is  the  mud  wall  of  his  hut  that  he  fears  to  hn 
throu}{h  it  when  ])ressing  against  it  with  his  feet. 

(86) 

Ik'ka  viina 

Tsue  ni  shiraga  no 
Ifaka-main 

The  household  at  the  graves  assembled, 
White-haired,  and  leaning  on  their  staves. 


(Risho\ 


x 


Kahslib.  323 

^avci  uf  ancestors  at  stated  intervals  is  an  act  of  pitty  pre- 

ial  custom.     \Vc   here   sec   a   whole    family   of  aged 

lo  honour  to  thase  whom  they  themselves  will  soon 

Id.     The    picture    is   more   solemn  than  any  other 


(87) 

Knnio  ori-ori 

Hito  ivo  yasumem 
TsHki'tni  kafia 

(Basho) 

"1 !  the  moon-gazing  where  some  douds 
'  *"om  time  to  time  repose  the  eye  ! 

^Ki   beauty  is  best  appreciated  when  occasionally  veiled. 

(88) 

Meigetsu  ni 

Hatui  ka  to  mute 
Wata-batake 

(Basho) 

n  the  br^ht  moonlight  what  appeared 
e  flowers  is  a  cotton  field. 


he  Ibok  for  a  grove  of  lovely  cherry-blossom  is  Init  a  common 
it    «^     ^'^       X^iUutatioD  after  all.    Unpo^icalas  the  fact  is,  he  states  it  because 


(89) 

Yasu-yasu  to 

Idete  isayon 
Tsuki  710  ku9no 

(Basho) 
I  clouds  about  the  nKx>h,  from  Whence 
fidtem  fortk-scMicbonnair!--  •  ^ 


322  Bashb  and  the  Japanese  Epigram, 

Composed  on  a  rainy  day  in  early    summer,  while  Basho  was  staying 
at  Saga  near  Kyoto,  in  the  house  of  one  of  his  favourite  disciples.     What 
y     he  mjeaps  to  express  is  his_  love  of  a  ^ei^tU  melancholy^  and  of  lejsure  for 
communing  with  nature  not  intruded  on  by  even  his  Jjest^loved^ friends, 

(84) 

Ara-umi  ya 

Sado  ni  yokotan 
Ama-no-gawa 


# 


(Basli5) 


A  rough  sea,  and  the  Milky  Way 
Stretching  across  to  Sado's  isle. 


Comix)sed  on  the  coast  opposite  Sado  one  starry  night,  when  the 
waves  were  running  high  and  the  loneliness  of  his  pilgrimage  oppressed 
his  spirit. 

(8s) 
Hiya-hiya  to 

Kabe  wo  fmnaete 
Iftnhne  karta 


Oh  !  those  siestas,  with  my  feet 
Pressed  fearsomely  against  the  wall ! 


(IVisho) 


This  verse  and  the  next  illustrate  the  poverty  and  simplicity  of  Basho*s 
mode  of  life  So  fragile  is  the  mud  wall  of  his  hut  that  he  fears  to  break 
through  it  when  pressing  against  it  with  his  feet. 

(86) 

Ik'ka  viina 

Tsue  ni  shiraga  no 
Haka-mairi 

(Basho) 
The  household  at  the  graves  assembled, 
White-haired,  and  leaning  on  their  staves. 


Kahslio.  323 

1  u  visit  the  gravei  of  ancestors  at  stated  intervals  is  an  act  of  pitty  pre- 
iljed  by  immemorial  custom.  We  here  sec  a  whole  family  of  aged 
rsons  assembled  to  do  honour  to  those  whom  they  themselves  will  soon 
low  to  the  other  world.  The  picture  is  more  solenm  than  any  other 
it  Hosbo  has  left   us. 

(87) 

Knvw  on-ori 

HUo  ivo  yasumerti 
TsHki-mi  katut 

(Basho) 

Oh  !  the  moon-gazing  where  some  <!loud.s 
From  time  to  time  repose  the  eye  ! 

Kven  beauty  is  best  appreciated  when  occasionally  veiled. 

(88) 

Meigetsu  ni 

Hana  ka  to  micU 
Wata-batake 

(Basho) 

Jn  the  bright  moonlight  what  appeared 
Uke  flowers  is  a  cotton  field. 


liat  he  took  for  a  grove  of  lovely  cherry-blossom  is  but  a  common 
^  plantation  after  all.  Unpoetical  as  the  fact  is,  he  states  it  because 
«-        fact. 

(89) 

Yasu-yasu  to 

Idete  isayon 
Tsiiki  no  kumo 

(Basho) 
h  !  clouds  about  the  moon,  from  wTlence 
he  falters  forth- so-dcbomiair'!---      x   - 


324  Bas/io  and  the  Japanese  Epigram. 

(90) 

Nagaki  hi  wo 

Saeimri'tarann 
Hibari  kana 


Oh  !  skylark  for  whose  carolling 
The  livelong  day  suffideth  not ! 

(9>) 
Hototogisu 

Koe  yokotau  ya 
Mizu  no  uc 

Athwart  the  surface  of  the  stream 
There  lieth  stretched  the  cuckoo  s  voice. 


(Basho) 


(Basho) 


llic   first   redaction   of  this   epigram    was   IItto-ko€    no—K    (^)    /// 
yokotau  ya — Hototogisu,    The  translation  is  founded  on  both. 

(92) 

Hi  no  michi  ya 

Aoi  katmnuku 
Satsitki-a/ne 


(Basho) 


A  rainy  day  in  June,  and  yet 

The  sunflow'r  bends  to  the  sun's  course. 

(93) 

Tsnku  kane  no 

Hibihi  yd  nari 
Semi  no  koe 

Like  to  the  booming,  of  a  bell 
When  struck,  is  the  cicadic's  voice. 


(Basho) 


Bas/to. 

(94) 
ARsu-abura 

Nakute  nern  yo  ya 
Mado  no  istiki 

As,  lacking  oil,  I  lie  abed 

At  night,  the  moon  my  window  lights. 

(95) 
Kokono'tabi 

Okite  ma  tsuki  no 
Nanatsu  kana 

Despite  that  I  have  nine  tii>ies  risen, 
Tis  but  the  fourth  hour  by  the  moon. 


325 


(Basho) 


(Basho) 


In  Japanese,  the  « seventh''  hour,  their  seven  o clock  (old  style)  cor- 
x>nduig  appfoximateljr  to  our  4  A.  M.  (see  ^  Things  Japanese, "  s.  v. 
ime  ")r    The  poet  has  risen  repeatedly  to  gaze  at  the  beauteoas  moon, 

still  the  dawn  oomes  not. 

(96) 

Mngi-vieshi  ni 

Yatsururu  koi  ka 
Neko  no  tsuma 


(Basho) 


Is  it  hard  fare,  or  is  it  love 

That  makes  the  cat's  goodwife  so  lean  ? 


The  term  mugi-meshi^  here  translated  <*  hard  fare,  *'  in  order  the    I)etter 

indicate    the    sense    of   the    verse,    is    literally    "  rice     mixed    with 

ley. "    This  dish  is  considered  poor  eating  as  compared  with  rice  pure 

I  simple,  and  is  therefore   often   resorted   to  by   the   lower  classes  for 

nomy^s  sake* 


>  ■■, 


3  26  Bashd  aud  i/ujapam'se  Efiigram. 

(97) 
Momiji  fit  wa 

Taga  os/ue-keru 

Sake  no  kan 

(Kikaku,  1661-1707) 

Who  was  it  taught  the  maple-leaves 

To  heat  the  liquor  in  the  bottle  ?    ' 

'Ilie  allusion  is  to  an  old  Chinese  story — acted  in  another  fonn  on  the 

Japanese  stage — in  which  a  fire  is  made  of  maple-ledves  or  twigs,  to   heal 

\  the  sake  for  a  carousal.     It  is  related  of  this  poet  that  at  poetry  meetings 

he  was  often  drowsy  from    drink,  but   would  wake  suddenly  and  compose 

better  verses  than  any  of  his  competitors. 

(98) 

Ume  ga  ka  ya 

Tofuiri  wa  Ogjiu 
Soemon  - 

(Kikaku) 

This  more  resembles  an  epigram,  in  the  colloquial  sens6  of  that  tenn, 
tlian  any  other  of  the  Japanese  "  epigrams"  quoted  in  the  present  collection. 
Kikaku,  though  afterwards  famous  as  one  of  the  ** Ten  Wits,"  was  a  mere 
lad  when  he  composed  it.  He  happened  to  live  next  door  to  no  less  a 
personage  than  the  Confucianist  OgyO  Sorai  (Soemon),  the  Dr.  Johnson  of  his 
age  and  country.  Most  dwellers  in  a  land  where  the  proprieties,  and  above 
all  erudition,  were  so  highly  honoured,  would  have  trembled  in  his  pres- 
ence. Kikaku  merely  indited  the  above  impertinent  verse,  which  says 
that  **  The  perftmie  of  the  plum-blossom  (i.e.  estheticism,  as  represented  by 
himself)  has  for  its  neighbour  one  ()gyu  Soemon. "  Tlie  poetical  diction 
of  the  first  line,  and  the  flat  prose  of  the  rest  form  a  witty,  but  untransla- 
table, contrast.  ... 


/ 


(99) 

Yari-kiirete 

Mata  ya  sauiushiro 
Toshi  fio  hire 

(Kikaku) 


Bashos  School, 


327 


For  all  my  contriving,  here  I  am  again  at  the  end  of 
the  year  with  [nothing  but]  my  strip  of  matting. 

This   poet's   wild   Bohemian    life   often    caused    him    to    l)e    out-at- 
elbows. 

(100) 

Kiraretani 

Yume  wa  makoto  ka 
Nomi  fio  ato 


(Kikaku) 


Is  my  dream  true  ?     Am  I  cut  down  ? 
Or  was  I  bitten  by  a  flea  ? 

(10.) 

Nikumarde 

Nagaroru  hito 
Fuyu  no  hai 

A  man  who  is  disliked,  and  who 
Lives  to  old  age, — ^a  winter  fly. 

I)isagreeal)le  folks  live  longest. 

(102) 

Yu-suzumi 

Yokti  zo  otoko  fit 
Umare-ketm 

Taking  the  cool  at  eve,  I  do 
Rejoice  that  I  was  born  a  man. 


(Kikaku) 


(Kikaku) 


Because  men  are^— and  more  especially  were  in  Old  Japan — allowed 
much  greater  freedom  in  th^  matter  of  nigUgi  garments  than  is  permitted 
to  the  other  sex. 


328  Baslio  and  the  Japanese  lipigravi, 

(«03) 
Gwanjitsu  ya 

Harete  siizume  no 
Mono-gatari 

(Ransetsu,  1654-1707) 
Aye  !  New  Year's  day,  with  a  clear  sky, 
And  conversation  among  the  sparrows ! 

Rasho  declared  that,  as  an  epigram  for  New  Year's  day,  this  could 
not  be  improved  upon,  and  modern  critics  eDdorse  his  judgment.  Re- 
member that  the  Japanese  New  Year,  till  the  reform  of  the  calendar  in 
1873,  generally  fell  about  the  middle  of  February,  when  spring  is  really 
in  view.  We  in  England  place  the  birds'  wedding  on  St.  Valentine's 
I>ay,  14th  February. 

(104) 

Ume  ichi-rin 

Ichi-rin  hodo  fio 
Atatakasa 

(Ransetsu) 
[Slowly]  it  mildens,  as  the  plum 
[Ventureth  forth,]  blossom  by  blossom. 

The  plum-blossom  is  the  earliest  of  all  the  flowers  of  spring,  coming 
out,  in  fact,  while  the  snow  is  still    on   the  ground. — For  hotfo,  some  read 

Zll/Sll, 

(105) 

Hana  ni  kaze 

Karoku  kite  fnke 
Sake  no  awa 

(Ransetsu) 
Come,  breeze,  and  lightly  blow  upon 
The  flowers, — ^bubbles  in  the  wine  ! 

Apjxirently  the  poet's  request  to  the  zephyr  is  that  it  shall  at  the 
same  time  gently  move  the  blossoms  so  as  to  spread  their  fragranoe,  and 
waft  to  the  other  side  of  the  cup  the  liubbles  of  the  wine  which  he  is 
drinking. 


Basftd*s  School.  -,  329 

(106) 

Hyaku-giku  soroe-keru  ni: 

On  a  chrysanthemum  show   (literally,   on    a  hundred 
Krysanthemums  assembled). 

Ki'giku  shira-gikn 

Sono  hoka  no  tui  wa 
Nakti  mogana 

(Ransetsu) 
Yellow  chrysanthemums,  white  chrysanthemums  ; — 
Would  there  were  no  more  names  than  these  ! 

This  verse,  though  irregular  in  metre,  is  considered  a  perfect  specimen 
)f  the  epigrammatic  style.  Japanese  gardeners,  like  our  own,  bestow  some 
ancifnl  name  on  every  artificial  variety  of  flower  produced  by  their  art. 
rhe  poet,  impatient  of  these,  wishes  that  there  should  be  no  other 
lames — perhaps  no  other  flowers — than  the  natural  white  and  yellow. 

(107) 

Kiku  sakeri 

Cho  kite  asobc 
EnogU'Zara 

(Ransetsu) 
The  asters  bloom.    Come  butterflies, 
And  dally  o'er  the  colour  dish ! 

The  exigencies  of  metre  must  be  our  excuse  for  writing  <<  asters ''  in- 
tead  of  «  chrysanthemums.  **  These  flowers  are  here  likened  to  a  painter's 
Kilette. 

(108) 

Junrei  ni 

Uchi'inajiri-ytihi 
Ki'gan  kana 

(Ransetsu) 
Behold  the  wfld-geese  wending  homeward, 
Mingled  with  the  pilgrim  bands ! 


IM 


A 


330 


Bas/to  and  the  Japanese  Epigram. 


/ 


V- 


A  picture  of  two  simultaneous  processions, — the  homeward-bound 
pilgrims  on  solid  earth,  and  the  wild-geese  in  the  sky  above  .them.  The 
flights  of  wild-geese — northward  in  spring,  southward  in  autumn — are  among 
the  most  characteristic  sights  of  the  Japanese  landscape.  ^; 

(109) 

Omoshiro 

Fuji  ni  sujikan 
Ham-no  kana 


(Ransetsu) 


Oh  !  flowery  moor,  stretching  athwart 
Mount  Fuji's  slope  so  pleasantly! 


The  luxuriance  of  the  wild-flowers  on  Fuji's  lower  slope— especially  on 
the  western  and  southern  sides — in  the  month  of  August,  is  astonishing. 


(MO) 

Sliiri'bito  ni 

Awaji  awaji  to 
Hana-mi  kana 

(Kyorai,  1651-1704) 

No  friends,  oh !  let  me  meet  no  friends 

When  I  am  gazing  at  the  flowers  ! 

(in) 

Nani'goto  so 

Nana  viiru  hito  no 
Naga-gatana 

A  sabre  !  what  has  such  to  do 

On  one  who  comes  to  view  the  flowers  ? 


(Kyorai) 


Ikcause  esthetics  and  war  agree  ill  together. 


Baslios  School,  331 

(112) 

Kokoro  naki 

Daikivanjo  ya 
Hototogisu 

(Kyorai) 
The  heartless  Government  OflRce, — ^ay !  and  the  cuckoo. 

A  hiimnmiis  juxtftpnsitinn   of  in^on|Truiti^s. 

(I '3) 
Isogaski  ya 

Oki  no  shigure  no 
Ma-lio  kata-ho 

(Kyorai) 
What  haste  !  a  shower  in  the  oflRng, 

And  sails  set  straight,  and  sails  set  slant. 

A  vignette  ('f  a  fleet  of  junks  caught  in  a  sudden  squalL    The  sailors 
shown  running  hither  and  thither,  and  trimming   the  sails,  now  to  set 
ir  craft  running  before  the  wind,  and  anon  to  put  her  on  the  port  or 
board  tack. 

(114) 

Tsuki-vd  sen 

Fushimi  no  skiro  no 
Sute-gurtiwa 

(Kyorai) 

I  will  contemplate  from  Fushimi's 

Abandoned  castle^grounds  the  moon. 

Fushimi  near  Kyoto  was  the  site  of  Hideyoshi's  great  castle  palace  of 
moyama,  the  most  splendid  edifice  ever  reared  on  Japanese  soil.  It  was 
en  over  to  the  flames  soon  after  its  builder's  death. 

(nS) 
Vu-gnn  ya 

Hage-narabitani 
Kuffio  no  mine 

(Kyorai) 
Tis  evening,  and  in  .serried  file 

Stand  the  bare  pinnacles  of  cloud. 


/ 


332  Basho  ixjtd  the  Japanese  Epigram, 

(116) 

Uki  tomo  m 

Kantarete  neko  no 
y  Sora  tiagafne 

V:'      =  (Kyorai) 

Bit  by  a  sorry  mate,  the  cat 

Intently  gazes  at  the  sky. 

Crossed  in  love,  the  tom-cat  gazes  sentimentally  at  the  firmament. 

("7) 
Ikn-tari  ka 
\  Sliignre  kake-nuku 

Seta  no  liashi 

(J5s5,  1 663-1 704) 

How  many  may  be  hurrying  through 

The  drizzle  on  the  Bridge  of  Seta  ? 

The  immensely  long  Bridge  of  Seta,  near  Lake  Biwa,  is  a  favourite 
theme  with  the  poets  and  artists  of  Japan.  Here  its  length  b  suggested 
by  the  mention  of  a  countless  multitude. 

(118) 

No  nw  yaiPta  mo 

Yuki  ni  torarete 
Nani  mo  nashi 


J 


G^so) 


Nothing  remaineth  ;  for  the  snow 
Hath  blotted  out  both  moor  and  hill. 

0/9) 
Kitsutmki  no 

Kare-ki  sagasu  ya 
Hana  no  ttaka 

What !  mid  the  flowers  tlie  woodpecker 
Is  seeking  out  a  withered  tree. 


(Joso) 


Highly  unesthctic   of  the   bird   to  neglect  the  blossoms  aDd  prefer   a 

withered   trunk. 


BasMs  SckaaL  m 

(120) 

Nuke-gara  m 

NlaraMe  shinuru 
Aki  no  setm 


(Joso) 


In  autumn  a  cicada  dead 
Beside  die  shell  that  it  cast  off. 


Antninn,  a  cicadaS  cast-oflT  shell,  even  the  cicada  itself  dead, — a  set  of 
aiy  images  typical  of  the  nothingness  of  human  fate. 

AKna-soko  no 

Iwa  ni  ochi'tsuku 
Ko  no  ha  kana 


((. 


(J6so)  ,       (, 


Behold  the  leaf  that  sinks  and  clings 
Below  the  water  to  a  rock  ! 

Thej)bsgryation  of  a  liny  fiict   in   nature.    So   is   the  next ;  for  any  if 

*fu\  eye  will  have  noted  tiie   ami^ingly  knowing   look   on  the  face  of 
jck  when  raising  its  head  after  a  dive. 

(122) 

Alina-s&io  wo 

MUe  kUa  kao  no 
.   Ko-ganto  kana 

(Joso) 
The  teal,  with  face  fresh  from  the  sight 
Of  what  below  the  water  lies. 

(123) 
Kyu  no  ten 

Hinu  ma  vio  samushi 
Ham  no  kasi 

(Kyoroku,  died  1715) 
iterally,  **  Cold,  too,  is  the  interval  before  the  moxa 
dots  dry, — ^spring  breeze." 


i  I*'- 


1 


334  Bashb  and  tlie  Japanese  Epigram. 

This  verse  is  here  quoted  liecause  it  refers  to  a  curious  custom,  for 
which  see  **  Things  Japanese,  '*  s.v.  *<  Moxa, ""  adding  to  the  account  there 
given  the  following  particulars : — ^The  usual  plan  is  for  the  patients  to 
disrobe  to  the  waist,  before  the  chief  practitioner — often  a  Buddhist  priest, 
as  the  scene,  too,  is  often  a  Buddhist  temple — marks  in  sepia  on  their 
persons  the  spots  that  are  to  be  treated..  They  then  remove  to  another 
apartment,  round  which  they  squat  in  a  line,  while  the  priest's  disciple 
or  acolyte  goes  from  one  to  another  applying  the  cautery  to  each  in 
turn,  one  dot  at  a  time,  so  that  if  a  patient  has  several  spots  to  be  burnt, 
there  is  at  least  an  interval  between  the  steps  of  his  torture.  It  is  of 
course  a  chilly  process  from  beginning  to  end,  as  the  patient  has  to  sit 
half-naked. 

(124) 

Kata-eda  ni 

Myaku  ya  kayoite 
JJjne  no  liana 

(Shiko,  1665-1731) 
Plum-blossoms !  is  it  that  the  sap 
Still  courses  through  that  single  branch  ? 

The  subject  of  this  epigram  was  doubtless  a  plum-tree,  all  whose 
branches  save  one  were  dead. 

(125) 

Shira-kuvio  ya 

Kakine  wo  watarti 
Yuri  no  liana 

(Shiko) 
Oh !  the  white  clouds  !  nay,  rather  blossoms,— 
Lilies  that  bend  across  the  fence. 

The  poet  likens  his  ncigh1x)ur's  lilies  to  white  clouds. 

(126) 

Uki  koi  ni 

Taete  ya  neko  no 
Nusumi-gui 

(Shiko) 


Bas/tos  School.  335 

Weary  perhaps  of  dolorous  love, 
The  cat  has  stol'ii  a  bit  to  eat. 

(127) 

Neko  no  koi 

S/tote  karanaite 
Aware  nari  ^ 

(Yaha,  1663- 1740) 
A  cat's  amours  : — from  the  beginning 
He  caterwauls ;  he's  tp  be  pitied. 

(128) 

Clioinatsu  ga 

Oya  no  na  de  kuni 
Gyokci  kana 

(Yaha) 

Lo !     Johnny,  in  his  father^s  name, 
Come  to  present  congratulations ! 

Namely,  on  New  Year's  Day.  Aeba  Koson  singles  out  this  verse  for  praise, 
pictures    to    us   the    self-importance   of    the   little    fellow,    dressed    in 
i  best  and  charged  with  so  ceremonious  a  mission. 

(129)    ; 

.  Haki'Soji 

Shite  kara  tsubaki 
Chiri  ni  keri 

(Yaha) 

After  I've  swept  and  tidied  up, 
Adown  fall  some  camellias. 

He  has  been  getting  his   villa  ready  for  a  poetry  meeting;  but  when 
seemed  finished,  some  camellias  suddenly  tumble  from  thei    stalks  on  to 
t  garden  path,  and  make  the  place  look  untidy.    This  peculiarity  of  the 
mellia  is  referred  to  by  several  poets; — ,  for  instance  in  No.  169* 


336  Bashb  and  the  Japanese  Epigram, 


V 


(130) 

Uguisu  ya 

l-^ 

Kado  wa  iaina-tama 

KJ^' 

Tofti'Uri 

(Yaha) 
The  nightingale  and,  at  the  gate, 
The  unexpected  bean-curd  vendor. 

The  advent  of  the  petty  tradesman  just  as  the  nightingale  is  singing 
makes  a  humorous  contrast. 

(131) 

Yuku  kumo  wo 

Nete  ite  mini  ya 
Natsu'ZasJuki 

(Yaha) 
A  summer  room  where,  lying  down, 
I  see  the  clouds  as  they  go  past. 

The  poet,  taking  his  siesta   on   a  July   afternoon,  watches  the    clouds 
float  lazily  across  the  sky. 

(132) 

Yake  fii  keri 

Saredoino  hana  wa     • 
C/dri-sufnashi 

(Hokushi,  died  17 18.) 
I  am  burnt  out.     Nevertheless^ 
The  flowVs  have  duly  bloom'd  and  faded. 

The  first  Tpe  of  the  English  rendering  is  absolutely  literal,  including 
the  prosaic  work  <<  nevertheless.  "  The  words  corresponding  to  the  second 
line  say  literally  no  more  than  that  "  The  flowers^have  fallen  unconcerned- 
ly ; "  but  the  sense  is  as  here  given.  The  story  goes  that  Hokushi's  house 
having  been  burnt  down  one  day,  his  friends  flocked  to  present  their 
condolences.  But  he,  like  a  true  Bohemian,  only  laughed,  and  sent^them 
away  with  this  epigram.  Its  gist  is  that  so  trifling  a  matter,  which  did 
not  interfere  with  the  course  of  nature,  was  not  worth  a  aecond  thooght. 


Bashos  School.  337 

(133) 
Meigetsu  ya 

Yd  akuru  khva  mo 
Nakari'keri 

(Etsujin,  dates  uncertain.) 

A  brilliant  moon !  there  was  no  marge  » 

Betwixt  it  and  the  dawn  of  day.  \  ' 

On  such  nights,  the  brightness  of  moonlight  passes  into  the  brightness 
of  sunlight  without  our  being  able  to  tell  where  night  ends  and  day 
begins. 

(134) 

Avie  no  tsuki 

Doko  to  mo  fiashi  m 
Usu-akari 

(Etsujin) 

A  rainy  moon,  and  everywhere 

Alike  a  &int  irradiation. 

The  poet's  theme  is  that  universal  pale  light,  coming  none  can  tell 
whence,  which  sufiuses  the  sky  on  a  night  which  ought  to  be  moonlit, 
but  is  rainy. 

('35) 
Yafna-dera  ni 

Kome  tsuktt  oto  no 
Tsuki-yo  kana 

(Etsujin) 

Oh !  moonlight,  wth  the  sound  of  rice 

A-pounding  in  the  mountain  temple ! 

Moonlight  nights  axe  often  availed  of  by  thrifty  householders  for 
pounding  rice.  | 

(136) 

•Eri-maki  ni 

Kubi  hiki'iretc 
Fuyu  no  tsuki 

(Sugiyama  Sampu,  1 648-1 733) 


\ 


33^  Basho  and  tht  Japanese  .Epigram. 

Moonlight  in  winter,  and  I  draw 
My  neck  within  my  comforter. 

The  substitution  of  this  homely  detail  for  the  conventional  raptures 
on  the  moon  pro<luces  a  liumprous  effect. 

'     (U7)  \  •/. 

Ko  ya  matan  ' 

Amari  hibari  no 
Taka-agari 

(Sugiyama  Sampu) 
Oh !  how  its  young  ones  must  be  waiting, — 
For  all  too  high  ascends  the  lark  I  - 

(«38) 
^  Shigure-keri 

i  Hasfuri'iri'keri 

\  *  .  -  • 

V  Hare  ni  keri 

'^\  (Izembo,  died  1710.) 

A  shower  canie,  and  so  I  came 
Running  indoors ;  then  blue  sky  came. 

Bom  rich,  this  poet  despised  wealth,  and  si)enl  his  time  strolling 
about  in  tattered  peasant's  garb,  reciting  verses.  His  diction  was  eccentric 
too,  si^ecially  affecting  the  repetition  of  some  single  word. 

(139) 

Omofasa  no 

Yuki  haracdonio 
Haraedovio 

(Izembo) 
Oh !  what  a  heavy  weight  of  snow, 
Sweep  as  you  may,  sweep  as  you  may ! 

These  words  are  not  to  be  taken  literally.'  The  ix)et  sent  them  to 
his  daughter  as  an  epigram  on  worldly  vanities. 


•        '  '  Baskos  ScUooL .  339^ 

(140) 

Kami-sort  ya 

Ichi-ya  ni  sabitc 
Satsuki-ame 

(Hancho,  dates  uncertain.) 

My  razor,  in  a  single  night,  .        . 

Is  rusted  by  tlie  rains  of  June. 

(141) 

Yo  Jio  luika  wa 

Sckirei  no  o  no 
Hima  mo  nashi 

(Hancho) 

The  movement  of  the  world  of  men 

Is  ceaseless  as  the  wagtairs  tail. 

The  bad.  assopance  of  «  wagtaiPs  tail "  docs  not  disfigure  the  original 
l*anesc. 

(142)  .      . 

Iza  sakiira 

Ouwi'tatsu  hi  wa 
Kut9iorti  to  mo 

(Ryoto,  1660-1717) 

Off  to  the  cherry-flowVs !  the  day 

Was  fix*d  ;-'«nd  what,  though  it  be  cloudy  ? 

(143) 
Waga  nari  nw 

Aware  ni  miynrii 
Kare-no  kana 

(Chigetsu-ni,  1634-1706) 

Alas !  the  withered  moor,  whereon 

My  figure.,  too,  looks  pitiful. 

^ST^is  poetess  had  become  a  nun  after  hcc  husband's^  death  : — hence  the 
r^g^rison  between  the  desolate  autumn  moor  and  her  own  poor  garb. 
^  she  and  her  son  Osshu  were  pupils  of  Basho.  THey  belonged  to  the 
-       3iwa  school  pfoperl^  so-called,  being  bom  at  Otsu  on  its  shores. 


<." 


340  Basliio  and  the  Japanese  Epigram. 

(144) 

I 

Mugi'Wara  no 
V  le  shite  yaran 

Ania-gaeru 
\^  (Chigetsu-ni) 

ril  take  some  barley  straw  and  make 
A  house  for  you,  little  green  frog ! 

"Green  frog"  is  in  Japanese  literally,  "nun  frog,"  so  that  the  bond 
between  the  poetess  and  her  fratigi  was  one  of  name  as  well  as  of 
kindliness. 

Cms) 

Kore  de  koso 

Inochi  oslukere 
Sakura-bana 

(Chigetsu-nl) 
The  cherry-flowVs !  for  them  alone 
Is  It  that  life  is  dear  to  me. 

(146) 

Um  yama  no 

Tori  ftaki-tatsum 
Ftibiiki  kana 

(Ch^etsu-ni) 
Oh  !  snowstorm,  at  whose  blast  the  birds 
Begin  to  cry  o'er  sea  and  hill ! 

(147) 

Neti  itU 

Fuyti  kara  tsubomu 
Tsubaki  kana 

(Kyokusui,  died  1720.) 
How  carefully  begin  to  bud 
In  winter  the  camellia-trees  I 

The  buds  of  the  camellia  are  smgnlarly  long  ut  fotmiag. 


Bashos  School.  341 

(148) 

Yudachi  ya 

Clue  sama-zania  no 
Kaburi'iPiono 

(Otsuyu,  died  1739.) 
A  show'r,  and  skill  of  every  sort 
In  things  to  put  upon  the  head. 

A  vignette  of  people  caught  in  the  rain :— one  bethinks   him  perhaps 
bis  fan,  another  shelters  his   head   with   his   long  pendent  sleeve,  etc., 
This_  verse,  familiar  to   all  Japanese,  excellently  iUostrates  the   light 
gi^hic_ touMCh  proper" loThe  epigram. 

(H9) 
Hate  tua  mina 

Ogi  no  hone  ya 
Aki  no  kaze 


All  come  at  last  to  be  a  fan's 

Old  sticks  when  blows  the  autumn  breeze. 


(Otsuyu) 


We  all  grow  old,  as  a  fan  does,  which  is  in  constant  request  during 
summer  heat,  but  gets  torn  and  is  reduced  to  little  but  its  sticks  by 
time  the  autumn  breeze  begins  to  blow.    The  Japanese  talk,  not  of  the 

icks, "  but  of  the  <*  bones  '*  of  a  fan,  which  makes  the  comparison  of  a 

1  old  man  to  a  dilapidated  fan  still  more  natural. 

(ISO) 
Nani  tori  no 

Kono  ato  naku  zo 
Hototogisii 

(Otsuyu) 
He  was  the  cuckoo.     Say  what  other 
Bird  may  sing  now  he  is  gone. 

Such    is   the   sense,    though,   literally   translated,    the  words  are  only, 
'Vhat   bird  will  sing   indeed   after  this? — cuckoo!"  This  was  an  elegy 


I  '■'"V  ' 


r    / 


342 


Basho  find  tite  Japanese  Epigram. 


on  the  poet  Ryoto,  head  of  the  Ise  school.  It  was  considered  so 
beautiful  that  the  headship  of  the  school  was  forthwith  bestowed  upon 
its  composer. 

050 
Mikasuki  ni 

Fuka  no  ataina  wo 

Kakushi'keri 

(Shido,  dates  uncertain.) 

There,  by  the  crescent  moon,  the  shark 

Has  hid  his  head  [beneath  the  wave]. 


LATER  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 


052) 

.  Haka-bara  ya 

Aki  no  hotam  no 
Futatsu  initsu 

(Edo-za  School) 

A  cemetery 

And  autumn  fireflies  two  or  three. 

This  was  a  true  **  cpipam, "  being  an  inscription  on  the  picture  of  a 
skeleton.  Fireflies  chiefly  haunt  dark  and  lonely  places : — hence  their  men- 
tion in  the  present  context. 

(•S3) 
Asa-shivw  ya 

Tsue  de  e-gakishi 

Fuji  710  yama 

{.  '  .  (Edo-za  School) 

The  morning  hoar-frost,  and  Mount  Fuji 

Drawn  on  it  with  my  walking-stick. 

(«54) 
Hana  ga  iu 

Shibai  mite  hmi 

Hito  nikttshi 

(Josen,  died  17 15.) 

The  blossoms  say,  "  We  hate  the  folks 

'  Who  come  here  from  the  theatre.  " 


V 


344  Baslio  and  the  Japanese  Epigram. 

A  rmitra-stjyiwcpn  nnt^^nnd^tly  Philistinism  of  artificial  amusements. 
Remember 'that  in  Old  Japan  so  strong  a  taint  of  vulgarity  attaciiea^o 
the  drama  that  no  Samurai  ever  entered  a  playhouse, — at  any  rate  openly. 

(155) 

Miski  yume  no 

Samete  mo  iro  no 
Kakitsubata 

(Shushiki,  1683-1728) 

yV  The  dream  I  dreamt  has  faded,  but 

(^ '  ^      (  The  iris  keeps  its  colours  yet. 

(1/'  That  is,  though  I  die,  the  world  remains. — ^The  poetess's  death  song. 

(«56) 

Aril  hodo  no 

Date  shi-tsukushite 
Kami'ko  kana 

(Sono-Jo,  1 665- 1 726) 

Who  carried  foppery  to  extremes 

\  Alas !  now  wears  a  paper  coat. 

The  miserable  end  of  empty-headedness  and  extravagance. 

(157) 

Ota  ko  ni 

Kami  naburaruni 
Atsusa  kana 

(Sono-Jo) 

Such  heat  that,  when  the  child  I  bear 

/  Upon  my  back  plays  with  my  hair, 

A  picture  of  intense  summer  heat,/  which  the  slightest  touch  of  another 
makes  unendurable. 

(158) 

Nui-mono  ya 

Ki  mo  sede  yogosu 
Satsuki-ame 

(Anonymous) 


.-^^ 


Later  Eighteenth  Century.  345 

Embroideries  not  e'en  yet  worn 
Are  tarnished  by  the  rains  of  June. 

(•59) 
MonO'Sugo  ya 

Ara  oinoshiro  no 

m 

Kaeri'bana 

(Onitsura,  1 661-1738) 
Uncanny  and  yet  pleasing  arc 
These  flow'rs  that  blossom  out  of  time. 

This  poet  has  a  great  repatation,  tome  going  so  far  as  to  assert  that 
he  unites  the  excellencies  of  all  the  schools.  Bash5  and  he  knew  and 
respected  each  other,  and  Onitsura  arrived  independently  at  very  much  the 
same  conclusions  as  Basho  did.  As  early  as  1685,  he  wrote:  *< Apart  from 
truth,  no  poetry.  All  the  rules  hitherto  obeyed  lack  reality.  Truth  must 
ever  be  the  aim,    though    if  one  were  to  follow  truth  slavishly,  something 

aJien  to  truth  would   result Though^  the  jwords  may  be  shallow,  the 

sense    must    be    deep Consider    not    whether    a   style    he    antique    or 

moderhl^^^^tlTc"  modem  will  become  old ;  the  old  is  ever  new." — Onitsura 
was  evidently  a  vigorous  thinker  and  a  sane  critic.  Pity  that  fate  had  not 
given  him  a  wider  field  to  work  in.  That  he  really  penetrate  below  the 
surface  of  things  to  the  lacrima  rerum,  is  shown  by  such  epigrams  as 
Nos.  i62>i64,  while  No.  160  displays  his  delicate  sense  of  humour. 

(160) 

Natsu  tva  mata 

Fuyu  ga  masfu  ja  to 
Iwarekeri 

(Onitsura) 
And  in  the  summer,  folks  opined 
That  winter  was  to  be  preferred. 

(.61) 

Nyoppori  to 

Aki  no  sora  nam 
Fuji  no  yama 

(Onitsura) 


346  Basho  and  tlu  Japanese  Epigram. 

Without  a  word  of  warning,  there, 
In  th*  autumn  sky,  Mount  Fuji  stands. 

(162) 

Gaikotsu  no 

Uc  wa  yosotc 
Hana-mi  kana 

(Onitsura) 

Oh !  flower-gazers,  who  have  decked 
The  surface  of  their  skeletons  ! 

This   was   composed  on  seeing  some  magnificently  dressed  ladies  and 

V 

gentlemen  gazing  at  the  blossoms. 

('63) 

Mata  hitofsu 

Hana  ni  tsufc-yuku 
Inochi  kana 

(Onitsura) 

^  Together  with  one  blossom  more, 

Oh !  life,  thou  goest  on  thy  way. 

This  was  composed  on  seeing  some  falling  blossoms. 

(164) 

Saku  kara  ni 

Mini  kara  ni  hana  no 
Chiru  kara  ni 

(Onitsura) 
They  blossom  forth,  and  so  I  gaze. 
And  so  these  flowers  fade,  and  so 

Composed  on  seeing  some  luxuriantly  blossoming  flowers.    The  world 
is  a  roundjof  perpetual  change,  and  all  phenomena  are  evanescent. 

('65) 

Oi  no  aki 

Ake  mutsu  ivo  kiku 
Omoshirosa 

(Rita,  died  1755.) 


Later  Eighteenth  Century,  347 

The  old  man's  autumn,  who  with  joy  ,  , 

Hears  the  six  strokes  that  tell  the  dawn. 

Old  people  who,  sleeping  little,  weary  for  the  daylight,  rejoice  when 
:  stroke  of  six  on  the  temple  l)cll  announces  that  morning  has  at  length 
ne  after  the  long  autumn  night.  There  is  an  implied  comparison  of  old 
:  to  ^he  autumn  season. 

('66) 

Hana  no  yumc 

Kikitaki  cho  ni 
Koe  mo  nashi 

(Reikan,  dates  uncertain.) 
It  has  no  voice, — the  butterfly, 
Whose  dream  of  flowVs  I  fain  would  learn. 

Suggested  by~a  l)utterfly  asleep  upon  a  blossom.     But  the  "  !)utterfly*s 
am    of  flowers  '*  was  already  mentioned  in  ancient  times  l)y  the  mysti- 
Chinese  philosopher  Chwang  Tzu. 

(167) 

Sendo  no 

I 

Kenkwa  wa  sunde 
Kccivazu  kana 

(Yuya,  dates  uncertain.) 
And  when  the  boatmen  have  made  up  ^ 

Their  quarrel,  oh !  then  'tis  the  frogs. 

Noise  succeeding  to  noise. 

(168) 

Toniarite  mo 

Tstibasa  loa  ugoku 
Koc/id  kana 

(Ryubai,  dates  uncertain.) 
Oh !  little  butterfly,  with  wings 
Still  moving  even  when  it  lights ! 


fl    V 


348  Basho  and  tlie  Japanese  Epigram. 

(•69) 
Chiru  made  mo 

.'  ^     ,     0  Chiranu  kes/iiki  wo 

Tsubaki  kana 
y\  '*  (Shosei,  dates  uncertain.) 

Oh!  the  camellia,  which  ne'er 
Appears  Hke  dropping  till  it  drops. 

An  instanQfi_^  jniiiute  observation : — the  blossom  of  the  camellia, 
without  withering,  is  apt  to  startle  one  by  suddenly  falling  to  the 
ground.  The  Japanese  sometimes,  therefore,  compare  it  to  a  deC24>itated 
head. 

(170) 

Hyaku-nari  ya 

Tsurn  ftito-suji  no 
Kokoro  yori 

(Chiyo,  1703-1775) 

I'his  is  a  poetical  rendering  of  the  Buddhist  text  A  ft  P|l  -^  ^  Iti^ 
«*  myriad  devices  simply  one  heart, "  which  means  that  one  intention  wil- 
manifest  itself  in  innumeral)le  fonns,  one  misconception  will  lead  to  inl 
numerable  errors,  etc.,  etc.  A  text  of  kindred  import,  which  the  poetess  perhaps 
had  in  mind,  is  Rifi*  —  ^H^  to  be  freely  paraphrased  as  "  Religion  is 
one,  forms  are  many."    This  difficult  epigram  is  here  given  on  account  of  its 

i  celebrity,  and  also  because  it  is  typical  of  a  class.     In  the  impossibility  of 

translating  it  literally,  the  following  must  suffice  as  an  appfoximation : — 

X->      \  A  hundred  tendrih>,  yea!  and  all 

^\  From  the  same  vine  that  is  their  heart. 

Another  reading  for  hyaku-tiari  is  sen-fuin,  the  name  of  a  species  of 
climbing  gourd  or  calabash,  which  is  commonly*  grown  on  a  trellis  to 
support  the  quantities  of  pendent  fruit. 

(«7i) 
Hini'gao  ya 

Dochira  no  tsuyu  mo 

^  Ma  ni  mvazu 

(Yokoi  Yayu,  1 702-1 783) 


i 


Lakr  Eighteenth  Centtiry.  349 

Alas !  the  noon  convolvulus, 
That  neither  dew  may  aught  avail ! 

The  asa-gao  (lit.  "  morning  face, "  called  in  America  the  '*  morning 
ry,"  in  England  **  convolvulus")  is  washed  by  the  morning  dew ;  similarly 
■  y^'gtio  (lit.  "  evening  face ")  by  the  dews  of  eve.  But  what  of  the 
u-gao  (**  midday  face  ")  ?    What  can  it  rely  on  for  its  refreshment  ? 

(172) 

Yanta-dera  no 

Yo-ake  ya  kane  ni 
Cltim  karasu 


A  temple  on  a  hill,  whose  bell 
At  break  of  day  startles  the  rooks. 

(173) 
Bake- mono  710 

Shdtai  initari 

Kare-obana 


(Yokoi  Yayu) 


(Yokoi  Yayu) 


I've  seen  the  bogie's  veritable 
Shape : — ^it*s  merely  withered  grass. 

I  had  taken  it  for  a  goblin,  and  lo !  it  was  nothing  but  a  clump  of 
t  eulalia  grass  which  grows  man-high  on  the  Japanese  hill-sides,  with 
nds  that  look  like  beckoning  hands. — This  epigram,  originally  aimpe  at 
eacher  whose  great  reputation  did  not  maintain  itself  on  closer  ac- 
lintance,  has  l)ecome  proverbial  for  disenchantineut. 

(174) 

Mijika-yo  ya 

Ware  ni  wa  nagaki 
Ytimc  samenu 

(Yokoi  Yayu) 
Is  life  then  short  ?  This  dream  of  mine  ' 

Seems  long  enough  that  now  has  faded. 

The  poet's  death  song. 


■''  ( 


3SO 


r 


V 


Bas/id  a^id  the  Japanese  Epigram, 

(175) 

Ugtiisu  ya 

Kanai  sorotc 
Mcshi'jibun 

(Buson,  1716-1783) 
The  nightingale  and — dinner-time, 
With  the  whole  family  assembled. 

A  humorous  contrast  of  the  esthetic  and  the  commonplace. 

(•76)" 
Kwaikyu 

(Memories  of  the  Past) 

Osoki  hi  no 

Tsuinorite  toki 
Mukashi  katta 


(Buson) 


Oh !  distant  past,  made  up  of  slow 
But  ever  accumulating  days ! 

{^77) 
Soko-soko  ni 

Kyo  vii'Sugoshinu 
Tanishi'iiri 


(Buson) 


The  snail-man,  hurrying  along, 
Saw  not  the  city  which  he  traversed. 

Others  come  to  gaze  at  the  metropolis.  The  poor  vendor  of  edible 
snails  hurries  along  without  seeing  its  wonders,  and  then  trudges  home 
again, — a  lecture  of  the  hard  life  of  the  poor. 

(178) 

Ika-Jiobori 

Kim  no  sora  no 
Ari'dokoro 

(Buson) 


Later  Eighteenth  Century,  351 

kite  flies  in  the  self-same  spot 
cy  where  yesterday  it  flew. 

these  lines  mean  nothing  more  than  that  the  kite  is  l)eing 
r  where  it  was  flown  yesterday,  they  have  olitained  great  praise 
2  of  combined  ingenuity  and  simplicity. 

(179) 

Ham-savie  ya 

Motio-gatari-yuku 
A'lino  to  kasa 

(Buson)         ^   ^^ 
owV  in  spring,  where  an  umbrella 
rain-coat  walk  along  conversing. 

>rous  sketch  this  of  two  pedestrians,  of  whom  the  spectator, 
m  probably  from  behind,  sees  nothing  hvX  their  outer  pro- 
nst  the  weather. 

(180) 

Uznmi-bi  ya 

Tsui  ni  7ua  niem 
Nabe  no  mono 

(Buson) 
smothered  coals  and,  at  long  last, 
gruel  simmering  in  the  pot. 

e  see  pourtrayed  some  recluse  sitting  up  on  a  winter's  night 
er,  at  which  with  difficulty  he  cooks  his  simple  meal.  The 
-e  the  prominence  given  to  the  word  toHmi-bii  <<  ash-smothered 

(181) 

Uguisu  no 

Koe  toki  hi  mo 
Kure  ni  keri 

(Buson) 
I  is  the  long  spring  day,  wherein 
nightingale  did  sing  afar. 


/  >..c 


r 


t\ 


.»\' 


352  Basho  and  the  Japanese  Epigram. 

(182)/:; 

Machi-bito  not  - 
Ashi'Oto  tbki 
Ochi'ba  kana 


(Buson) 


How  distant  on  the  fallen  leaves 
His  footstep  sounds  for  whom  I  wait ! 

(183) 

Mizn'tori  ya 

Kare-ki  no  naka  ni 
Kago  ni'chd 

r  (Buson) 

Some  water-fowl,  and  ij^»the  niidst 

Of  withered  trees  two  p^anc^ms: 

Fourteen  pages  of  discussion  ai^'devbted  in  the  oommentary  to  this 
thumb -nail  sketch  of  a  desolate  sceiueV- Was  there  any  one  in  the  palan- 
quins? Were  they  run-away  lovers?  Were  the  bearers  thj^^  or  had 
t/ifY  run  away  ?    Is  the  scene  laid  on  the  border  of  a  marsh  r  ^c,  &c. 

(184) 

Fugti'jiru  no 

Ware  ikite  iru 
Ne-zame  kana 

(Buson) 

Pokon-fish  soup  last  night,  yet  lo ! 
I  wake  to  find  myself  alive. 

The  fugti  is  a  delicious,  yet  often  highly  poisonous,  fish  of  the  gemis 
Tetrodon,  whence  a  proverbial  saying  to  which  this  epigram  makes  allu- 
sion :  Fitgu  7va  kuitashi,  itwchi  wa  oshishi,  *•  I  want  to  eat  poison-fish,  yet 
I  grudge  my  life." 

(185) 

Ha7ia  ni  yote 

Kacrusa  nikushi 
Shira-byoshi 

(Buson) 


Later  Eighteenth  Century,  353  \ 

The  flow'rs  have  made  mc  drunk  : — I  loathe  j   ^ ',   -  ( 


The  singing-girls  on  my  way  home. 

TTie  idea  is  closely  similar  to  that  of  Ko.  154: — natural^  hcautyjiis- 
gusts  one  with  meretricious  charra.s  (and  in  this  case  the  word  "  mere- 
triciouft "  may  he  taken  in  its  literal  sense). 

(186) 

Hana  ni  kite 

Hana  7ii  inevipf.u 

Itoina  kana 

(Buson) 
Coming  to  see  the  flow'rs,  I  sleep 

Beneath  the  flowers,  being  free. 

The  commentators  praise  the  4eli  .ate  esthetic  feeling  here  displayed 
by  the  poet,  who,  instead  of  vulgarly  profitii^  by  every  moment  of  time 
to  gaze  at  the  blossoms,  contrariwise  rested  and  wasted  some  of  it,  as  he 
had  the  leisure ;  for  thus  may  beauty  penetrate  more  deeply  into  the 
soul. 

(187) 

Ara  musnkashi  no  kana-zukai  ya  na  /  Jigi  ni  gai 
arasumba,  aa  niama  yo  / 

Ume  sakinu 

Dore  ga  imime  yara 
Ume  ja  yara 

(Buson) 

**  Oh !  what  a  hard  thing  is  orthography !  If  there  be  no  injury  to  the 
sense,  let  us  spell  as  we  like !" — After  these  introductory  words  in  prose, 
the  poem  goes  on  to  say  literally:  "Tlie  plum-tree  is  in  blossom.  Which 
[blossoms]  are  mtwu,  and  which  ume  ?  "  (Different  ways  of  spelling  the 
Japane^  word  signifying  "  plum-blossom. ")  We  are  reminded  of  the 
saying,  "The  rose  by  any  other  name  would  smell  as  sweet."  Japanese 
spelling,  after  centuries  of  neglect,  was  beginning  to  l)e  discussed  and 
correctness  insisted  on  in  Buson 's  time,  which,  curiously  enough,  synchronised 
with  the   period   when   Dr.  Johnson  fixed   our  own  English  orthography. 


354  Baslto  and  the  Japanese  Epigram, 

(188) 

Samidare  ya 

Aril  yo  hisoka  ni 
Matsu  no  tsuki 

(Ryota,  1 7 19-1787) 
In  the  June  rains,  as  if  by  stealth, 
One  night  the  moon  shines  through  the  pines. 

Ryota,  the  third  head  of  the .  Setsumon  School  and  author  of  no  less 
than  sixty  works,  was  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the  eighteenth  century 
revivalists.  The  epigram  here  quoted  has  the  honour  of  being  the  only 
one  that  ever  attracted  Chinese  notice,  and  was  paraphrased  into  that 
language.     The  paraphrase  is  as  follows: — 

Ax^sft    aiffttHK    i»iii»ti«^    «i$ite« 

i.e.  literally,  "  'Tis  midsummer,  and  my  grass  hut  is  dreary ;  every  evening  I  fall 
asleep  to  the  sound  of  rain.  Suddenly  the  moon  hangs  [in  the  sky];  and 
the  shadow  of  the  pine-tree  falls  on  my.  garden." 

(>89) 
Meigetsu  ya 

Uvtare-kawaraba 

Mine  no  vtatsn 

(Ryota) 

Oh!  moon,  if  born  again,  Td  be 

A  pine-tree  on  a  mountain  peak. 

In  order  to  be.  the  first  to  behold  the  moon  rise.  Remember  that,  to 
the  Japanese,  the  moon  is  the  loveliest  of  all  y^a«^«i«^>  9bjcc>s  **^^'*^Ty  jind 
incomparable.  No  sunset,  no  rainbow,  ho  stars  of  heaven  share  her  praise 
here,  as  they  do  in  Western  lands. 

(190) 

Roku'givatsu  ya 

itam  tokoro  mina 
Yu  no  nagare 

(Ranko,  1 728-1 799) 
'Tis  July,  and  on  every  side 
Nothing  but  rivers  of  hot  water. 


Later  Eighteenth  Century,  3JS; 

This  wi^  (composed  at  the  sulphur  baths  of  Kusatsu,  the  strongest 
and  among  1)^^  hottest  in  the  world.  See  Murray's  "  Japan  I  landbook  " 
for  a  description  of  the  curious  method  of  lathing  under  a  quasi-military 
discipline  whiol;  is  there  pursued. 

('90 
Aka-aka  to 

Shitfio  kori'kcri 
Soba  no  kuki 

To  ice  all  crimson  red  has  frozen 
The  rime  upon  the  buckwheat  stems. 


(Ranko) 


This  is  one  of  the  numerous  class  of  epigrams  testifying  to  ol)serva- 
t ion  of  minute  facts  in  nature: — the  thin  crimson  stems  of  the  buckwheat 
may  be  seen  cased  in  ice  on  some  day  or  other  almost  every  winter,  at 
least  in  the  uplands. 

Kare-ashi  no  ,   , 

Hi  ni  hi  ni  orete 

Nagare-keri 


(Ranko) 


The  withered  reeds,  that  day  by  day 
Break  off,  are  floated  down  the  stream. 


(193) 
Mutsti  Dono  no 

Suzumi'dai  nari 
Chi'Matsushima 

(Gydtai,  1731-179O 
On  Matsushima  s  thousand  isles 
The  Lord  of  Mutsu  takes  the  cool. 

Mutsu  is  the  name   of  the    province    off  whose   coast   lies    the    little 
pioe-clad  archipelago  of  Matsushima,  famous  for  its  beauty. 


,i' 


356  Basho  and  tlu  Japanese  Epigrant. 

(^94) 
Ama  tsHtau 

Hoshi  no  hikari  ya 

Naku  cJudori 

(Gyotai) 

Where  shine  the  stars  that  wend  along 

The  heav'ns,  there  doth  the  sea-gull  cry. 

This  is  to  be  interpreted  allegorically.  The  poet — a  mere  wandering 
Samurai — had  been  summoned  to  the  Court  of  Kyoto.  Accordingly  he  likens 
himself  to  a  sea-gull, — a  common,  worthless  l)ird, — and  his  new  surround- 
ings to  the  glorious  starry  vault. 

(195) 

UguisH  wo 

Modosu-}ia  ume  ni 
Kakine  shite 

(Shird,  1 736-1 8 1 2) 
Around  the  plum-flow*rs  make  a  fence, 
To  stay  the  nightingale*s  return. 

A  nightingale  had  actually  come  and  perched  upon  a  plum-tree  in 
the  ix)el's  garden.  He  would  fain  resort  to  violence  to  prevent  its  flying 
home. 

(196) 

Inciznuia  ya 
i  '  ^j  litsujin  to  ni-ji 

■  A  ^  Kaku  ma  tiaki 

(Etsujin,  1760-1836.) 

A  flash  of  lightning,  and  no  time 
To  write  the  one  word  *'  Etsujin.  " 

Tlie  i)oint  of  this  epigram  lies  in  the  extreme  simplicity  of  the 
characters  with  which  the  name  "  Etsujin "  is  MTitten,  namely  Q  \ 
which  any  one  could  dash  off  in  am  instant  of  time. — This  poet  is  to  be 
distinguished  from  his  namesake  (one  of  the  "  Ten  Wits,"  sc^  pp.  296 
and  337),  whose  name  is  written  j^  J^. 


Later  Eighteenth  Century,  35  7 

(297) 
Ware  to  kite 

Asobe  ya  oya  no  /   *' 

Nai  siizufne 

(Issa,  1 763-1 827) 
You  little  sparrows  left  without 
A  mother,  come  and  play  with  me. 

This  is  said  to  have  been  composed  by  Issa  at  the  age  of  Hve,  when 
3  had  just  lost  his  own  mother. 

(198) 

Nan  no  sono 

Hyaku-man-gokti  mo 
Sasa  fio  tsuyu 

(Issa) 
What  then?  what  are  his  million  bales? 
M^sne  dewdrops  on  the  bamboo  grass. 

The  circumstances  under  which  this  ver^  was  composed  may  serve 
»  illustrate  the  oddity  and  independence  of  spirit  which  characterised, 
>t  this  poet   only,   but    many  of  his  brother   epigrammatists.     The  I^rd 

Kaga,  richest  of  all  the  Daimyos,  whose  revenue  was  assessed  at  a 
illion  bales  of  rice,  summoned  Issa  to  his  presence  one  day ;  but  the 
tier  refused  to  go.  Thereupon,  the  Daimyo  despatched  his  henchman 
ith  a  gold-lacquered  box  containing  His  Highnesses  album,  to  request  the 
vour  of  Issa^s  autograph.    This,  like^%'ise,   Issa  at  Hrst  refused ;  but  being 

length  over*peffiuaded,.  he  took  his  own  cheap  broken  ink-slab,  moistened 
te  Indian  ink  stick  with  his  saliva,  and  penned  a  line  of  poetry  as 
iquired.  "  If  you  don*t  like  it,  you  can  tear  it  up,"  said  he,  on  being 
•monstrated  with  for  his  rudeness.  The  Daimyo,  by  no  means  displeased, 
nt  him  ten  gold  coins  in  acknowledgment ;  but  Issa  could  only  with 
ifficulty  be  persuade  to  keep  three  shillings,  the  amount  of  his  rent. 
aXtx  on,  the  D&imy5  presented  him  with  a  beautiful  sandal-wood  ink-box  ; 
at  Issa  was  so  much  wearied  by  the  visitors  who  flocked  to  gaze  at  it 
lat  he  handed  it  over  gratis  to  a  cUrio-dealer,  who  took  it  to  Yedo  and 
3ld  it  for  several  hundred  dollars.  Issa,  himself  absolutely  indifferent  to 
ioney,  composed  the  above   epigram    as   a   vent    to   his   feelings    on    the 


s 


i 


3  5  8  Baslto  and  the  Japanese  Epigram, 

occasion.  While  his  philosophy  was  strictly  practical,  his  cppn^ssion  ^or 
all^ living  jytjatures  was  so  profound  that  he  demurred  even  to  killings  a 
flea.  I  lis  style,  though  it  could  rise  into  the  classical  on  an  occasic'n, 
was   for   the  most  {)art  colloc[uial,  as  in   No.  200. 

(199) 

Yase-kawazii 

Makerti'tia  Issa 
Kore  ni  art 


(Issa/) 


Emaciated  frog !  be  not 
Worsted  in  fight : — Issa  is  here. 

(200) 

Yard  nakii-tia 

Sore  Iiodo  bnji  de 
Kaeru  kari 


(Issa) 


Hallo !  you  shouldn't  cry,  you  storks, 
Returning  home  so  safe  and  sound ! 

(201) 

Kaerusa  no 

Yu'hi'zakura  ya 
Minie  ni  tsue 

(So-a,  dates  uncertain.) 

A  typical  cjcample  of  the  class  of  Japanese  epigrams  most  difiicult  to 
translate.  The  words  arc  literally,  .**  Home-going**  evening  sun  cherry- 
trees,  and  staff  to  chest."  The  picture  is  that  of  some  aged  man,  who,  having 
sf>ent  the  day  among  the  cherry-blossoms,  is  now  returniDg  home,  but, 
rapt  by  the  beauty  of  the  sunset  glow  upon  the  flowers,  remains  gazing  at 
it,  his  body  bent  and  leaning  on  his  staff.  Something  like  the  foilowing 
may  serve  as  an  approximate  rendering : — 

Cherry-flow'rs  sunset-lit : — I  turn 
And  gaze,  my  breast  upon  my  staff. 


Later  Eighteenth  Century,  359 

(202) 
Sei  daseba 

Kdm  ma  mo  nashi 
Mizit'gnnnna 

(Keirin,  dates  uncertain.) 
If  but  the  wheel  be  diligent,  ' 

The  water  has  no  time  to  freeze. 

This  verse  has  become  proverbial  for  industry. 

(203) 

Uguisu  ya 

Hana  naki  ki  ni  wa 
Oranii  ]iazn 

(Gomel,  dates  uncertain.) 
Of  course  the  nightingale  stays  not 
Upon  a  tree  bereft  of  flowers. 

I'he  elderly  poet  composed  this  epigram  on  calling  to  see  his  mistress 
and  finding  her  abroad.  A  pretty  young  woman  could  not  be  expected, 
he  suggests,  to  care  for  a  withered  gallant  like  himself. 

(204) 

Koi-shinaba 

Waga  tsuka  de  nake 

Hototogisu 
Cuckoo!  ifl  should  die  of  love, 
Oh !  [come  and]  sing  upon  my  tomb ! 

X^Miiposed  by  a  courtesan  in  the  Yoshiwara  at  Yedo,  who,  having 
bedi  ifeuidered  to  her  lover,  was  abandoned  by  him  and  reduced  to  des- 
pair. 

(205) 

Kuchi  akeba 

Go-so  no  miyurn 
Kcnvazn  kana 

(Anon.) 


36o 


B as/to  and  the  Japamse  Epigram, 


Behold  the  frog,  who,  when  he  opes 
His  mouth,  displays  his  whole  inside ! 

Proverbial    in    tljie    sense    of  -<<  Do    not    blurt    out    all    your 
thoughts." — The  term  go-zby  here  rendered  the  *•  whole  inside,"  is  literally 
the  "  five  viscera." 


The  literature  of  the  Japanese  epigram  is  valmniiioiis  and  ccMiBtantly 
growing.  The  following  works  have  been  consalted  in  the  prepafaHoii  of 
the  foregoing  essay  : — 

JS^/J^jt  ''  Rtmpai  Shoshi;'  by  M.  Sasa,  one  thin  yoL,  1887,  ^^^^ 
with  the  history  of  Haikai  and  Rcnga, 

^fkiL%  "  I^tnkai  ShiJen,''  by  S.  Okooogi  and  M.  Nunokawa,  I  toI^ 
1884,  gives  short  biographies  of  all  (he  principal  q)igiainmatiatSy  with 
specimens  of  their  work,  following  chronological  order  according  to  schoolsi. 

m^-^tm  **  ^<fi^»  //yos/iaht,"  by  Kat6  Heki-godo,  one  small  vol.,  1889, 
with  a  sequel  entitled  JKil^tltf  fV  **  Zoku  Haiku  Ilybshaku^  reproduces  the 
epigrams  of  the  y|](||^  "  Sant-mino  Ska^*  anthology,  and  aooompaoifs  each 
with  a  short  commentary. 

^Klft  "  Haikai-roii^^  l)y  Aeba  Koson,  an  article  of  46  pages  pnbltshed 
in  a  magazine  entitled  ^fBPQJt^^  "  Waseda  BwigaJht,"  This  distinguish- 
ed man  of  letters  here  gives  i>erhaps  the  best  general  view  of  the  subject 
in  a  concise  form. 

ftSt^AI*  "  ^^'^^  ^V'«  ^^'^f"  ^y  Gengen-ichi,  3  vols.,  1816^  with 
sequel  entitled  JtftSit^Att  "  ^"^^'f  -^^^'^  A^^  ^an"  3  vols.,  1832, 
illustrated.     Biographies  of  epigrammatists. 

lS''^^5itJSIS  "  ^'okott  JIaika  Itsttwa^"  by  Shigure-an,  one  thin  vol., 
1 90 1.    Anecdotes  of  epigrammatists.    Many  similar  collections  exist. 

^^APl  ''  Haiku  Nytmum;'  by  Takahama  Kyoshi,  a  lighi  pf  the 
Shimpa  or  contemporary  school,  I  Vol,  1898.  This  litUe  gukls  to  the 
composition  of  epigrams  is  interesting  for  its  general  remarks  on  style. 

^KS4^  *'  //"'k'/'c?/  Dokugaku^''  issued  by  the  Hakubun-kwan  publish- 
ing firm.  This  guide  to  the  analysis  and  composition  of  epigrams  enters 
into  grammatical  and  other  details,  but  is  not  to  be  reoommended.  The 
European  student  desirous  of  embarking  on  the  study  of  the  Japanese 
epigrammatic  style  should  find  a  careful  comparison  of  the  originals 
quoted  in  the  present  essay  with  their  translations  far  more  useful.  The 
favourite  ellipses  and  other  grammatical  i>eculiarities  of  the  style  will  be 
more  easily  mastered  in  this  way  than  by  the  presentation  of  any  set  of 
rules. 


Literature.  361 

'jfM'^^  **  <Mff^<u'  Aostin"  ftii  anthology  hy  Miyakc  Shuzan  (died 
1801),  m  the  edition  entitled  ffpf|#||TlrJi  **  Hyoshaku  Haikai  Kaan;' 
published  by  Kimura  Kokfi  in  1900,  which  adds  a  short  commentary  on 
each  epigram.  Only  the  first  half  of  the  original  work  has  yet  appeared 
in  this  form.  Still  this  volume,  published  at  25  sen,  is  likely  to  l>e  more 
useful  to  the  foreign  student  than  any  other,  except  the  ^^fff|l 
«*  Haiku  Uy^hakH^ "  which  it  closely  resembles  in  form. 

Wtt^HmW  **  Biison  A'uskTt  AT^V'  only  2  vols,  yet  published  in 
book  form,  1903.  The  rest  b  appearing  gradually  in  a  magazine  entitled 
**  ffoioiogisu,^  Buson's  epigrams  are  here  discussed  seriatim  by  a  select 
circle  of  admirers,  whose  criticisms  are  given  exactly  as  delivered  in  Cdlo- 
quial.    The  obscurity  of  many  epigrams  is  here  well  exhibited. 

ft]l3ltW  ** Haikai  Bunko,''  24  large  vols.,  1887-1901,  issued  by  the 
llakubun-kwan  publishing  linn.  This  cncycIop4'edic  compilation  includes 
matter  new  and  old, — general  treatises,  biographies,  the  complete  works 
of  many  epigrammatists,  anthologies  arranged  according  to  subjects, 
ancodotical  matter,  prose  works  by  the  epigrammatists,  their  essays,  notes 
of  travel,  etc.,  etc,  etc.  The  present  writer  does  not  profess  to  have 
done  more  than  touch  the  fringe  of  this  gigantic  compilation,  but  he 
has  at  least  profited  by  Uchida  Fuchi-an*s  biography  and  critifjue  of 
Basho,  entitled  «S  «(««  t  i«  "  Basha-an  Tosei  Den;'  and  t£  «  »  » 
«*  Bashb  Kbden^^  by  Aeba  Koson's  biography  of  Vokoi  Yayu  entitled  m^ 
-ibiWlK/fV  "  Yokoi  YayTi  O  no  Den,"  by  the  l)iographical  sketch  appended 
to  the  collection  of  Issa^s  epigrams  entitled  -''^^%  "  fssa  Zenshu^'  and 
by  Ono  Seichiku*s  historical  sketch  of  the  subject  entitled  ^  iff  -S.  jt 
«  Haikai  JRyakushir 

Besides  the  aliove,  there  are  the  well-known  general  literary 
histories.  IIaga*s  WA9^ii'W^  **  Kokubun-^^aku  Shi  Jikko,"  or  "  Ten 
Ijectures  on  the  History  of  our  National  Literature,"  has  Ixjcn  found 
suggestive.     It  has,  moreover,  the  advantage  of  l>eing  written  in  Colloquial. 

So  far  as  known  to  the  present  writer,  the  only  European  authors  who 
have  treated,  however  briefly,  of  the  subject  hitherto  arc : — 

I.  IK  G,  AstoUy  who,  in  his  "  Grammar  of  the  Japanese  Written 
I^anguage,"  2nd  edit.,  p.  203  (1877),  inserted  3  specimens  of  epigrams  with 
literal  translations,  and  later,  in  his  "  History  of  Japanese  Literature,''  pp. 
289-297  (1899),  gave  a  summary  of  the  subject  (but  without  touching  on 
origitte$\  together  with  literal  translations  of  19  specimens. 

IL  B.  H,  Chemtherlain,  "  Handbook  of  Colloquial  Jai)anc3e,''  2nd. 
edit.,  pp.  453-4  (1889),  4  specimens — text  and  literal  translation. 


362  Baslw  and  tlu  Japanese  Epigram, 

III.  Lafcadio  Hearn,  **  In  Ghostly  Japan/'   pp.  156-164  (l999),    text, 
of  8  epigrams,  with  literal  translation  and  explanation. — Since  the  prcseoC 
essay  was  completed,  the  writer's  attention  has  been  drawn  to  Mt.'Heam'^ 
two  latest  works,  "  Shadowings,"  pp.  69-100  (1901),  and  «  A  Japanese  Mi»- 
cellany,"  pp.  92-118  (1901),  containing  respectively  collections  pf  epigrams- 
on  the  curious  subjects   of  cicad*x  and  dragon-flies, — no   less  than  107  in. 
all,    or  more,  if  those  arc   counted  of  which   not   the   original   text,    but. 
only  the  translation  is  given.      Some   of  the  renderings  are  in  the  metres^ 
of  the  elegiac  distich,   which,  owing  to  the  far  larger  number  of  syllable^-* 
of  that  form  of  verse,  necessitates  more  or  less  expansion  of  the  ■^rgfr^t^' 
Others,  rendered  literally,  though  less  attractive  as  English — or  Anglicised-— ^-^ 
poems,  possess  superior  value  for  the  scicntiHc  enquirer.      All  well  exhibit=^ 
the  endless  dexterity  with  which  the  Japanese  epigrammatist  can  iiiodulat< 
the  trilling  of  his  tiny  pipe. 


A  Brief  Sketch  of  the  History  of  Political 

Parties  in  Japan* 

By  a.  H.  Lay  Esq. 

[Ready  4.  Dfc.  igo2,'\ 

The  idea  of  popular  representation  in  the  Government 
>f  Japan  may  be  said  to  have  had  its  birth  with  the 
:lestoration.  Prior  thereto  indeed  the  minds  of  some 
houghtful  men  had  been  turning  in  this  direction.  For 
xample,  Yoroi  Heishiro,  Shonan  of  Higo  had  for  some 
ears  been  a  strong  advocate  of  national  progress  in  all 
lirections.  And  Yamauchi  Toyonobu,  Daiviio  of  Tosa, 
/ho  had  endeavoured  strenuously  to  bring  about  the  re- 
ival  of  the  Imperial  authority,  presented  a  memorial  in  1867, 
1  favour  of  the  establishment  of  a  deliberative  assembly.. 
His  Imperial  Majesty  the  present  Emperor,  in  his 
Oath  on  the  occasion  of  his  accession  to  the  Throne, 
[lade  known  his  enlightened  desire  that  men  should 
neet  in  council  from  all  parts  of  the  country  and  all 
flairs  of  state  be  determined  in  accordance  with  public 
opinion,  The  achievement  by  all  classes  of  the  people 
►f  their  legitimate  desires  and  the  prevention  of  discontent 
irere  necessary.  Unprecedented  reforms  for  the  welfare 
)f  the  nation  were  to  be  effected.  This  pronouncement 
nay  be  regarded  as  the  starting  point  of  the  movement 
owards  Parliamentary  Institutions.  The  Imperial  wishes 
n  regard  to  the  opinion  of  the  people  and  the  necessity 


*The  Go  Seimon  (ftlSlfc)  °^  ^^^  \^\\i  day  of  the  3rd  monlh  of  the 
St,  year  of  Mciji  (April  6  1868). 


364  Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

for  their  aid  in  carrying  on  the  affairs  of  the  nation  were 
further  notified  from  time  to  time.  In  a  notification  of  a 
few  months  later  *  it  was  declared  that  public  sentiment, 
as  expressed  by  the  councillors  selected  from  all  parts, 
was  to  be  the  directing  power  in  the  future  because  the 
private  caprice  of  any  one  individual  should  not  be  allowed 
to  control  the  Empire.  Again,  t early  in  1869,  His 
Majesty  proclained  that  he  was  about  to  proceed  to  the 
East  where  he  would  summon  together  his  Ministers  and 
the  Chiefs  of  the  People  in  order  that  the  popular  opini- 
on might  be  consulted,  that  the  foundations  of  the  nation 
might  be  laid  upon  a  basis  which  should  insure  national 
tranquillity.  All  these  notifications  show  what  was  in  the 
mind  of  the  Emperor  and  His  advisers  in  the  early  days 
of  the  re-instatement  of  the  Imperial  Rule. 

The  spirit  of  the  Meiji  era  throughout  has  been  re- 
form, and  progress,  and  consultation  of  the  popular  will 
as  far  as  possible,  within  certain  fixed  limits,  and  the 
enlargement  of  the  rights  of  the  people.  In  the  main, 
the  Government  has  tried  to  fulfil  the  aspirations  of  the 
people  although  it  has  at  all  times  felt  bound  to  act  as 
a  drag  upon  over  impetuosity  and  undue  haste.  With 
regard  to  the  ultimate  form  which  Representative  Institu- 
tions should  take,  the  authorities  have  differed  and  still 
differ  from  the  generally  expressed  desire  of  the  people. 

In  considering  the  steps  taken  after  the  Restoration  to 
perfect  the  organs  of  administration,  we  find  that  when  the 
Government  of  the  young  Emperor  was  organized  at  Kioto, 
its  members  were  composed  of  3  classes,  i,  Sosai  (Hi^) 
who  had  supreme  control  (Prince  Arisugawa  Satsu,  assisted 

*8th  month  of  the  ist  year  of  Meiji  (September  1868). 
t  25th  day  of  2nd  month  of  the  2nd  year  of  Meiji. 


Lxiy  : — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  365 

l)y  Princes  Sanjo  and  Iwakura),  Gijo  or  Gitci  (^/£,  con- 
sisting of  Princes  of  the  Blood,  Nobles  of  the  Court,  and 
Tl^erritorial  Nobles,  who  assisted  in  the  direction  of  affairs, 
conducting  business  that  was  not  of  the  highest  importance, 
-and  Sanyo  (^|^),  councillors,  consisting  of  nobles  of  the 
Court  and  retainers  of  the  daimios  chosen  from  various  clans. 
"*  Eight  Departments  were  created  under  the  Dajokwan  or 
Government.     The  arrangement  having  been  hurriedly  made 
at  a  time  of  commotion  was  not  found  workable,  and  accord- 
ingly in  June  1868  the  Dajokwan  issued  a  notification  remo- 
delling the  system  of  Government.     It  was  therein  laid  down 
that  all  matters  were  to  be  settled  by  public  discussion.     The 
Government  was  divided  among  seven  Departments,  one  of 
which  was  termed  the  Gisei,  (^&),  the  Deliberative  assem- 
bly.    The  Department  exercised  legislative  power  and  was 
subdivided  into  an   Upper    House    (_h^)    and    a    Lower 
House  (T*^).     The  upper  House  consisted  of  Gijo,  Sanyo, 
Secretaries  and  clerks,    and    the    Lower    House  had  two 
Presidents  of  debate  and  f  ordinary  members  whose  duty 
it  was  to  discuss,  under  the  orders   of  the  Upper  House 
af!airs    relating    to    the    Revenue,    relations  with   foreign 
countries,  the  coinage,  colonization  etc.     Here  we  have  the 
germ  of  the  present  House  of  Peers  and    House    of  Re- 
presentatives.    Towards  the  end  of  1868  a  Bureau  for  the 
investigation  of  matters  connected  with  public  deliberation 
on    affairs    of  state   was  opened    %  under    the    control    of 
Yamauchi  Toyonobu.     A  Parliament  called  Kogijo  (J^IS^f) 
place  for  public  discussion  was  opened  at  Tokio  on  April 
18,  1869,  when  an  Imperial  Message    of   instruction  was 


*  Seven  if  we  exclude  the  Sosai  kiokti. 

tR±  (Koshi). 

J  19th  day  of  9th  month  of  ist  year  of  Meiji  (November  3,  1868). 


366  Lay  : — Tlic  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

read.     The  opening  was  originally    fixed    for    March    27, 
but  the  ceremony  was  postponed    in    order    to    allow  all 
the    members    to    reach    the    Capital  from  the  Provinces. 
The  idea  at  first  was  to  make  representation  depend  upon 
the  importance  of  the  clan,  but  this  too  was    at    the  last 
moment   altered,   and    each    Daimiate    was    instructed    to 
furnish  one  representative.      In  all  there  were  276  mem- 
bers.      The    chamber  was  not  actually  representative    of 
the  people  but  of  the  Governing  authorities  in  the  various 
localities.       Members  were  elected,  by   order  of  the  Em- 
peror, by  the  Councillors  who  carried    on    the  affairs    of 
the  Feudal  Principalities.     Akizuki  Ukionosuke  was  the  first 
President.     The  Kogijo  became  known  as  the  *  Shugi-In 
(jJ^H^gS)  on  t  August  15,  1869.     Among  matters  discuss- 
ed by  this  so-called  Parliament  were   questions  regarding 
new  laws.     Petitions  were  also  received  from  the  people. 
It  had  been  largely    the    desire    to    fashion  the  Japanese 
constitution    on    western  methods,  and  the  hope  that  the 
administration    could    be    conducted    most    smoothly    by 
ascertaining   the    will    of   the    majority,   had    led    to    the 
creation  of  a  deliberative  assembly.     But  the  constitution 
(^f  the  SJiiigiln  rendered  it  from  its  nature  prejudiced  and 
unprogrcssive,  and  after  a  trial  of  a  year  or  two  the  venture 
was  found  to  be  unsuccessful.       Its  sittings  were  discon- 
tinued from  J  October  4,  1870,  and  thereafter  its  business 
was  limited  to  the  receipt  of  petitions  ;    but    it    was    not 
actually  abolished  in  name  till  June  24,   1873. 

'^'  S'lTti^i-In  is  the  name  applicil  to  the  present  House  of  Representatives, 
llu"  only  dirTorcncc  Ix-'ing  that  the  first  of  the  three  characters  is  written 
«lirt'ercntly  in  each  case.     The  modem  term  is  written  (ll^SIK)* 

t  Slh  day  of  the  7lh  month  of  the  2nd  year  of  Meiji. 

\  loili  <Kiy  of  oth  month  (»f  the  3rd  year  of  Meiji. 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japaji.  367 

Extensive  changes  in  the  Dajokivaji  were  effected  in  *  Sep- 
tember 1 87 1.  The  Sei-In  (iH|5c),  chief  College  or  Council 
of  State,  the  Sa-In  (£Bt')»  I-^^  College,  and  the  U-In 
(>&l^)»  Right  College  or  Executive,  were  established. 
The  Sa-In  was  intended  to  be  a  deliberative  and  legisla- 
tive chamber  with  limited  powers,  and  replaced  the  Shugi- 
In.  The  members  were  nominated  by  the  Emperor  and  the 
Council  of  State.  Goto  Shojiro,  who  subsequently  played 
a  leading  part  in  Japanese  politics,  was  the  first  President. 

Various  measures  issued  about  this  time  tended  to  re- 
move social  barriers  between  the  people,  and  indirectly 
contributed  to  help  the  nation  at  large  to  a  share  in  the 
conduct  of  national  affairs.  By  the  abolition  of  the  Feudal 
System  on  f  August  29.  1871,  on  the  advice  of  Kido 
Takayoshi,  and  its  replacement  by  the  organization  of  Pre- 
fectures, centralization  of  the  Government  was  brought  about. 
Also  the  permission  granted  for  marriages  between  all 
classes  of  the  people,  and  the  abolition  of  the  terms  da 
and  hiniii  in  October,  aided  in  the  removal  of  rigid  social 
distinctions  and   disqualifications. 

The  history  of  political  parties  in  Japan  from  their  in- 
ception up  to  the  present  time  may  be  conveniently  divid- 
ed into  four  periods,  (i).  The  period  from  the  Restora- 
tion up  to  1882  while  as  yet  they  were  in  embryo.  (2). 
From  the  year  1882  when  they  for  the  first  time  took 
actual  shape,  until  the  year  1887. 

(3).  From  the  organization  of  the  Daido-danketsu  in  1887 
until  1898.  (4).  From  the  date  of  the  amalgamation  of  the 
two  strongest  parties  under  the  name  of  the  constitutional 
party,  (Kenseito  JKi^jR)  until  the  present  moment. 

*  29th  day  of  7th  month  of  4th  year  of  Meiji. 
f  14th  day  of  7th  month  of  4th  year  of  McijL 


368  Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

The  stirring  events  of  the  Restoration,  and   the  spread 
of  the  doctrines  which  had  brought  about  the  reinstatement 
of  the  Imperial  authority  in  deed  as  well  as  in  name/  led 
to    a    great    awakening    of  thought    in    the  nation.     The 
popular    mind    was    open  for    the  reception  of  new  ideas, 
and  fastened  with    avidity  upon  everything  that  appeared 
to  make    for   national    advancement.     The  people  eagerly 
took  up  the  work  leading  to  the  establishment  of  consti- 
tutional  Government    which    had  been  started  under  Im- 
perial and  official  auspices. 

Public  opinion  was  divided  into  two  currents,  that  of 
gradual  and  that  of  rapid  progress,  and,  in  spite  of  a 
slight  backwater  of  conservatism,  the  general  flow  of 
feeling  was  steady  in  the  direction  of  reform. 

Foreign  influence  soon  made  itself  felt  in  Japanese  do- 
mestic politics.  Tlie  Special  Mission  despatched  to  Europe 
and  America  at  the  close  of  1871  was  headed  by  Iwakura 
Tomomi,  Udaijin,  having  as  assistant  ambassadors  Kido 
Takayoshi,  Councillor  of  State,  Gkubo  Toshimichi,  Min- 
ister of  Finance,  Ito  Hirobumi,  Vice-Minister  of  Works, 
and  Kamaguchi  Naoyoshi,  assistant  Vice-Minister  of  For- 
eign Affairs,  and  had  for  its  main  object  the  revision  of 
the  Treaties.  It  was,  however,  understood  in  official  circles 
that  observation  of  the  political  institutions  in  the  countries 
to  be  visited  would  form  part  of  the  duty  of  the  Embassy. 
On  his  return  to  Japan,  Kido,  in  narrating  the  various  cir- 
cumstances which  had  fallen  under  his  notice  abroad,  stat- 
ed that  the  most  urgent  need  of  the  nation  was  to  estab- 
lish the  constitution  on  the  basis  of  the  Imperial  Laws, 
and  to  frame  laws  having  something  of  permanency,  not 
*  issued  in  the  morning  and  revoked  in  the  evening.     He 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  369 

expressed  the  opinion  that  although  Japan  had  not  yet 
reached  the  stage  when  all  matters  could  be  submitted  to 
the  decision  of  the  public,  the  Government  should  be 
conducted  upon  the  principle  of  consultation  of  the  wishes 
of  the  people.  Of  the  alien  influences  which  helped  to 
mould  the  shape  which  it  was  destined  that  representa- 
tive institutions  should  take,  that  of  the  United  States 
was  first  apparent.  Then  followed  a  period  when  the 
views  of  those  who  had  studied  political  problems  in  Eng- 
land were  predominant.  And  subsequently  *  French  in- 
fluence became  for  a  time  paramount.  But  in  the  end 
German  theories  of  Government  prevailed  and  left  their 
stamp  upon  the  Japanese  Constitutional  system. 

In  the  year  1873  there  were  to  be  found  among  the 
ranks  of  the  higher  officials  of  the  Government  two 
well  defined  parties,  the  one  desirous  of  gradual  progress 
at  home,  and  a  conciliatory  policy  towards  other  nations, 
the  other  advocating  rapid  progress  in  domestic  matters 
and  a  resolute  foreign  policy.  The  line  of  demarcation 
was  accentuated  by  the  discussion  which  arose  as  to 
whether  the  conduct  of  Korea  towards  Japan  in  the  re- 
fusal to  receive  the  letter  from  this  country  and  in  the 
treatment  meted  out  to  the  Japanese  Envoys  demanded 
an  appeal  t  >  the  sword.  The  peace  party  supported  by 
Okubo  and  Ivvakura  gained  the  day,  and  the  war  party 
severed  their  connection    with  the    Government.     Amoncr 

*  French  thought  made  its  inflfeence  greatly  felt  in  1 88 1.  The  return 
of  Marquis  Saionji  from  France  in  the  early  part  of  that  year  helped  to 
turn  attention  to  French  political  and  social  theories.  He  started  the 
7cyd  Jiyu  Shhnbun,  &long  with  Matsuzawa  Kinsuke  and  Matsuda  Masa- 
hisa,  in  order  to  ventilate  his  opinions  on  the  subject  of  freedom.  The 
principles  of  Rousseau  because  popular  and  obtained  many  converts  in 
particular  the  celebrated  Nakae  Tokusuke  (Chomin),  recently  deceased. 


370  Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

those  who  followed  the  example  of  Saig5  Takamori  in 
resigning  were  Itagaki  Taisuke,  a  samurai  of  the  Kochi 
Prefecture,  *Soyejima  Taneomi,  a  samurai  of  the  Saga 
Prefecture,  Eto  Shimpei,  a  samurai  of  the  Saga  Pre- 
fecture, Goto  Shdjiro,  a  samurai  of  the  Tokio  Yw,  These 
men  were  Councillors  of  State  and  had  repeatedly  memo- 
rialished  the  Government  of  a  popular  assembly  during 
their  tenure  of  office.  Thus  the  Government  was  left  in 
the  hands  of  those  of  more  moderate  inclinations,  while 
the  ardent  advocates  of  the  rights  of  the  people  took 
their  place  outside  the  ranks  of  officialdom,  there  to 
labour  more  eflectively  for  their  cherished  object.  They 
met  from  time  to  time  in  consultation,  and  were  joined 
by  Komuro  Nobuo,  a  samurai  of  the  old  f  Mi5d5  Prefec- 
ture, Furusawa  Uro,  a  samurai  of  the  Kochi  Prefecture, 
both  of  whom  had  just  returned  from  P'ngland  filled  with 
admiration  of  English  Parliamentary  Institutions,  and  with 
a  desire  to  transplant  them  in  Japan,  Okamoto  Ken- 
zaburo,  a  samurai  of  K5chi  Prefecture,  and  others.  One 
point  in  the  conduct  of  the  administration  which  they 
strongly  resented  was  the  abolition  of  the  appointment  of 
representatives  of  the  clans  to  the  deliberative  assembly, 
notwithstanding  the  fact  that  they  were  not  in  the  true 
sense  representative  of  the  people.  They  considered  that 
the  abuses  of  a  bureaucracy  had  ensued.  The  idea  of 
striving  for  the  foundation  in  Japan  of  an  assembly  com- 
posed of  representatives  elected  by  the  people  appealed 
strongly  to  these  reformers.     Fired  with  zeal  for  the  cause 

*  Resigned  the  office  of  Minister  for  Foreign  affairs  October  31.  1873 
on  the  plea  of  ill-health. 

t  On  August  21.  1876  the  Mi6d5  Prefecture  was  divided  between  the 
Iliogo  and  Kuchi*  Prefectures  Awaji  going  to  the  former  Awa  to  the  latter. 


Lay: — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  371 

they  lost  no  time  in  taking  steps  to  render  the  reali- 
zation of  their  dreams  possible.  In  the  one  direction 
they  addressed  a  Memorial  to  the  Government,  while  at 
the  sajne  time  .  they  laboured  fi)r  the  spread  of  their 
doctrines  among  the  people.  Mere  we  have  the  genn 
of  the  political  parties  which  in  the  course  of  no  vcxy 
long  time  developed  and  flourished. 

The  important  memorial  just  referred  to,  which  is  said 
to  have,  been  drafted  by  Furu.sawa  and  then  submitted 
to  Soejima  for  his  amendment,  bore  the  signatures  of 
Itagaki,  Goto,  Soejima.  Et5,  Komuro,  Furusawa,  Oka- 
moto,  Mitsuoka  Hachiro  and  Yuri  Kimmasa,  a  samurai 
of  Tsuruga  Profecture.  It  was  presented  to  the  Sa-In 
and  bore  date  January  17,  1874.  At  the  same  time 
publication  of  it  was  effected  in  the  Nisshin  slmi  ji  shi 
(HHiR^ftfe)*  ^^  which  numerous  articles  of  interest  bear- 
ing upon  the  same  and  other  subjects  appeared  at  the 
time.  Much  popular  discussion  was  caused  by  its  publi- 
cation. In  the  preamble,  allusion  is  made  to  .the!  failure 
on  the  part  of  the  authorities  to  undertake  measures  to- 
wards the  establishment  of  political  institutions  in  Japan 
in  spite  of  the  return  home  some  time  previously  of'  the 
Special  Embassy.  Mutual  distrust  had  of  late  arisen  be- 
tween rulers  and  the  ruled,  the  mind  of  the  people  was 
agitated  and  there  were  evident  signs  of  pending  trouble, 
simply  because  the  general  opinion  of  the  Empire  as  as- 
certained by  public  discussion  had  been  suppressed.  The 
memorial  itself  goes  on  to  say  that  the  Governing  Power 
was  neither  in  the  Imperial  House  nor  with  the  people, 
but  in  the  hands  of  officials  who  occupied  a  place  between 
the  two.  Not  that  these  men  neglected  to  pay  respect 
to  the  Imperial  House  or  to  protect  the  people.     But  the 


372  Ijay : — The  Political  Parties  {f  Japan. 

Crown  was  losing  the  reverence  due  to  it  and  there  was 
much  making  and  changing  of  laws,  and  favouritism  pre- 
vailed. The  people  could  not  make  their  voice  heard 
nor  could  they  express  their  grievances.  The  merest 
child  could  perceive  that  under  the  circumstances  tranquil 
Government  was  an  impossibility.  Reform  must  be  eflkct- 
ed  or  the  nation  would  come  to  ruin.  The  remedy  lay 
in  the  promotion  of  public  discussion  which  was  to  be 
brought  about  by  means  of  a  Council  cliambec  elected 
by  the  people.  Taxpayers  had  a  right  to  a  voice  in  the 
conduct  of  public  affiiirs.  It  was  not  too  early,  as  some 
maintained,  to  take  the  step  indicated,  and  a  long  ai^gunient. 
in  support  of  the  contention  of  the  memorialists  followed. 

In  reply  to  the  Memorial  the  Sa-fn  returned  a  con- 
ciliatory message  on  January  23,  1874.  That  College  was 
cimvinced  that  the  principle  advocated  was  excellent,  and 
having  already  received  sanction  to  a  proposal  of  a  similar 
nature  emanating  from  themselves,  had  drafted  a  set  of 
regulations.  The  suggestion  would  therefore  be  adopted, 
but  it  was  recommended  that  the  Home  office  just  con- 
stituted should  first  of  all  be  called  upon  to  express  an 
opinion,  and  that  the  question  should  be  taken  up  after 
the  Local  assemblies  had  met  in  view  of  the  instructions 
issued  in  1873  relative  to  such  Assemblies.  But  there  were 
not  wanting  those  who  sneered  at  the  proposal.  Kat5 
Hiroyuki  drew  up  a  memorandum  in  criticism  of  the 
memorial,  in  which  doubts  as  to  the  advisability  of  es- 
tablishing an  elective  assembly  were  uttered.  To  him 
Itagaki,  Goto  and  Soejima  replied,  jointly,  on  February 
20,  pointing  out  that  no  sudden  change  was  in  contem- 
plation. At  first  the  franchise  would  be  bestowed  only 
upon    the    Samurai   and    richer  fermers  and   merchants. 


Lay : — The  P^Htical  Parties  of  Japan,  373 

They  had  proved  worthy  of  the  right,  for  they  it  was 
vfYio  had  produced  the  leaders  of  the  revolution  of  1868. 

It  was  also  urged  by  opponents  of  the  movement  that 
the  bulk  erf  the  nation  was  indifferent  to  the  proposed 
change  and  that  the  samurai  alone  were  interested.  No 
doubt  this  was  more  or  less  true  at  the  start,  but  it  was 
not  long  before  the  new  propaganda  gained  favour  with 
a  large  section  of  the  nation.  Before  long  two  certain 
writers  asserted  that  the  &ults  of  the  government  lay 
with  the  few  clans  who  controlled  its  conduct  and  that 
the  whole  nation  ought  to  take  their  place  in  directing 
public  business. 

Now  that  the  progect  of  a  popular  assembly  had  been 
expressly  brought  before  the  attention  of  tlie  public  and 
had  elicited  a  large  measure  of  approval  in  different  quar- 
ters, the  natural  sequence  of  events  was  the  setting  on 
loot  of  associations  formed  for  political  purposes  which 
should  eventually  grow  into  political  parties  proper.  Thus 
the  earliest  pcditical  Society  from  which  the  Jiyu^to 
(Liberal  Party)  subsequently  spr.mg,  namely  the  *  aikoku 
ko  to  (j^H^JK)'  ^^  Patriotic  Society.  Its  aim  was  set 
forth  to  be  the  maintenance  of  popular  rights  and  to 
enable  the  people  to  be  self  governing,  free,  independent, 
unfettered,  the  first  meeting  was  held  in  the  Kofuku  An- 
zensba  in  Ginza,  Tokio.  A  large  number  of  persons 
enrolled  thennselves  members  of  the  Society. 

But  these  were  still  early  days  and  the  cause  suffered 
severely  at  the  outset  from  the  mistaken  zeal  of  some  of 
its  friends.  Early  in  1874  occurred  the  attack  upon 
Prince  Iwakura   at    Akasaka    by    Takaichi   Kumakichi  of 


*  Also  known  a»  the  Aikokmhu. 


t 


374  L'ly : — The  fblitical  Parties  of  Japan. 

Kochi  and  eight  other  partisans  of  the  side  which  advo- 
cated  war  with  Korea.  The  outbreak  shortly  afterwards 
of  Et5  Shimpei  and  his  resistance  to  the  forces  of  the 
Government  on  the  plea  of  patriotism  and  the  subjuga- 
tion of  Korea,  which  cost  him  his  life,  also  furnished  its 
enemies  with  excellent  weapons  to  fight  the  popular 
movement.  Itagaki  returned  to  his  native  Province, 
vowing,  however,  that  he  would  devote  his  life  to  the 
cause  of  the  inauguration  of  representative  institutions. 
He  there  established  shortly  afterwards  the  first  local 
political  association  which  he  named  the  Riss/iisha  (4^ 
ft),  showing  his  determination  to  adhere  to  what  he 
considered  to  be  his  life's  work.  He  declared  that  the 
time  of  transition  which  had  arrived  when  old  fashions 
Avere  falling  into  desuetude,  and  the  administration 
system  had  not  been  perfected,  required  that  the  enci^ies 
of  the  people  should  be  employed  for  the  Emperor  and 
the  nation.*  We  thus  have  Kochi  and  later  on  Hizen 
among  the  clans  which  helped  to  bring  about  the  Resto- 
ration, working  for  the  extension  of  the  power  of  the 
people,  while  the  Government  was  in  the  main  conduct- 
ed by  Satsuma  and  Choshu  men. 

A  step  towards  the  creation  of  a  Representative  As- 
sembly was  again  taken  in  the  establishment  of  a  De- 
liberative Assembly  of  Local  Authorities  by  an  Imperial 
Decree  of  May  2,  1874  wherein  it  was  affirmed  that  the 
Imperial  desire  was  eventually  to  assemble  representatives 
of  all  the  people  and  to  determine  tlie  laws  in  ac- 
cordance with  public    opinion. t       The    Chamber    was    to 

*  Other  political  associations  also  were    formed    in    Tosu,    such    as    the 
X  Count  Inoue  Kaoru,  \vli()>e  laLnjurs    in    connection  with    the    progress 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  375 

have  been  opened  on  the  loth  of  September  1874,  but 
in  August  of  that  year  postponement  was  decreed  for 
the  reason  that  Dkubo,  Minister  for  Home  Affairs,  was 
then  absent  in  China  as  High  Commissioner  Extra- 
ordinary endeavouring  to  arrive  at  a  settlement  of  the 
Formosan  affairs  with  the  Chinese  Government.  Before 
calling  the  Local  Officials  together  it  was  necessary  to 
ascertain  whether  it  was  to  be  peace  or  war,  lest  ex- 
citement in  the  provinces  should  lead  to  mischief. 
Eventually  the  Assembly  met  on  the  20th  of  June  i875» 
the  ceremony  being  performed  by  H.M.  the  Emperor 
in  person.  An  incident  which  aroused  the  ire  of  the  press 
was  the  refusal  to  allow  newspaper  representatives  to  be 
present.  Kido  was  the  first  President  of  the  Assembly 
and  the  attention  of  the  members  was  as  a  commence- 
ment called  to  the  matter  of  Roads  and  Bridges.  The 
question  of  a  Popular  Assembly  came  up  for  considera- 
tion in  July,  and,  to  the  great  disappointment  of  those 
who  supported  the  cause  of  the  people,  it  was  decided 
that  the  condition  of  the  country  was  not  such  as  to 
warrant  such  a  step  in  advance,  the  Local  Authorities 
giving  the  weight  of  their  influence  in  favour  of  Assem- 
blies of  Ku  cho  and  Ko  cho  instead.  Meetings  were  to 
be  held  annually,  but  owing  to  the  Satsuma  rebellion 
they  were  suspended  for  a  few  years.  The  second 
session  opened  in  April  1878,  Ito  being  President. 

In  187s  a  temporary  reconciliation  took  place  between 
,the  statesmen  in  office  and  those  who  had  given  up 
their  official  positions.     A    meeting  between  Okubo,    Ito, 


of  Japan,  must  be  borne  in  mind,  when  Acting  Minister  of  Finance* 
summoned  the  Local  Authorities  to  Tokio  in  1872  to  deliberate  upon 
matters  oomiected  with  local  financial  administration. 


3/6  Lay  :^-Tke  Bditical  RwtUs  cf  Jafon. 

Hido,  and  Itagaki,  was  brought  about  at  Osaka  on  Jan- 
uary lo,  and  it  was  agreed  that  a  pariiatnentaiy  system 
should  be  erected  as  being  the  best  means  to  meet  the 
national  rcquirements.  Itagaki  and  Kido  then  accepted 
their  old  offices  of  Councillors  of  State.  On  the  17th  of 
March  the  four  officials  mentioned  were  commanded  to 
make  investigations  together  regarding  the  constitution 
of  the  Government  and,  as  a  result  of  their  report  on  their 
Enquiries,  the  Sa-In  and  the  U-In  were  abolished  and  the 
Genro  in  {jtM^)  Senate  was  established  on  April  14,  1875, 
and  also  the  Dai  Shin  In  (High  Court  of  Justice). 

On  July  5,  1875  the  Emperor  delivered  a  speech  00 
the  occasion  of  the  opening  of  the  Genro  In  in  which 
He  declared  its  establishment  as  a  legislative  Body  of 
Gikwan  (Delibeiative  officials).  Among  the  members  of 
the  Genrd  In  were  G5t5  Shojiro,  Vice  President,  Yanagi- 
wara  Sakimitsu,  sko  shit,  Katsu  Yasuyoshi,  sho  sJUi, 
Ogue  Tsune,  jusAii,  Yuri  KuitmiSSi,  jusAH,  Mutsu  Mune- 
mitsu,  S/id  g(hi^  Torio  Koyata,  and  Miura  Goro,  skd  go4 
and  sko  skit  of  the  War  Department,  Kono  Tashikawa, 
sho  go-i,  and  Kat5  Hiroyuki,  jugoi. 

But  the  reunion  in  official  circles  was  not  of  toog 
duration.  In  the  Autumn  of  1875  the  "  Unyo  kan"  was 
fired  on  by  Koreans  in  the  vicinity  of  Kokwa  (jl  ||||) 
island  and  the  question  arose  whether  or  not  war  should 
be  declared  against  the  Peninsular  Kingdom.  Itagaki 
favoured  vigorous  measures.  He  was  also  dissatisfied 
with  the  measure  of  administrative  reform  attained. 
Accordingly,  on  October  12,  he  presented  a  Memorial 
to  the  Emperor  urging  the  separation  of  the  Council  of 
State  from  the  Executive  Departments.  Shimazu  Hisa- 
mitsu,    Sadaijittf    a    few    days    later,    presented   a    similar 


Lay : — The  Ihlitical  Parties  cf  Japan,  yj'j 

Memorial  in  which  he  expressed  his  concurrence  with 
the  views  expressed  by  Itagaki.  The  outcome  was  that 
both  of  them  were  on  the  27th  relieved  of  office  at  their 
own  request  on  March  28»  1876.  Inouc  too  was  similarly 
relieved  of  his  duties. 

1875  also  saw  the  liberty  of  the  press,  of  public  speech, 
^nd  of  publication  considerably  restricted.     The  Govern- 
ment,   not    without    reason,    feared    the    consequences   of 
complete    freedom    of  expression    of  public  opinion  while 
the    newspapers    complained    that    they    were    hampei^ 
^nd  fettered,  and,  in  at  least  one  instance,  were  punished 
merely  for  complaining  of  the    severity  of  the  law.     The 
jiew    Press    Laws    were    promulgated    on    July    28,    and 
^heir    stringency   created    widespread  consternation.     One 
newspaper   .stated    that    they    had    at  once  put  a  stop  to 
^Dublic    discussion    throughout    the    Empire.       Even     tlie 
Tiioderate    Nichi  Nichi   Shimbun   fell    under   the    ban    of 
official  displeasure.      Imprisonment  of  editors  and  suspen- 
2sion  of  newspapers  were  matters  of  common  occurence.* 
Jt   was  no    wonder   that    constant  attempts  were  made  to 
<ievade    the    laws    as,    for    instance,    by     substituting     the 
viame  of  some    other  country  for  Japan  in  an  article  and 
^hen    giving   vent   to    their    feelings    in   reference  to  that 
ther  country  so  that  any  one  reading   between  the  lines 
ould    see    that   Japan    was  meant.       The  complaint  was 
lade  that  Japan  was  a  pure  absolute  monarchy  and  that 
^ihe    real    legislative    and    judicial    powers    lay    with    the 
^Dabinet  Ministers. 

But,  in  spite    of  all  this  apparent  reaction,   the  course 


•  At   one  time   there  vrere  over   30  newspaper  contributors    in   prison 
I  Tokio  alone. 


37^  Lay : — ^754^  Pblitical  Parties  of  Japan, 

of  events  tended  generally  towards  the  goal  of  Con- 
stitutional Government. 

According  to  an  Imperial  message  made  known  by 
Prince  Arisugawa,  President  of  the  Genroin,  to  it« 
members  on  September  6,  1876,  that  body  was  entrusted 
with  the  duty  of  drafting  a  Constitution  by  an  extensive 
consideration  of  the  legal  systems  of  foreign  countries 
and  the  employment  upon  mature  reflection  of  the  ideas 
therein  embodied  when  suitable.  A  Committee  of  investi- 
gation was  appointed  consisting  of  Nakajima  Nobuyuki, 
the  first  President  of  the  present  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, Yanagiwara  Sakimitsu,  Bukuha  Bisei.  But 
an  unfortunate  check  was  given  to  progress  by  the 
troubles  which  arose  the  following  month  and  which 
preceded  the  outbreak  of  the  Satsdma  rebellion  in  Jan- 
uary   1877. 

While  the  civil  war  was  in  progress  it  was  feared  that 
disaffection  might  spread  to  other  parts  of  the  Empire 
and  Itagaki  had  returned  to  Tosa  in  order  to  exercise  a 
restraining  influence  upon  his  followers.  The  Risshi  sha, 
acting  in  concert  with  the  Sciken  sha  held  consultations 
regarding  the  conduct  of  the  Government  and  the  need 
for  an  Elective  Assembly  to  cure  the  evils  the 
State  was  suffering  from.  On  May  14,  1877,  Kataoka 
Kenkichi,  as  representative  of  the  Risshisha^  presented  a 
lengthy  Memorial  to  the  Imperial  Court  at  Kioto.  It 
was  pointed  out  therein  that  when  the  Feudal  Princi- 
palities were  converted  into  Prefectures,  an  Assembly  of 
samurai  should  have  been  convened  and  public  discussion 
further  developed.  But  instead  of  that  the  Government 
behaved  in  an  arbitrary  manner  and  to  this  could  be 
traced  all  the  ills  of  the  present  maladministration.     Neither 


iMy  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  379 

!ie  Genro  In  nor  the  Daishin  In  had  fulfilled  the  natural 
xpectation  raised  at  the  time  of  their  institution. 
ustice  had  not  been  done  to  the  Samurai,  Their  offices 
ad  been  abolished  but  no  laws  had  been  framed  for 
leir  protection,  nor  were  they  admitted  to  a  share  in  the 
eliberations  of  the  Government.  Other  grievances  such 
5  the  financial  conditions  were  also  touched  upon.  In 
Dnclusion  it  was  represented  that  the  establishment  of 
1  elective  assembly  and  the  enactment  of  Constitutional 
aws  were  the  means  by  which  a  free  and  independent 
)i:it  could  be  fostered  among  the  people  and  they 
)uld  receive  settled  ideas  upon  politics. 

The  attention  of  the  Government  had  been  anxiously 
>ced  upon  Kochi  for  some  time  as  it  was  feared  that 
ibellion  might  spread  thither  from  the  South.  Measures 
ere  taken  to  prevent  any  recourse  to  force,  and  arrests 

men  who  had  come  to  the  front  there  and  in  other 
irts  of  the  country  w6re  effected.  For  example,  Kata- 
va  Kenkichi,  Hayashi  Yuzo,  *  Oe  Taku,  Takenouchi 
suna,  Mutsu  Munemitsu,  a  samurai  of  Wakayama,  and 
tcrwards  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  others  who 
id  been  taken  into  custody  were  sentenced  to  various 
rnis  of  imprisonment  in  the  summer  of  1878.  After 
le  rebellious  outbreak  had  been  quelled,  the  power  of 
le  central  Government  was  found  to  rest  upon  a  firmer 
isis  than  ever,  and  the  movers  in  the  cause  of  popular 
:presentation  deemed  it  necessary  to  institute  a  political 
impaign  throughout  the  country,  to  revive  the  interest  in 
le  question  which  was  languishing.  It  was  decided  to 
!suscitate  the  Aikokusha  which  had  practically  ceased  to 


*A  Samurai  of  Kochi  Ken. 


380  Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

exist  except  in  name,  and  Sugita  Teiichi,  Kuribara  Rio 
ichi,  Ueki  Emori,  Yasuoka  Michitaro,  in  April  1878  pre 
ceeded  on  a  tour  throughout  the  country  to  re-awakei 
the  people,  visiting  the  Kinai,  Hokuriku,  Sanin,  Sanyc 
Shikoku  and  Kiushu  Provinces.  The  cause  of  public  dis 
cussion  was,  however,  for  *  the  moment  brought  into  dis 
credit  by  the  misguided  act  of  certain  of  its  adherents 
Okubo,  who  had  for  so  many  of  the  years  of  the  ne^ 
life  of  Japan  been  a  pillar  of  the  State,  was  killed  o 
May  14,  and  his  six  murderers  issued  a  paper  settin; 
forth  the  alleged  crimes  of  their  victim,  in  the  forefror 
of  which  was  the  charge  of  obstructing  open  discussio 
and  trampling  on  the  rights  of  the  people.  The  death  c 
Dkubo  prevented  him  from  beholding  the  reforms  calcu 
lated  to  further  the  growing  and  widely  expressed  desir 
for  representation  which  he  had  largely  contributed  t 
bring  about,  and  which  were  announced  two  months  latei 
On  July  22,  1878  were  published  *  three  enactment 
passed  by  the  Chiho-Kwan  Kwaigi  having  a  most  iiti 
portant  bearing  on  the  conduct  of  local  affairs  and  making 
for  localization.  These  were  the  Fu  Ken  Kwai  Kisok 
(Regulations  relating  to  Fu  and  Ken  assemblies),  the  Cht 
hpzei' — Kisoku  (Regulations  relating  to  local  Taxation),  an( 
the  Gun  Kticho  sonhenseiho  (Law  for  the  formation  c 
country  and  City  Districts,  towns  and  villages).  A  larg 
measure  of  local  autonomy  was  thereby  conceded. 

While  liberal  principles  were  thus  asserting  themselve 
within  the  Government,  the  idea  of  the  people  obtaining 
a  share  in  the  direction  of  affairs  spread  and  even  mad< 
converts    among    the    higher    officials    in    the    Provinces 


♦The  San  Dai  Shimpo  (H:^JfS). 


^ 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  381 

Sympathy  on  the  part  of  several  of  the  Local  Authorities 
was  hailed  with  rejoicing,  as  they  were  regarded  as  the 
representatives  of  the  people  of  the  Prefectures.  In  Sep- 
tember 1878  a  large  meeting  of  sympathizers  with  the 
popular  aspirations  was  held  at  Osaka  and  in  its  sequel 
the  Aikokus/ia  came  to  life  again  Similar  societies  ex- 
tended throughout  the  Northern  Provinces,  Shikoku  and 
Kiushu.  The  Aikokiisha  held  a  second  largely  represent- 
ative meeting  at  Osaka  in  March  1879,  to  which  a  num- 
ber of  associations  sent  delegates,  and  at  a  further  assembly 
which  took  place  in  the  following  November,  a  determi- 
nation was  expressed  to  present  a  petition  to  the  Govern- 
ment praying  for  the  grant  of  a  national  assembly,  the 
means  for  giving  effect  to  their  wishes  to  be  carefully 
considered  and  to  be  discussed  in  March  of  the  next 
year.  Speakers  were  also  to  be  despatched  to  various  parts 
of  the  country  to  arouse  local  enthusiasm.  The  views  of  the 
Society  were  at  the  same  time  disseminated  by  pamphlets. 
Accordingly  the  Aikokusha  met  again  in  March  1880  when 
its  supporters  formed  themselves  into  an  association  Call- 
ed the  Kokkwai  Kisei  Dontei  Kwai  (g^^jftlPjai^), 
Union  for  the  establishment  of  a  Parliament.  Mr.  Kata- 
oka  and  Kono  were  appointed  delegates  to  undertake  the 
presentation  of  the  petition.  They  proceeded  to  T5kio  as 
*  representatives  selected  by  the  ninety  seven  persons 
^ho  were  acting  on  behalf  of  twenty  two  Prefectures,  two 
cities,  and  eighty  seven  thousand  people,  and  attempted  to 
Iiand  their  prayer  first  to  the  Dajokzvan  and  then  to  the 
Cenrd'In,  Refusal  to  receive  it,  however,  met  them,  on 
^he  ground  that  no  provision    existed    for    the    receipt   of 


*  Kemeito  Shdsht\ 


382  Lay : — Hie  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

political  petitions.  Many  other  documents  of  similar  im- 
port found  their  way  to  Tokid  from  various  localities,  and 
it  was  claimed  that  by  the  end  of  April  seven  or  eight 
tenths  of  the  whole  people  had  made  their  voice  heard 
urging  that  a  Parliament  be  given  them.  To  restrain  this 
clamour  for  a  parliament  repeated  from  so  many  quarters, 
and  to  control  the  crowded  gatherings  which  were  con- 
vened with  this  as  their  avowed  object,  lest  any  distur- 
bance might  arise,  the  Government  promulgated  the  Law  of 
Public  Meetings  on  April  3,  1880.  The  meetings  of  the 
old  Aikokusha  at  Osaka  were  thereby  put  a  stop  to,  and 
the  association  for  a  time  obliterated  itself  only  to  re- 
appear in  the  future  in  a  stronger  and  more  permanent 
shape.  The  stringent  ineasures  taken  by  the  Grovernment, 
though  conceived  rather  with  the  object  of  controlling 
the  more  unruly  elements  among  the  political  societies, 
were  strongly  resented  by  the  public  at  large.  The  move* 
ment  in  favour  of  a  national  assembly  was  declared  by 
its  devotees  to  be  ten  times  stronger  than  that  which  oc- 
casioned the  overthrow  of  the  Tokugawa  rule.  In  the 
latter  case  only  the  samurai  ditid  higher  grades  of  society 
had  taken  an  active  part.  Now  the  entire  population 
was  vitally  interested.  Events  proved  the  correctness  of 
this  judgment.  The  late  Mr.  Fukuzawa  was  much  in- 
terested in  this  as  in  all  other  questions  aflecting  the 
national  life,  and  he  expressed  an  opinion  in  one  of  his 
works  that  the  best  way  to  bring  the  Government  and 
people  into  proper  touch  with  each  other  was  by  a 
National  Asaembly. 

Meanwhile  the  Government    were    continuing  upon  th 
the  lines    of  gradual   progress    in    legislation   &c.       Th 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japayi,  383 

*  Criminal  Code  and  Code  of  Criminal  Procedure,  for  exam- 
ple, were  issued  in  1880  (July).  Public  opinion,  however, 
was  by  this  time  a  force  which  had  to  be  reckoned  with  in 
1  manner  different  from  the  attention  which  it  had  claimed 
It  any  previous  period  in  the  history  of  Japan.  Among 
the  ranks  of  the  Government  there  was  a  growing  feeling 
that  a  reasonable  measure  of  concession  to  the  wishes  of 
the  people  could  not  be  delayed  much  longer.  In  the 
spring  of  1880  a  proposal,  according  to  the  Kemei  slioshi, 
emanated  from  f  Marquis  Yamagata  to  the  effect  that  a 
Parliament  should  be  constituted  by  selection  from  among 
the  members  of  the  City  and  Prefectural  assemblies. 
Lieut.-General  Torio  Koyata  also  published  his  views  re- 
garding constitutional  and  Parliamentary  administration. 
But  amongst  the  officials  Count  (then  Mr)  C>kuma,  pro- 
bably more  than  any  other  statesman,  had  the  cause  of  the 
people  at  heart,  and  sympathized  with  their  desire  for  re- 
presentation. He  offered  a  suggestion  to  the  Emperor 
regarding  the  advisability  of  a  national  assembly  being 
opened  in  the  near  future  (1883).  It  was  not  long  before 
his  hopes  were  realized. 

In  the  annals  of  domestic  politics  in  Japan  the  year 
1 88 1  stands  out  conspicuously.  On  the  12th  of  October 
His  Majesty  The  Emperor  promulgated  the  famous  Im- 
perial Ordinance  in  which  the  promise  was  given  that  a 
Parliament  should  actually  be  established  in  1890.  As 
a  preparatory  measure  ltd,  in  company  with  a  number  or 
junior  officials,  was  despatched  to  Europe  early  in  1882 
to  study  the  political  systems  of  the  west. 

The  various  associations  scattered  throughout  the  coun- 


♦  Keiho  and  chigihd. 
t  then  Count. 


384  Lay : — The  Pblitical  Parties  of  Japan, 

try,  with  reform  and  popular  representation  as  their  aim, 
now  found  themselves  within  measurable  distance  of  their 
goal.  The  next  step  to  be  taken  was  re-organization  on 
the  lines  of  parties  entitled  to  compete  in  the  election  of 
members  of  the  Diet  Consequently  tlie  year  1882  saw 
the  actual  birth  of  the  three  important  parties  which  are 
still  in  existence,  though  the  names  by  which  tliey  have 
been  know  have  been  altered  aj;  various  stages  of  their 
history. 

To  the  Jiyuto^  or  Liberal  Party  as  it  has  been  com- 
monly called,  belongs  the  credit  of  being  the  senior  in 
the  field,  thought  it  was  not  really  the  first  to  be  proper- 
ly registered  as  a  political  association.  The  part  played 
by  Itagaki  in  the  awakening  and  organization  of  the 
pDlitical  energies  of  the  Empire  and  this  establishment  of 
the  Aikokusha  and  the  Kokwai  Kisei  Domei  Kwai  has 
already  been  referred  to.  In  November  1880  the  last 
named  union  held  a  meeting  attended  by  sixty  for  dele- 
gates repi*esentative  of  *  two  cities  and  twenty  two  Prefec- 
tures. It  was  decided  to  change  the  name  of  the  society 
to  the  Dai  Nippon  Kokkwai  Kisei  Yushi  Kwai  {^  H  4^ 
Bi^^^^'^#)i  Public  Association  of  persons  in  sym- 
pathy with  the  idea  of  the  establishment  of  a  Parliament 
in  Japan.  A  determination  was  arrived  at  to  organize  a 
party  with  fixed  principles  based  upon  the  idea  of  freedom. 
This  was  practically  the  first  formal  recognition  of  the 
necessity  for  political  parties  on  well  defined  lines.  Thus 
the  Jiyutoy   party    of  freedom  or  Liberal  Party,  acquired 


*  Kiato  and  Osaka  and  the  Prefectures  of  Fukuoka,  Shimane,  Ishikawa, 
Ehime,  Nagano,  Mumamoto,  Akita,  Aiclii,  Kochi,  Gumma,  Aomori,  Fuku- 
shima,  ^Shiga,  Niigata,  Tochigi,  Okayama,  Ibaraki,  Hid^,  Iwate,  Oita, 
Miyagi,  and  Saitama. 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  385 

its  name.  A  manifesto  was  drawn  up  consisting  of  three 
articles.  Desire  to  enlarge  the  freedom  of  the  Japanese 
people,  to  extend  tl*eir  rights  and  afford  them  protection 
was  the  raison  d*etre  of  the  party.  The  Jiyuto  would 
labour  for  national  progress  and  the  growth  of  the  hap- 
piness of  the  people.  In  their  opinion  all  Japanese  pos- 
sessed equal  rights  and  Constitutional  Government  was 
befitting  to  Japan.  On  October  29,  i88i  the  ceremony 
of  establishing  the  party  was  performed  at  the  Ibumura- 
ro,  Asakusa,  Tokio.  At  the  same  time  the  Dai  Nippon 
Kokkzvm  Kisei  Kokivaiy  which  had  still  remained  in  ex- 
istence, was  amalgamated  with  the  Jiyuto,  the  step  being 
taken  because  it  was  felt  that  the  multiplication  of  parties 
united  in  principle  was  disadvantageous.  The  headquar- 
ters of  the  liyuto  were  established  at  No.  9  Yariyacho, 
(Ciobashi  District,  Tokio.  Officials  were  appointed  as 
follow — Itagaki.  President ;  Nakajima  Nobuyuki,  Vice 
President;  Goto  Shojiro,  Baba  Tatsue,  Suehiro  Shigeyasu, 
Takenouchi  Tsuna,  Standing  Committee.  Thus  the  party 
was  fully  organized.  It  was,  however,  not  until  July  8, 
1882  that  official  sanction  to  the  constitution  of  i\\Q  Jiyuto 
as  a  political  party  was  obtained.  Prior  to  that  date  the 
party  had  come  into  conflict  with  the  police  for  infringe- 
ment of  the  La^v  of  Public  meetings  by  holding  gather- 
ings which  had  not  been  reported  beforehand  to  the 
proper  authorities.  The  Managers  of  the  party  were 
mulcted  in  fines.  ^ 

Rikken  kat-shin-id  (43l2fei§jll[)»  Constitutional  Reform 
Tarty,  or  Liberal  Conservatives  as  they  have  been  termed, 
^he  progenitor  of  the  Shimpoto  and  the  later  Kensei-hon-td, 
AAfas  established  in  the  early   months  of  1882.     It  had  its 
»"ise  among  the  moderate  reformers   in  the  ranks  of  official- 


386  Lay : — Tlu  Politieal  Parties  of  Japan, 

dom  whose  watchword  was  slow  but  steady  progress. 
Mr.  Okuma's  advocacy  of  the  urgency  of  establishing  a 
popular  assembly  had  raised  up  for  him  enemies  among 
his  colleagues  and  his  opposition  to  the  sale  of  industrial 
undertakings  in  the  H5kkaid5  had  widened  the  breach. 
To  him  was  due  the  credit  of  lending  the  weight  of  his 
influence  to  the  popular  cause,  and  he  turned  to  the  people 
for  their  assistance  in  the  work  of  reform.  According  to 
the  Gd-dd-ken-ko-roku,  Mr.  Dkuma  had  no  intention  of 
limiting  his  efforts  to  obtaining  an  elective  assembly  for 
the  people.  He  had  at  heart  the  achievement  of  great 
reforms  of  State  and  desired  to  rally  round  him  those  of 
the  .same  way  of  thought  throughout  the  country,  in 
order  to  be  prepared  for  the  changes  which  the  times 
were  bringing  about.  Among  his  sympathizers  he  coun- 
ted Ono  Azusa,  who  was  regarded  as  one  of  the  ablest 
men  of  the  day,  Ogawa  Tamejiro,  Tachibana  Kwaijiro, 
Ichijima  Kenkichi,  Yamada  Ichird,  Takata  Sanae,  Oka- 
yama  Kenkichi,  and  Amano  Tameyuki.  Meetings  for  the 
discussion  of  the  question  of  a  political  organization  and 
of  matters  relating  to  a  Constitution  were  held  at  Ono's 
house,  and  the  society  which  collected  there  was  known 
as  the  0-to-kwai  (g|^^).  Th§  avowed  object  of  Mr. 
Dkuma  in  interesting  himself  in  political  parties  was  to 
place  the  Cabinet  on  a  democratic  basis  and  not  have 
the  authority  in  the  hands  of  a  particular  class. 

The  better  to  fulfil  what  he  conceived  to  be  his  duty, 
Okuma  resigned  his  official  posts  in  October  188 1, 
carrying  with  him  a  number  of  the  most  promising  of 
the  Government  servants.  Those  who  followed  him  from 
office  included  Yano  Fumio,  Secretary  to  the  Dafdkwan, 
Inukai    Ki,    and   Ozaki    Yukio    of  the   Account    Depart- 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Jxipan.  387 

m^nt,  Nakamigawa  Hikojiro  and  Komatsubara  Eitaro, 
both  of  the  Foreign  Office,  Shimada  Sabiiro  and  Tanaka 
Kozo  of  the  Department  of  Education,  Kono  Binken  (Toshi- 
gania)  Minister  of  Agriculture  and  Commerce,  *  Mae* 
jima  Mitsu  Postmaster-General,  Judge  Kilabatake  Haru^ 
fusn,  Ono  Azusa  of  the  Bureau  of  Audit,  Mudaguchi 
Gengaku  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture  and  Com- 
merce, imd  Nakano  Buei  of  the  same  Department,  as 
-well  as  others.  On  April  8,  1882  a  Cherry  Garden 
Party  was  held  in  the  grounds  of  Mr.  Okuma's  residence 
near  Kijibashi,  now  occupied  by  the  French  Legation. 
Among  the  guests  were  Messrs  Ono,  Ogawa,  Takata, 
Jctiijima,  Okayama,  Amano,  Yamada  Ichijiio,  Yamada 
Kinosuke,  Sunakawa  Yushun,  Kimura  Takejiro,  Kosaki 
KQiTvatar5,  Isobc  Jun,  Kitadai  Masaru,  and  Ishiwatari. 
The  meeting  was  an  occasion  for  political  discussion  and 
plans  for  organization,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  in- 
augural ceremony  which  was  performed  at  the  Meiji 
Kaidd  on  the  i6th.  The  headquarters  of  the  Kaishinto, 
as  the  party  was  commonly  called,  were  located  in  the 
building  just  mentioned,  14  Nichome,  Kobikicho,  Kio- 
bashi  District,  Tokio.  Mr.  Okuma  was  the  first  Presi- 
dent, Kono  Benken,  Vice-President,  Ono,  f  Mudaguchi 
and  X  Haruki  Yoshiaki  being  Managers.  The  inclination 
•was  towards  English  parliamentary  institutions  as  a 
model.  The  manifesto  of  the  party  ran  as  follows:— (i) 
The  preservation    of   the  dignity    of   the    Imperial  House 


♦  Created  a  Baron  on  the  occasion  of  the  celebration  of  the  25th  an- 
niversary of  the  accession  of  Japan  to  the  International  Postal  Union, 
June  1902. 

t  Now  President  of  the  Tokio  Tramway  Co. 

X  President  of  the  Tokio  Appeal  Court. 


388  Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

and  the  perfecting  of  the  happiness  of  the  people,  (2) 
Internal  reform  to  be  the  principal  end  in  view  and  the 
national  rights  to  be  extended,  (3)  Local  Self-Govem- 
ment  and  restriction  of  centralization,  (4)  Extension  of 
the  franchise  pari  passu  with  the  progress  of  society, 
(5)  Negotiations  with  foreign  countries  in  regard  to 
points  of  policy  to  be  limited,  and  commercial  negotia- 
tions strengthened,  (6)  The  principle  c»f  a  hard  money 
system  to  be  maintained.  Superiority  was  indirectly 
claimed  for  the  Kaishinto  in  the  matter  of  personnel  as 
compared  with  the  Jiyuto.  In  the  Go  do  gen-koroku  it  is 
stated,  as  a  quotation  from  the  Tsui-shi-roku  of  Yamada 
Ichiro,  that  in  the  ranks  of  tlie  Jiyuto  there  were  at  the 
beginning  no  scholars,  and  that  they  could  indeed  only 
count  one  such  who  was  in  sympathy  with  them,  viz. 
Fujita  Shiro,  because  of  the  violence  and  radical  views 
of  the  party,  but  it  is  at  the  same  time  admitted  that 
there  were  not  at  the  time  many  such  men  to  be  found 
in  any  of  the  rival  camps.  Socially  the  Kaishinto  no 
doubt  ranked  above  the  JiyTtto.  After  the  complete 
t)rganization  of  the  Kaishinto,  the  Akiba  Kwai  {1^  H  ^) 
for  the  investigation  of  questions  concerning  the  Con- 
stitution was  set  on  foot  by  Ono  and  others. 

What  was  styled  the  Meiji  Grovernment  Party,  the  third 
and  last  of  the  three  great  parties,  namely,  the  Rikken 
Tei  sei  to  (it  ^^l&i  3K)»  ^'^'  Constitutional  Imperial 
Party,  arose  in  March  1882  as  an  opponent  of  the  more 
advanced  and  popular  parties.  Among  its  chief  pro-f 
moters  must  first  be  mentioned  Fukuchi  Genichird  of  the 
Nichi  Nichi  Shimbuii  which  was  then  known  as  the  go* 
yd  sJiimbun  official  newspaper,  and  advocated  careful 
advance,    attacking    the    radical    politicians    on    frequent 


Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  389 

occasions.  The  other  promoters  were  Mizuno  Torajiro 
of  the  Toyo  Shimbiin,  Mariiyama  Sakura  of  the  conser* 
vative  Meiji  Nippo,  Misaki  Kamenosuke,  Seki  Naohiko 
and  Watanabe  Asaka.  On  March  18,  1882  the  Rikken 
Tei-sei'to  was  formed  and  its  formation  was  publicly  an- 
nounced early  in  April.  The  programme  of  the  party 
was  ennunciated  in  eleven  articles.  The  points  insisted 
upon  were  : — 

1.  The  opening  of  the  Diet  in   1890,  which  the  party 
accepted  as  determined  by  Imperial  Ordinance. 

2.  Approval    of  the     Constitution    as     it    should     be 
determined  by  Imperial  order. 

3.  The  Sovereign  Power  lies  in  the  Emperor,  but   its 
exercise  is  governed  by  the  Constitution. 

4.  There  should  be  two  houses  in  the  Diet. 

5.  Members  must  have  certain  qualifications. 

6.  The  Diet  to  discuss  and  settle  laws. 

7.  The  final  determination    of  questions    to    rest  with 
the  Emperor. 

8.  Naval     and     military    men     to     keep    aloof   from 
politics. 

9.  Judicial  officers  to  be  independent  with  the  gradual 
completion  of  the  Judicial  system. 

10.  Public  freedom  of  meeting  and  speech  in  so  far 
as  it  does  not  interfere  with  national  tranquility. 
Freedom  of  newspaper  writing,  public  speaking, 
and  publication  within  the  limits  of  law. 

11.  The  existing  paper  money  system  to  be  gradually 
changed  for  convertible   paper  money. 

The  more  noticeable  difference  between  this  declaration 
and  the  expressed  principles  of  the  JiyTitb  and  Kaishinto 
is  its  more  conservative  nature. 


390  Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

Political  parties  were  at  this  time  forbidden  by  IdW 
to  have  branches  in  the  provinces.  On  official  re- 
cognition being  obtained  all  local  offshoots  had  to  be 
dissolved.  In  consequence,  a  multitude  of  parties  of 
divers  names  sprang  up  all  over  the  country. 

To  the  Jiy'tto  were  as  it  were,  affih'ated  the  Osakal 
Rikken  Seitdy  Shizuoka  Gakunan  JiyTUo,  Kochi  Kainan 
Jiyuto,  A\\d]\  JiyutOy  T  tsu  JiyutOy  Mikawa  Sanyo  Jiyuto^ 
Aitchi  Jiyuto,  Etchu  Jichito,  Echigo  Kubiki  sangim  Ji- 
yutOi  O'tl  Tohoku  Shichi-shii  Jiyuto,  In  sympathy  with 
the  Kaishinto  were  the  Akita  Kaishinto,  the  Mito  Kai- 
shinto  of  Ibaraki,  the  Etchu  Kaishinto  of  Toyama,  the 
Shizuoka  Kaishinto,  the  Jakn-etsii  Kaishinto  of  Fukui, 
the  Hiogo  Kaishinto,  the  Rinsen  KaishintJ  of  Fukuoka. 
In  touch  with  the  Tci  sci  to  we  find  the  Kumamoto  57//- 
mci  Kw^Uy  Tosa  Koyo  Rikken  Tciseito,  Okayama  Chu-sei- 
Kwai,  Tango  Miyai:n  Zenshinto,  Yamanashi  Rikken  ho- 
shu  tOy  and  the  Tokio  Rikken  chu  sci  to  and  Fnso  Rikken 
tei-sci-t'j,  Tiicn,  outside  of  the  three  strong  parlies  were 
the  Hakuai-to  of  Kagoshima,  the  Ko-gi'Sci-to  of  Kuma- 
moto, the  Rikken  tci  sei  to  of  Chikuzen,  the  Fushaku-kwai 
of  Ehimc,  the  Db-yu-kwai  of  VVakayama,  the  Rio-yu-kwai 
of  Echizen,  the  Chi-kcn-kivai  of  Fukui,  the  Rikken-shin- 
sei'tb  of  Kanagawa,  the  No-o  JiyTi  Kai-shin-to  of  Noto, 
the  Senyu'kivai  of  Shizuoka,  the  Td-yo-sha-kwai'td  of 
Shimabara,  Hizen.  i882  may  well  be  called  the  year  of 
parties  in  Japan.  In  fact,  political  bodies  sprang  up 
everywhere  and  the  interest  exhibited  in  public  af&irs 
was  striking.  The  luse  of  the  word  rikken,  constitutional, 
in  the  nomenclature  of  so  many  of  the  political  bodies 
shows  what  importance  was  attached  to  the  principle  of 
constitutionalism  in  the  administration  of  the  Govemmenh 


Lay  : — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  Japan  391 

But  from  the  very  start  lack  of  cohesion  militated  greatfy 

against  successful  effort  and  efficiency  of  organization  and 

although  this  fault  was  to  some  extent  remedied  later  on 

when     circumstances     became    more    favourable     it     Ha^ 

always  continued   to    be    the  bane    of  political  parties  in 

Japan. 

It  will  be  remarked  that  the  utterances  of  the  various 
parties  when  they  first  came  into  existence  present  no 
features  in  the  main  of  a  distinctive  nature.  All  put  forth 
excellent  doctrines  but  they  were  strongly  characterized 
by  vagueness.  The  same  characteristic  has  been  notice- 
able throughout  their  history,  except  when  some  question 
of  urgency  has  for  the  moment  arisen.  This  is  no  doubt 
the  reason  why  the  grouping  has  constantly  changed, 
one  group  merging  into  another  and  secessions  oc- 
curring, frequently  without  apparent  cause.  TIk!  line  of 
cleavage  has  consequently  never  been  very  distinctly 
•drawn  and  men  have  all  the  time  passed  from  the  ranks 
of  one  party  to  ally  themselves  with  another.  Nor  is 
this  to  be  wondered  at  in  the  absence  of  any  concrete 
issue,  which  when  it  has  appeared,  has  invariably  con- 
solidated the  parties.  The  secret  appears  to  lie  in  the 
-feet  that  sentiment,  rather  than  fixed  and  definite 
principles  leading  to  well-defined  ends,  has  been  the 
motive  power. 

But  the  excitement  had  been  so  great  and  the  move- 
ttlent  so  rapid  that  the  reaction  was  bound  to  come 
-speedily.  1883  and  the  following  years  therefore 
-witnessed  a  falling  off  in  political  fervour  among  the 
people  and  disunion  and  disruption  among  the  parties. 
The  sure  promise  of  a  National  Assembly  for  1890  also 
€5ofitribUted    to    bring   about    a    relaxation    of   interest  in 


392  iMy  : — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

things  political.  Having  the  goal  of  their  desires  in 
view,  the  country  ceased  to  pay  the  same  concentrated 
attention  to  political  agitation.  Itagaki  had  in  his  mind  a 
trip  to  Europe  to  study  in  person  the  systems  of  Grov- 
ernment  and  methods  of  party  organization  in  use  abroad, 
but  the  scheme  was  temporarily  frustrated  by  the  wound 
he  received  in  an  attempt  made  by  Aibara  Shokei  to 
assassinate  him  at  a  gathering  at  Gifu  on  April  6,  1882, 
and  by  the  work  entailed  in  connection  with  the  issue  of 
the  Jiyu  Shimbtm.  But  he  eventually  sailed  for  Europe, 
in  company  with  Goto  on  November  11,  1882  and  was 
absent  from  Japan  till  June  of  the  following  year.  The 
absence  of  these  two  leaders  from  the  arena  removed  a 
check  upon  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party.  After  their 
departure  mutual  jealousies  arose  between  the  Jiyuto  and 
Kaishinto.  The  former  attacked  Okuma  and  his  followers 
violently  on  account  of  certain  improper  relations  alleged 
to  exist  between  them  and  the  Mitsu  Bishi  Company. 
For  their  part,  the  latter  accused  the  Jiyuto  of  giving  all 
their  time  to  personal  and  party  attacks  and  trying  to 
create  divisions  among  the  parties.  The  parties  were 
moreover,  divided  amongst  themselves.  For  example 
seceders  from  the  Jiyuto,  Messrs  Baba  Tatsui,  Oishi  Ma- 
sami,  Suehiro  Shigeyasu,  formed  the  Dokiiritsu  to.  It 
was  the  same  story  of  lack  of  discipline  which  has 
already  been  cited. 

Meanwhile  the  Authorities  saw  good  cause  for  anxiety 
lest  the  awakened  political  feeling  should  act  to  the  de- 
triment of  good  Government.  They  feared  the  large  in- 
temperate and  irresponsible  element  which  was  in  marked 
evidence  among  the  public  exponents  of  popular  rights 
and  took  steps   to    safeguard  the  interests    of   peace   and 


Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  393 

tranquillity.  By  stringent  measures,  which  never  failed 
to  err  on  the  side  of  severity,  they  endeavoured  to  re- 
strict full  liberty  of  speech,  public  meeting  and  news- 
paper writing.  Amended  newspaper  regulations,  issued 
on  April  16,  1883,  made  still  more  difficult  the  conduct 
of  newspapers.  The  proprietor,  editor,  manager,  as  well 
as  the  foreman  of  a  newspaper,  instead  of  the  editor 
alone  as  before,  were  made  liable  to  punishment  in  case 
of  infringement  of  the  provisions  of  the  law.  Not  only 
so,  but  the  amount  of  security  to  tie  deposited  by  per- 
sons wishing  to  start  a  newspaper  was  fixed  at  a  sum 
that  was  in  many  cases  prohibitive,  namely,  1,000  ycfi 
in  Tokio,  700  yen  in  Osaka,  Kioto,  Yokohama,  Hiogo, 
Kobe  and  Nagasaki  and  350  yen  in  other  places.  And 
the  dispersal  of  political  meetings  was  more  frequent  in 
1883  than  was  before. 

Numerous  were  the  proofs  that  the  Government  had 
reason  to  dread  the  effect  upon  the  ignorant  of  the  pro- 
pagation of  the  new  doctrines,  though  the  repressive 
measures  adopted  no  doubt  accentuated  the  difficulty  of 
the  situation.  Many  were  the  arrests,  and  suspension  of 
newspapers  was  frequent.  A  number  of  the  more  ex- 
treme adherents  of  the  '^JiyJito  came  in  for  much  censure 
for  their  violent  methods.  The  most  striking  instances 
of  infringement  of  the  law  which  furnished  the  chief 
handles    for   attack    to    their   enemies    were    the    f  Fuku- 

*  One  Japanese  newspaper  at  the  time  stated  that  the  public  had 
come  to  regard  them  as  Nihilists  or  Socialists. 

t  In  September  1883  judgment  was  given  in  this  affair,  in  which  the 
■overthrow  of  the  Government  had  been  attempted  ;  and  Kono  Hironaka 
was  sentenced  to  7  years'  minor  confinement,  and  Tamono  Hideaki  (who 
died  in  prison).  Kanaka  Kiojiro,  Aizawa  Xeiken,  Hirajima  Matsuo  to  a 
6  years*  term.     Subsequently  the  sentences  of  the  survivors  were  decreased* 


394  Lay' — The  Political  Parties  of  Jqpan, 

shima  affair,  the  *  Kabasan  affair,  and  the  f^^saka  affair. 
In  an  article  published  in  September  1883  the  inde- 
pendent Jiji  Shimpo  complained  that  politics  were  con- 
fined to  a  class  of  men  who  made  it  their  profession 
and  that  evils  consequently  resulted. 

All  the  parties,  though  so  recently  organized,  felt 
themselves  more  or  less  discredited.  The  Rikken  tei-sei 
to  from  its  inception  distrusted  by  the  Cabinet,  was  the 
first  to  reach  the  conclusion  that  it  would  be  better  that 
its  members  should  separate.  Dissolution  was  effected 
on  September  24,  1883.  Opposition  journals  at  the  time 
held  that  such  a  course  had  been  inevitable  sooner  or 
later.  There  was  no  need  for  a  special  Imperialist  asso- 
ciation in  a  country  where  all  were  loyal.  This  example 
was  followed  by  the  Jiyuto  a  year  later.  At  its  3rd 
annual  meeting  held  at  Osaka  on  October  29,  1884  it 
decided  that  dissolution  was  advisable  for  a  number  of 
reasons,  among  which  were  the  prohibition  against  the 
existence  of  branches  of  the  party,  the  restriction  of  the 
liberty  of  the  press,  and  internal  disunion.  But  this  de- 
termination was  based  upon  a  resolve  that  the  step 
should  be  a  temporary  one,  merely  taken  in  order  to 
gather  strength  for  further  effort.  In  the  case  of  the 
Kaishinto  also   there  was    a   strong    faction   in    favour   of 


*  In  September  1884  some  numbers  of  the  Jiyuto  plotted  to  overturn 
the  Government,  making  the  base  of  their  operations  at  Kabasan  in  Hi- 
tachi. Tominaga  Masayasu  and  four  others  were  sentenced  to  death,  not 
for  their  political  offence,  l)ut  on  a  charge  of  robbery  and  murder. 

t  On  November  23,  1885  Oi  Kentaro,  Kobayashi  Kusuo,  Arai  Shdgo, 
Inagaki  Shimtsu,  etc.,  were  accused  of  complicity  in  a  plot  to  raise  a  revo- 
lution in  Korea.  ( )i  and  Kobayashi  were  arrested  at  Osaka,  the  other 
two  at  Nagasaki.  The  first  three  named,  received  a  sentence  of  9  years 
penal  servitude,  subsequently  shortened. 


Lay: — The  Political  l\trtic$  of /n^n.  395 

dissolution.  The  financial  depression  prevailing  had  it8 
effect  on  politics,  and  it  was  maintained  by  Kono  who 
was  supported  by  Mudaguchi,  Haruki,  Fujita  Takayuki,  etc.> 
that  dispersal  and  a  guerilla  warfare  were  the  best  plan. 
Bui  opinions  were  divided.  Messrs  Okuma  and  Kono, 
the  President  and  Vice-President,  left  the  Kaishinto  on 
December  17*  1884  on  grounds  which  comprised  the 
lack  of  union  and  insubordination  existing  among  its 
members ;  and  the  party  was  reduced  to  a  condition  of 
weakness.  A  Committee  of  seven  was  appointed  to 
nianage  the  business  thereafter  and  consisted  of  Numa 
Shutchit  Fujita  Mokichi,  Shimada  Saburo,  Ozaki  Yukio, 
Koizuka  Riu»  Minoura  Katsundo,  Nakano  Buei.  In  the 
end  the  extreme  step  of  dissolution  was  advised,  and  the 
Kms/iinO  continued  to  drag  out  a  more  or  less 
moribund  existence  until  new  life  was  infused  into  it  by 
the  Spirit  of  the  movement  in  favour  of  the  amalgama- 
tion of  progressive  political  parties  in  common  opposition 
to  the  Government,  which  was  started  in  Kiushu  as  early 
as  1883  but  did  not  develop  strength  for  some  years 
later. 

The  Government  had  all  this  time  not  neglected  pre- 
paration for  the  inauguration  of  the  promised  Constitu- 
tion, ltd  Hirobumi,  the  great  Japanese  Statesman,  to 
whose  ability  and  research  the  Japanese  system  owes 
more  than  to  any  other  man,  returned  from  Europe  in 
August  1883  after  fully  completing  his  investigations, 
and  devoted  himself  to  the  work  of  drawing  up  the 
Constitution.  On  March  17,  1884  the  ^ Scido-tori-shirabe- 
khku    ($1  IK  %  M  J^)    was     formed    in     the     Imperial 


*  Bureau  for  investigation  concerning  the  Constitution. 


.-    ^   Ai 


396  Lay : — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

Household  Department  and  Ito  was  appointed,  head  over 
it.     H.E.  also  a  few  days  later  succeeded  Marquis  Toku- 
daiji   as    Minister    of    the    Department   in    question.     His 
constitutional  work   was   thus  closely  associated  with  the 
Imperial  House,  the  source  and  fountain    of  Government 
in  Japan,  in  order  that  the  task    might   be   accomplished 
under  the  personal  supervision  of  His  Majesty.     This  was 
the  reason,  given  by  reliable  authorities,  why  the  House- 
hold, rather  than  any  of  the  other  Departments  of  State, 
was  selected.     It  showed   clearly   that   the   Emperor  was 
to    remain     the    **  Head    of   the    Empire,   combining    in 
**  Himself  the  rights  of  sovereignty,"    though    it  was  43e- 
termined,  with  His  sanction,  that  tlieir  exercise  should  be 
thereafter  guided   by   the  provisions    of  the    Constitution 
which  was  a  free  gift  from  Him  to  His  people.     The  evolu- 
tion of  the  Constitution  went    on   apace.       To    pave    the 
way    for   the   Ordinance  regarding   the    House    of  Peers 
which  was  auxiliary   to   and  promulgated  along  with  the 
Constitution  on*  February   ii,   1889,  a    Notification    deter- 
mining the  new  Orders    of   Nobility  was  issued   on    July 
7,   1884.      Titles    were    conferred,    in    a    fashion    copied 
from  the  West,  upon  persons  of  noble  descent  and  upon 
<:ivil    and     military     officers    who    had    rendered     signal 
service    in    the    Restoration.      12    Princes,  24  Marquises, 
74  Counts,  321  Viscounts,  69    Barons  were .  created,   500 
Peers  in  all.     Various  other  reforms,  necessitated  by  the 
jiew    era    of   Constitutional    Government,  were    instituted. 
Towards   the    end    of  the  year  1885  the  Cabinet  system 
was  remodeled  and  the  present  arrangement  and    nomen- 
clature   of    Departments    of  State    was    introduced.      Ito 
became  Minister  President  besides    retaining   the    post    of 
Minister  of  the  Imperial  Household  Department. 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  397 

For  the  next  few  years  the  political  world  was  com- 
paratively calm.  Mr/  Itagaki  on  his  return  from  his 
European  trip,  did  not  justify  the  hope  that  a  renewal 
of  political  activity  would  immediately  follow,  going  at 
once  to  his  native  place.  The  intense  zeal  of  1882  was 
wanting,  but  all  the  time,  though  the  people  directed 
their  energies  principally  into  other  channels,  they  did 
not  allow  themselves  entirely  to  lose  interest  in  politics. 
Of  the  KaislUntd  during  this  time  it  was  said  that  its 
members  were  in  the  main  occupied  with  ordinary  affairs 
or  with  writing.  On  the  surface  there  was  little  to  indicate 
that  political  matters  interested  the  nation  at  large. 

Period     2. 

After  a  while,  however,  signs  of  returning  animation 
began  to  appear.  In  April  1886  the  Kaishintb  presented 
a  memorial  dealing  with  the  questions  of  local  Au- 
tonomy and  freedom  of  speech  and  public  Meeting.  Ill 
September  1886  a  number  of  the  prominent  adherents  of 
the  defunct  Jiyuto  met  for  consultation  in  Tokio  and 
sentiments  favourable  to  the  sinking  of  petty  differences 
arid  the  formation  of  one  great  united  party  were  ex- 
pressed. 

Some .  of  the  leaders  of  the  Kaishinto  were  alsfO 
.known  to  be  well-disposed  towards  union.  Here  wb 
have  the  Commencement  of  the  movement  towards  the 
creation  of  the  amalgamated  association  known  as  the 
Dcddo'danketsu  (:fc  ^  OB  IS)-  ^  Both  Itagaki  and  Goto 
used  their  influence  in  1887  to  effect  a  union  and 
political  activity  became  more  and  more  marked  from  the 
'year  mentioned.       The    *  Tei-gai    Club    (T^  (R  IS§  fi|5) 

*  Hinoto-i,  the  designation  of  the  year  1887.     Hence  the    '87  Club. 


398  Lay:—Tke  Pbfyicat  IhriUs  €f  Jhpm. 

was  formed  by  tiie  exertions  of  the  latter  in  October  and 
its  members  were  drawn  from  various  parties.  The 
manifesto  stated  that  the  object  was  the  imion  in 
practice  of  those  of  like  ideas  already  united  in  theory, 
organization  and  inter-communication. 

Rigorous  enforcement  of  the  regulations  regardiRg 
newspapers  and  public  meetings  was  continued  all  this 
time  by  the  Government.  Newspapers  were  as  before 
suspended  continually  and  it  was  practically  in/ipossibfe^ 
owing  to  the  minute  and  what  migiit  tie  temied 
vexatious  requirements  of  the  law,  to  hold  a  public 
meeting  uninterrupted  by  the  police  with  an  order  to 
dissolve.  The  natural  consequetice  of  the  deprivation  of 
freedom  of  public  meeting  was  the  holding  of  private 
and  secret  meetings  instead.  The  Government  were  well 
aware  of  the  growing  discontent  and  for  further  security 
considered  more  coercive  measures  necessary.  They 
issued  the  Ho-an  Jo-rei  (^  5Sc  1^  |f!|)»  Peace  Preservation 
Regulations,  on  December  25,  1887,  proliibiting  secret 
associations  under  a  penalty  of  minor  confinement  for 
not  less  than  one  month  and  not  more  than  two  years, 
in  addition  to  a  fine  from  10  to  100  yen.  Under  the 
ban  of  this  enactment  fell  such  well-known  men  as 
Hoshi  Toru,  Hayashi  Yuzo,  Nakajima  Nobuyuki,  Ozaki 
Yukio,  Kataoka  Kenkichi,  Nakae  Tokusuke,  Takenouchi 
Tsuna,  Nishiyama  Shicho  and  hundreds  of  others^  who 
were  banished  from  Tokio  to  a  distance  of  3  /7  at  24 
hours'  notice.  Great  was  the  excitement  which  followed 
the  enforcement  of  these  reactionary  regulations.  The 
revised  newspaper  regulations  issued  on  December  28, 
1887  were,  however,  a  distinct  advance  in  the  direction 
of  liberty. 


Lc^:^ — The  IVitical  Parties  cf  Japan.  y^ 

It  must,  nevertheless,  always  be  borne  in  mind  that, 
however  harsh  legislation  at  times  appeared,  the  Govern- 
ment pressed  steadily  forward  in  the  path  of  reform  and 
progress.  On  April  28,  1888  the  Sumitsu4n  (jfjl  ^  |^), 
Privy  Council,  was  formed  with  Ito  as  President,  a  Vice- 
President,  twelve  members  (of  whom  one  was  Kono 
Benken),  a  Chief  and  several  other  Secretaries.  This 
new  iKxly  was  created  that  it  might  constitute  an  ad- 
visory Chamber  to  The  Emperor  on  matters  of  State. 
It  was  understood  that  that  time  had  been  purposely 
chosen  for  its  inauguration  in  order  that  its  deliberations 
might  be  in  a  special  measure  concerned  with  questions 
which  might  ar»e  in  regard  to  the  National  Assembly 
and  tlie  Constitution.  The  creation  of  the  Council  was 
regarded  with  pkasure  by  the  people  and  its  member- 
ship, seemed  to  them  a  fulfilment  of  the  promise  given  by 
the  Emperor  to  select  as  his  advisers  men  of  ability.  The 
inaugural  ceremony  was  performed  by  H.M.  The  Emperor 
in  person  on  May  8.  On  his  appointment  as  President  of 
the  Privy  Council,  ltd  resigned  his  position  as  Minister 
President  of  State,  which  was  taken  by  Count  Kuroda. 
Thus  did  the  former  continue  to  concentrate  his  atten- 
tion upon  the  preparation  c^  the  Constitution.  On  May 
25,  1888  the  draft  of  the  Constitution  was  laid  before 
the  Privy  Council  for  consideration  in  the  presence  of 
the  Emperor. 

An  inqportant  political  even^  occurred  on  February  i, 
18S8  in  the  reconciliation  of  Count  Okuma  with  his 
focmer  Colleagues  and  his  re-entry  into  the  Government. 
He  this  time  took  the  portfolio  of  Foreign  Afi&irs.  It 
was  rumeoufed  that  the  consent  of  the  Count  to  resume 
office  was  obtained  oa  the  basis   of  the  adoption  by  tlie 


400  Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japein, 

Government  of  the  programme  of  the  KaisJnntd,  but  the 
exact  truth  did  not  transpire.  This  return  to  office  was, 
however,  welcomed  by  the  organs  of  the  party.  .  Though 
the  complaint  of  lack  of  suitable  leaders  was  now  again 
heard  among  the  political  parties,  no  cessation  in  their 
renewed  activity  was  observable.  On  the  contrary,  in- 
creasing vigour  appeared.  The  Meiji  Club  was  formed 
by  members  of  the  Kaishintb  in  the  Autumn  of  1888, 
the  Jichi  Club  of  Count  Inoue  was  projected  and  Vis- 
count Torio  Koyata  founded  the  Hoshi-chu-sei'td  (|5^  ^ 
^  iE  Wk)*  Moderate  Conservative  Party,  m  the  following 
winter,  his  idea  being  to  occupy  a  position  of  modera- 
tion and  independence  in  politics. .  Then  we  must  note 
the  existence  of  a  str6ng  body  of  Conservatives  luider 
the  name  of  the  Koku-sui  ho-zon-to  (^  IR^  ^  #  Jll)-  — 
Likewise,  not  to  omit  mention  of  the  Liberals,  Hoshi 
Toru  started  the  Kwanto  Kwdi  in  March  1889. 

February  11,  1889  stands   out    as    one    of  the   epoch 
marking  days  in  the  annals  of  Japan.      On  that  day  th 
Constitution  was  promulgated.       His   Majesty    in 
performed    the    ceremony    in    the    Throne  Room    of  th 
new  Palace  at  10.30  a.m.     The    function,    at    which   th 
writer    of  this   sketch  had  the  honour    of  being  present,, 
was    most    stately    and    impressive.       With    a    few   brief 
sentences    expressive    of   the   Imperial  satisfaction"  at 
prosperity    of    the    nation,     of     hope     for     the     future 
and    of  confidence     in     tlje    hearty    cooperation   "of    th 
people    in    the    work    of   Grovernment,    tlie     Cons'titutio: 
of  Modern  Japan  was  ushered  in.     The  system  is  divide 
into  seven  chapters  containing  seventy  six  articles  whicE^ 
set    forth    the    Constitutional    provisions    relating    to     (l) 
The  Emperor,  (2)  the  rights  and  duties   of  Subjects,: '(3) 


Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  401 

The  Imperial  Diet,  (4)  The  Ministers  of  State  and  the 
Privy  Council,  (5)  the  Judicature,  (6)  Finance,  and  (7) 
Supplementary'  Regulations.  The  Japanese  Constitution 
maintains  the  form  of  an  absolute  Monarchy,  for  the 
Emperor  stands  Supreme  and  has  reserved  to  himself 
certain  rights,  such  as  the  issuing  of  Ordinances  for  the 
putting  into  operation  of  laws,  of  declaring  war  and 
peace,  etc.  On  the  other  hand  the  liberty  of  the  subject 
is  respected,  and  the  right  of  freedom  of  speech  and 
public  meeting  lind  the  free  exercise  of  religion  within 
the  limits  prescribed  by  law,  are  recognized.  The 
Prussian  model  is  seen  to  have  been  copied,  but  in  such 
a  way  as  to  make  the  production  correspond  with  the 
peculiar  circumstances  of  Japan.  At  the  same  time  were 
issued,  as  necessary  adjuncts  to  the  Constitution,  the 
Imperial  House  Law,  the  Imperial  Ordinance  concerning 
the  House  of  Peers,  the  Law  of  the  Houses,  the  Law 
of  Election  of  the  members  of  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives, and  the  Law  of  Finance.  The  Law  for  the 
Organization  of  Cities,  Towns  and  Villages,  which  had 
for  its  purpose  the  extension  of  local  Self-Govern ment, 
took  effect  on  April   i,   1889. 

In  the  summer  and  autumn  of  i838  Count  Got5  made 
tours  throughout  the  north  eastern  Provinces,  in  order 
to  impart  to  the  nation  his  belief  in  the  advantages  of 
union.  His  motto  was  daidd-shd-i^  similarity  in  great 
things,  difference  in  small  things.  He  directed  his  at- 
tack upon  the  clan  system  of  Government  and  thus 
speedily  made  his  the  popular  cause.  And  meetings 
were  held  at  Osaka,  in  Kiushu  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Kiushu  Kaishintd,  and  elsewhere,  at  which  resolu- 
tions, in   favour   of   one  grand  organization  were  passed. 


*•  ."".T 


V.*f-H 


402  Lay : — Tlie  BdUical  Parties  of  Japan, 

Tlie  Daido  dan-ketsu  (  :^  |l^  M  i^)  ^hus  came  into  ex- 
istciKC  as  a  great  unorganized  body,  the  bond  of  union 
between  its  members  being  slight  and  loose.  No  long 
career  was  in  store  for  it.  Though  it  had  its  own 
organ,  the  Seiron  (|^  |Jt),  it  was  never  formally  entered 
as  a  political  association.  The  absence  of  any  definite 
aims  from  the  first  rendered  its  tenure  of  life  insecure, 
and  it  was  sneered  at  by  its  detractors  as  a  party  with- 
out a  programme.  On  May  lo,  1889  the  Dai-^  dan-- 
ketsu  fell  to  pieces,  its  demise  being  considerably  ac- 
celerated by  the  entry  of  Count  Goto,  the  chief  promoter 
and  leading  spirit,  into  the  Cabinet  in  the  preceding 
March.  The  immediate  cause  of  the  break-up  was 
difference  of  opinion  as  to  whether  or  not  the  body 
should  be  formally  constituted  as  a  political  organization. 
On  that  work  the  party  split.  '  The  more  radical  of  the 
members  supported  the  view  adverse  to  constitution  as  a 
political  association  and  made  the  cry  of  hi'Sei-shasetsu 
(#  WlUlWC)  their  motto.  Of  this  side  Oi  Kcntaro 
was  a  warm  upholder,  and  he  carried  with  him  Nait6 
Roitsu,  Arai  Shdgo,  Saitd  Keiji,  etc.  They  seceded 
from  the  Daido  danketsu  and  set  up  the  Daido  Kmua 
Kwai  {%^^  IH^)  21  Society  for  the  promotion  of 
friendly  intercourse  between  its  members.  But  the 
majority  of  the  Daido  dan-ketsu  held  the  opinion  that  they 
should  form  themselves  into  a  proper  political  association 
{sei  ska  setsu,  j^  (t  tft)^  So  they  proceeded  to  enrol 
themselves  in  a  Society  with  articles  of  association, 
which  th:y  styled  the  Daido  Club,  preserving  in  its 
name  the  idea  of  a  grand  Union.  To  this  section 
adhered  Messrs.  Kono,  Inukai,  Suehiro,  Ueki  Imori,  Ya- 
giwara   Hanshi,   Kud5   K5kan,  Inoue  Kakugoro,  Inagaki 


Lay: — Tlic  PoUiical  Parties  of  Japan.  403 

Shimesu,  ect.,  and  it  rcpr«:sented  the  moderates. 
Vigorous  efforts  were  undertaken  by  Goto  and  also  by 
Itagaki  to  effect  a  re-union,  but  for  a  time  they  proved 
unavailing. 

Treaty  Revision,  that  burnini^  question  which  was  in 
the  forefront  of  political  issues  in  Japan  for  so  many 
years,  did  more  than  anything  else  to  discover  a  common 
ground  on  which  all  popular  j>arties  could  cast  aside 
their  wrangles  and  be  at  one.  The  longer  the  negotia- 
tions were  protracted,  the  more  exacting  grew  the  jxio- 
pie's  demands.  Party  politicians  began  to  devote  their 
minds  more  particularly  to  attacks  upon  the  Government 
for  its  policy  in  regard  to  the  revision  of  the  Treaties. 
The  groups  into  which  the  Daidb  danketsii  had  divided 
were  brought  together  again  for  the  time  being,  by  their 
desire  to  defeat  any  revision  programme  by  which  Japan 
failed  to  secure  terms  of  absf  lute  equality.  And  the 
Nippon  Club  was  created  by  Marquis  Asano,  Viscount 
Tani  and  Viscount  Miura  with  identical  aims.  Many 
were  the  memorials  presented,  chiefly  in  favour  of  the 
suspension  of  the  conferences  the  1  going  on.  The  climax 
to  the  opposition  to  the  various  schemes  of  revision,  and 
to  that  then  under  consideration,  came  when  Count 
Okuma  narrowly  escaped  assas  ination  in  October  1889 
on  his  return  to  the  Foreign  Office  from  a  drive.  The 
negotiations  then  lapsed  for  some  years,  until  the  time 
when  they  were  reopened,  and  resulted  in  the  first  in- 
stance in  the  Revised  Treaty  between  Great  Uritain  and 
Japan  of  July  16,  1894. 

After  the  abrupt  stoppage  of  the  Treaty  Revision  Con- 
ferences, Count  Itagaki  again  tried  to  exert  his  influence 
to    re-form   a   United    Party.       But  though   the    \'cteran 


404  Lay: — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

party  leader  succeeded  in  lessening  the  breach  between 
the  opposing  factions,  union  was,  for  a  time  at  least,  out 
of  the  question.  Messrs  Di  Kentaro,  Watanabe  Kotard, 
and  their  friends  wished  to  revive  the  defunct  Jiyuto^ 
while  members  of  the  Daido  Club  favoured  the  revival 
of  the  AikokukotOy  and  so  matters  stood  towards  the  end 
of  1889  when  Osaka  became  once  more  the  centre  of 
political  activity.  Mutual  concession  still  proving  un- 
attainable, and  the  mutual  jealousies  of  the  various  leaders 
being  found  to  be  in  the  meantime  insurmountable,  those 
who  still  followed  the  banner  of  the  old  JiyHto,  were 
split  up  into  three  factions.  In  January  1890  ih^  Jiyuto 
was  again  established  in  name,*  and  it  was  decided  to 
re-organize  the  Aikoku  ko-to  as  a  separate  body  under 
Count  Itagaki.  The  latter  had  fixed  its  opening 
ceremony  for  the  15th  of  April  in  the  year  just  men- 
tioned ;  but,  meeting  on  that  day,  merely  published  its 
manifesto,  thus  leaving  the  way  open  for  reconciliation. 
A  Conmiittee  representative  of  the  three  factions  was 
shortly  appointed  to  confer,  Messrs  Kono,  Itagaki,  Sue- 
hiro,  Inoue  etc.  representing  the  Daido  Club ;  Messrs 
Nishiyama,  Shioda,  Ishida,  etc.,  the  Aihoku  koto ;  and 
Messrs  Oi,  Aral,  etc.,  the  revived  Jiyuto.  In  the  end 
the  Kd-En  Qub  (^  ^)  was  established,  the  Authorities 
receiving  the  requisite  notice  on  the  17th,  of  June  1890. 
In  Kiushu  a  movement  was  set  on  foot  again  in  April 
to  foster  a  spirit  of  union  and  the  f  Kiushu  Doshi  Kwcn 
an  independent  local  organization    did   much  towards  ac- 


*  Though  divided  into  the  Kivauto  JiyTt/o  led  by  O-i  Kentard  and  the 
A'wansai  Jiyuio  under  the  leadershij)  of  Kobaya-slii  Kusuo. 

t  Its  motto  being  desire  for  Union  with  all  parties  of  progressive 
principles. 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  405 

omplishing  this  object  by  the  despatch  of  delegates  to 
he  north  who  interviewed  and  obtained  promises  of  sup- 
ort  from  Count  Itagaki  and  others  of  the  Jiyuto,  like- 
/ise  from  the  leaders  of  the  Kaisliintd,  A  basis  for 
nion  was  provisionally  found.  A  Great  Meeting  of 
hose  in  favour  of  Union  in  Kiushu,*  was  held  at  Kago- 
hima  on  June  15.  Delegates  were  once  more  despatch- 
id  to  Tokio,  who  had  interviews  with  leading  men  of 
ill  parties.  The  Kaishinto  also  appeared  likely  to  fall 
nto  line  with  the  others.  Some  of  the  principal  news- 
^pers  of  the  capital  such  as  the  Hocki,  Kokumin\  Choya^ 
Yomiuri,  supported  the  scheme  with  enthusiasm.  At 
that  period,  however,  the  attention  of  the  public  was  oc- 
:upied  with  the  first  General  election  which  took  place 
from  the  ist,  of  July  f  1890.  The  election  resulted  as 
Follows  — 


Independent    

69    • 

Daido  haX      

55 

Kaishift  to        •     ••• 

46 

Aikoku  toX     

35 

Hoshu  to  (Conservatives)      

22 

Kiushu  Shimpo  to  (an  independent 

'  local  progressive  organization)... 

21 

J »yj€irU  ^,      •••      ..•      *••      •••      *••      ••• 

16 

Ji-chi  to  0  Ji§)     

17 

♦  Kiushu  Doshi  Rengo  Tai-kwai.) 

t  The  figures  are  taken  from  the  Tei-koku  Gi-kwai-Shi,  which  gives 
them  on  the  Authority  of  a  certain  newspaper  at  the  time,  and  considers 
that  they  convey  the  truth  approximately.  Other  publications  give  a 
slight  diflference  but  in  the  main  similar  computation.  It  will  be  noticed 
that  there  is  one  member  too  many,  the  total  being  300. 

\  Belonging  to  the  K^ht  Club. 


^^.JL-'A^ 


I  « 


4o6  Lay  : — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  JapaH, 

vyillClcllS      •••         •••         •••        •••        •••         •••         lo 

LJllCvrXairi  •  •  •         •••         •••        •••         •••        •••  £ 

It  will  be  seen  from  the  above  how  divided  up  the 
various  factions  were.  The  Daidd  ha  had  the  largest 
individual  representation,  after  the  independents. 

After  the  elections  were  over  the  question  of  union 
resumed  its  prominence  in  view  of  the  impotence  of  the 
many  factions  represented  in  the  Diet  should  they 
remain  independent  of  each  other.  The  active  Kiuslm 
Doshi  Kwai  was  determined  not  to  let  the  matter  rest 
and  held  a  meeting  at  Fukuoka  on  the  20th,  July  iSpo, 
with  the  object  of  uniting  all  the  parties  of  progress,  and 
once  more  sent  representatives  to  Tokio  to  assist  their 
cause.  The  Tohoku  sliichi  s/iu  kwai  (^[  4b  'b  jlW  ^) 
formed  in  the  seven  pro\  inces  of  the  north  East  by  the 
amalgamation  of  those  oi'  progressive  views,  likewise  met 
at  Akita  on  the  26th  and  came  to  a  decision  in  favour 
of  union.  But  while  an  impetus  was  thus  being  given  to 
the  movement  in  favour  of  the  formation  of  a  large 
popular  party  from  both  extremes  of  the  Empire,  the 
Government  deemed  it  necessary  to  prevent  a  reconcilia- 
tion which  might  lead  to  their  finding  all  political 
parties  ranged  under  one  banner  in  opposition.  On  July 
25,  1890  was  issued  the  Law  of  Public  Meetings  and 
Political  Associations,  Shu  Kwai  Sei-sha  ltd  (^  ^  j^ 
jtth  ifi)-  ^^y  Article  28  of  that  law  political  parties  were 
forbidden  ifiteT  alia  to  establish  branch  offices  or  to  com- 
bine or  correspond  with  other  associations  of  a  kindred 
nature.  A  sudden  blow  was  thus  dealt  to  the  hopes  of 
the  unionists  and  it  became  a  question  of  what  was  now 
the  proper  procedure  to  be  adopted.  The  Jiyuto  and 
KiusliH  Doshi  Kai  at  or.ce  decided  to  dissolve  as  a    step 


Tjay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  407 

towards  Union,  the  Aikokukoto  being  of  the  same  mind, 
but  dissolution  not  being  in  its  case  necessary  as  it  had 
not  been  formally  constituted. 

Conferences  now  took  place  between  the  representatives 
of  the  various  parties  which  had  just  ceased  to  have  a 
corporate  existence  and  those  which  still  retained  their  old 
constitution.  On  August  12,  a  meeting  was  held  at  the 
house  of  Mr.  Kawashima  Jun  (of  Kagoshima)  in  Hira- 
kawacho  Kojimachi,  Toki5,  and  attended  by  Messrs 
Nait5  Roitsu,  Oi  Kentard,  Nakae  Tokusukc  of  the  old 
liyutd\  Messrs  Shimada,  Takata  Sanae,  Kato  Masano- 
suke  of  the  KaiskintOy  Messrs  Hayashi,  Kataoka,  Sugita 
Teiichi,  of  the  old  Aikokttkdto,  Messrs  Kono  Hironaka, 
Suzuki  Shoji,  Oe  Taku,  of  the  Daiiid  Club,  and  Messrs 
Yamada  Buho,  Matsuda  Masahisa  and  Kawashima  lun 
of  the  old  Kiushu  Doshikivai,  At  the  same  time  a  Com- 
mittee of  ten  was  appointed,  including  Kono,  to  consult 
regarding  the  establishment  of  a  new  party.  On  August 
17,  the  Daido  Club,  whose  co-operation  had  from  the 
first  been  doubtful,  all  at  once  changed  its  point  of  view 
and  deciding  to  dissolve,  became  an  ardent  advocate  of 
the  views  to  which  it  had  become  converted.  The  zeal 
of  the  Kaishin-to  towards  alliance  had  by  this  time 
cooled,  and  differences  with  the  Daido  Club  tended  to 
increase  the  estrangement.  At  a  meeting  held  on 
August  25,  which  was  attended  by  13  members  of  the 
old  Aikoktikdtdy  1 3  of  the  old  JiyTtto,  1 3  of  the  old  Dai- 
do Club,  13  of  the  old  Kihshh  doshi  kiuaiy  and  by  re- 
presentatives of  the  Gumma  Kogi  Kwai  and  Kioto  Koyii 
Kwai  at  the  Atago  Kan  Shiba,  it  was  decided  to  form  a 
party  called  the  Rikken  Jiyuto  (Constitutional  Liberal 
Party).     On  the  15th  of  September  the  ceremony  of  for- 


4o8  Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

mation  took  place.  They  declared  themselves  to  have 
at  heart  liberal  principles,  respect  for  the  Imperial 
House,  enlargement  of  popular  rights,  relaxation  of  Gov- 
ernmental interference  in  domestic  matters,  a  repre- 
sentative system  of  Government,  party  cabinets  and 
treaties  of  equality. 

A  manifesto  was  issued  in  lO  articles,  proclaiming: — 

1.  That    Government    business    should     be    rendered 
simple  and  expenditure  curtailed. 

2.  Adjustment  of  naval  and  military  preparations. 

3.  Reform  of  the  Educational  System. 

4.  Revision  of  the  Law  of  Finance  and  careful  super- 
vision of  national  revenue  and  expenditure. 

5.  Reform  of  public  debt  and  of  the  system  under  which 
Government  property  was  held. 

6.  Revision  of  Taxation  Laws  and  reduction  of  land 
tax. 

7.  Reform  of  procedure  for  the  protection  of  private 
undertakings. 

8.  Reform  of  Local  Government  and  adjustment  of 
Local  Finances. 

9.  Revision  of  all  laws  relating  to  speech,  public 
meeting  and  political  association  and  abolition  of 
the  Peace  Preservation  Regulations. 

10.  Revision  of  the  Law  of  the  Houses  and  the  elec- 
tion law. 
It  is  noteworthy  that  the  question  of  party  cabinets  is 
now  raised  publicly  in  a  most  express  manner.  Briefly, 
the  other  points  amount  to  the  reduction  of  Government 
expenditure  and  taxation,  more  local  self  Government 
and  revision  or  abolition  of  laws  calculated  to  restrict 
freedom,  with  alteration  of  Educational  System. 


Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  409 

The  new  association  was  not  looked  upon  with  favour 
by  the  Kaishinto  who  wished  the  expression  Kaishin,  "  re- 
form," which  helped  to  form  their  style  and  title,  used  in 
naming  the  new  amalgamated  party.  In  the  end  therefore 
its  members  decided  definitely  to  hold  aloof  from  union. 

The  independent  members  of  the  Diet  after  consider- 
able negotiation  and  discussion  resolved  on  August  20, 
upon  the  formation  of  their  own  party  which  they  named 
the  Taisei  Kwai  (party  of  great  accomplishments)  (^  JSK 
'^).  Messrs  Motoda  Hajime,  Yoshino  Seikei,  Oyagi 
Kiichird  and  Sugiura  Juz5,  Masuda  Shigeyuki,  Naka- 
mura  Yaroku  belonged  to  it.  This  party  may  be  re- 
garded as  the  successor  of  the  Rikken-teisei-kivai  and  the 
predecessor  of  the  Kokumin  Kiokivai  and  Teikoku  to.  It 
was  from  the  first  inclined  to  support  the  Government 
and  soon  openly  took  its  part.  According  to  the  public 
declaration,  the  Taisei  Kwai  was  to  preserve  a  moderate 
attitude,  being  biassed  in  no  direction.  Reasoning  con- 
servatism was  practically  its  motto. 

But  another   and    entirely  separate  association  saw  the 

Jight    a    few    montlis  later.       Some    of  the    followers    of 

Count  Got5,  members    of   the    Nichiyo    kwai   ( H  fl|  '^), 

just  started  by  (Inagaki  Shimesu  and    14    others),  of  the 

Genyoslux  (^  ^  j|t)    of    Fukuoka  the  Dosei  kwai  (|p]  |£ 

-^)    of  Saga    and    of   associations    at    Kumamoto,   Oita, 

^iyagi,  Nagasaki,  met  at  the  Dyukwan,  Asakusa,  Tokio, 

on    November    i,     1890,    and    decided    to    establish     the 

kokumin  Jiyuto  (H  K  @  ^  JJI),    National  Liberal  Party. 

^^he    opening    ceremony    took    place    on    December    21, 

"%vhen  Mr.  Yoshida  Masaharu   delivered  an  address.     The 

programme  laid  down  was    (i.)  Expansion  of  the    Navy, 

^2.)  Reduction  of  National  Expenditure,  (3)  Reduction  of 


■.  A-S 


4IO 


Imv  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 


Land  Tax,  (4.)  Amendment  of  Law  of  Conscription.  The 
Kokumin  Jiyuto  was  regarded  with  disfavour  both  by  the 
Rikken  Jiyiito  and  by  the  Kaishinto,  and  it  was  never  a 
particularly  powerful  body. 

The  Gcnro'In  having  with  the  establishment,  of  the 
House  of  Peers  and  the  House  of  Representatives  ceased 
to  have  a  raison  d'etre  2SiA  was  abolished  on  the  20th  of 
October  1890. 

The  long  expected  opening  of  the  Diet  took  place  on 
November   29,    1890.    At   the   ceremony  which   marked 
the  occasion  His  Majesty  announced,  in   a  speech  which 
he  read,  that  all  institutions  relating  to  internal  administ 
ration  established  since  his  accession    to   the    throne  hai 
been  brought   to    a    condition  approaching  completeness 
It  was  hoped  to  extend  the  scope  of  these  measures  an 
to  reap  good  fruit  from  the  working  of  the  Constitution. 
*  In    the    House    of  Peers  there    were    252    membe 
viz : — 

Imperial  Princes     

Princes     

Marquises        

Counts     

Viscounts         

Barons     

Highest  taxpayers.. 
t  Imperial  Nominees 

252 


\\J 

10 

.      21 

.       15 

,      70 

.      20 

•    45 

,     61 

*  From  the  A'hoku-n    }7fran  (Jt  ]K  ^  S  K') 

t  Selected  from  the  Court  Councillors  (3),  the  old  memlx'rs  of  the 
n>-/n,  (27),  the    Ivegislalivc    Ikircau  (2),    the    Tresident    and  Professor&> 
the    Imperial    V^niversity  (6),    Various  Government   Departments  (lO), 
rest  from  among  the  iv.?ople,  (^Meiji  Nempio\ 


-=rs 


of 


Lay: — Tlu  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  411 

The  membership  of  the  Lower  House  under  the  old 
election  law  was  300.  In  the  election  for  President  of 
the  Lower  House  House,  the  Jiyuto  with  the  factions 
supporting  them  showed  that  they  were  in  a  compact 
majority.  Mr.  Nakajima  Nobuyuki  (of  Kochi),  their 
candidate,  being  successful.  For  Vice-President  Mr.  Isuda 
Mfiinichi,  (a  celebrated  student  of  Law,  who  was  at  one 
time  a  Judge,  and  a  member  of  the  Senate)  belonging  to 
the  Taisei  kwai  obtained  election.  Now,  for  the  first 
time,  political  parties  had  the  opportunity  they  had  so 
long  sought  of  confronting  the  clan  statesmen  in  a  place 
where  they  were  more  or  less  at  liberty  to  speak  their 
xninds.  Nor  was  it  long  before  they  came  to  logger- 
Iieads  with  the  government.  The  fight  began,  as  it  has 
so  often  done  since  then,  over  money  matters.  Reduc- 
tion of  the  land  tax  and  of  salaries  was  demanded.  The 
/iyuto  and  the  Kaishinto  were  found  side  by  side  in  op^ 
position,  while  the  Taiseikivai  made  common  cause  with 
the  Government.  A  dispute  also  arose  over  the  condi- 
tion to  which  it  was  proposed  to  bring  naval  and  mili- 
bary  preparations.  The  Jiyuto^  however,  was  rent  in  two 
by  wrangles,  as  often  before  and  subsequently.  Suehiro 
3higeyasu  and  Inoue  Kakugoro,  who  were  noted  for  their 
independence  of  mind,  were  expelled  from  the  party,  and 
Oe  Taku  (son  in  law  of  Count  Got5),  Takenouchi,  Su- 
zuki and  others  seceded.  Twenty-nine  of  the  old  Aiko- 
^usha  members,  including  Messrs  Kataoka,  Hayashi, 
LJeki  and  others  warm  supporters  of  Count  Itagaki, 
^parated  from  the  party  on  February  24,  1891;  and 
[tagaki  himself  followed  their  example  on  the  26th  after 
Vuitless  efforts  had  been  made  to  smooth  matters  over, 
:>wing  to  the  disorganized  state    of  the   party,  giving,  as 


412  Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

his  reason  that  he  had  no  part  in  their  counsels.  As 
regards  the  difference  with  the  Government,  a  com- 
promise was  effected  by  a  reduction  of  several  million 
yen  from  the  estimates.  From  the  subsequent  action  of 
the  parties,  and  of  the  Jiylito  in  particular,  it  would 
appear  that  their  opposition  was  actuated  more  by  a  de- 
sire to  place  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  clan  Govern- 
ment than  by  any  fixed  principles.  They  gave  way, 
however,  before  matters  reached  a  climax  lest  the  first 
Session  of  the  Diet  should  be  brought  to  a  sudden  and 
untimely  end.  So  the  first  united  attack  in  the  Diet 
upon  the  Grovernment  made  by  the  combined  forces  of 
the  Jiyuto  and  Kaishinto  resulted  in  the  main  in  a  vic- 
tory for  the  former. 

It  was  very  evident  that  a  reorganization  of  the  Jiyuto 
was  necessary  and  steps  were  immediately  taken  towards 
that  end.  Itagaki  did  not  keep  apart  long,  and  at  a 
meeting  held  at  Osaka  on  March  24,  1891,  he  was 
elected  President  and  the  words  Rikkcn  were  erased 
from  the  party  name,  which  once  again  became  the 
Jiyuto,  A  declaration  was  issued  on  May  29,  in  which 
the  programme  was  set  forth  to  be  (i.)  Domestic  Gov- 
ernment to  be  based  on  Local  Self  Government,  (2.) 
Good  faith  and  friendliness  to  be  the  chief  aim  in  foreign 
affairs,  (3.)  Naval  and  military  preparations  to  be  on  a 
defensive  basis,  (4.)  Financial  retrenchment  suited  to 
national  resources,  (5.)  Protections  to  be  chiefly  along 
lines  tending  to  the  public  advantage,  (6 )  Freedom  of 
Education,  (7)  Strengthening  the  Independence  of  the 
Judiciary,  (8)  Facilitation  of  Communication,  (9)  Exten- 
sion of  the  powers  of  the  legislative. 

The  Jiyuto  then  devoted  its  attention    to   perfecting  its 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  413 

organization  and  extending  its  influence.  Count  Itagaki 
started  shortly  afterwards  on  a  tour  to  the  North-East 
and  delegates  were  sent  to  the  west. 

An  important  organization  appeared  in  March  1891 
called  the  Kiodo  (Union)  Club  (^  |P1  {ft  ^  135)  which 
was  originated  by  Messrs  Inoue,  Suehiro,  Oc  and  Sue- 
niatsu.  Its  component  parts  came  from  the  Taisci  kzuai, 
Kokumifi  JiyutOy  Jichito  and  Kumamoto  Kokkento.  The 
Club  was  composed  of  members  of  the  Diet  who  were 
to  take  steps  for  the  national  progress  and  the  promo- 
tion of  intercourse  between  its  members.  It  was  meant 
to  be  a  support  to  the  Government  and  steps  were 
taken  to  influence  popular  feeling  in  its  favour  by  a 
campaign  throughout  the  country. 

Attempts  were  again  set  on  foot  which  resulted  in  a 
rapprochement  between  the  Jiyuto  and  Kaishinto,  The 
indefatigable  Kiushu  Club  in  the  early  Autumn  met  to 
endeavour  to  promote  union  of  parties  and  Itagaki  on 
his  return  from  his  tour  in  the  N.E.  paid  a  visit  on 
November  8,  to  Okuma.  In  the  end,  Count  Okuma 
gave  up  his  post  as  Privy  Councillor  on  the  12th,  and  a 
large  meeting  was  held  on  the  17th  at  the  Oyukwan, 
Asakusa,  attended  by  members  of  the  Diet  representative 
of  the  Jiyuto  (72),  Kaishinto  (37),  Unattached  (25),  in- 
cluding Taiseikwai  (2),  and  joint  action  for  the  purpose 
of  presenting  a  united  front  to  the  Government  was  de- 
cided upon.  When  the  Diet  met  for  the  second  time, 
November  21,  1891,  the  Budget  was  again  selected  as 
the  point  of  attack  and  the  bills  for  the  establishment  of 
the  Iron  Foundry,  for  the  construction  of  men-of-war,  for 
the  state  payment  of  Prison  Expenditure  and  for  the 
state  purchase  of  private  railways, — all  of   which,  except- 


414  Lay : — Ttie  Political  Parties  <f  Japan, 

ing  the  last,  have  by  now  been  passed — were  thrown  out. 
The  nature  of  the  attack  showed  that  the  opposition  was 
in  the  main  captious  and  the  co-operation  between  the 
parties  leaving  no  immediate  hope  of  amicable  arrange- 
ment, the  Government  ordered  the  Diet  to  dissolve  on 
the  26,  December  1891,  somewhat  lo  the  surprise  and 
dismay  of  the  allied  opposition  (consisting  of  the  five 
bodies,  the  JiyutOy  Jiyli  Club,  Kaishinto  Tofftoe  Glub  and 
Dokuritsu  Club.  This  was  the  first  but  by  no  rnean^ 
the  last  instance  of  compulsory  dissolution. 

The  Taisen  Kwai  dissolved  on  the  date  mentioned,  be^ 
cause  the  majority  of  the  party  had  ceased  to  support 
the  Government,  and  because  of  the  impending  elections. 
The  Jiyei  Club  returned  to  the  Jiynto  and  issued  an  itppe^l 
to  the  public  explanatory  of  its  attitude  towards  the 
Government  and  inviting  the  people  to  judge  of  its  efforts 
to  lay  a  solid  foundation  for  constitutional  Governments 
The  second  General  Election  was  held  from  February 
15,  1892,  and  was  the  occasion  of  many  scenes  of 
turbulence  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  particularly  in 
K5chi  Prefecture  no  few  persons  (several  hundreds)  being 
wounded  and  even  killed  in  local  disturbances.  By  the 
people  the  Government  were  accused  bitterly  of  inter- 
ference in  the  elections,  and  this  cry  was  taken  up 
strongly  and  used  as  an  instrument  wherewith  to  recom- 
mence the  struggle  with  the  Government  on  the  re-open- 
ing of  the  Diet. 

The  opposition  parties  assisted  each  other  at  the  ix>lls 
and  their  elected  canditatcs  were  classed  by  some  news- 
papers under  the  general  aj^pcllation  of  the  popular  party 
Min-td  (E  j^).  \Vc  also  sec  that  on  the  other  hand 
there  was  a  distinct  party  openly  taking  the  side    of  the 


Lay  : — Uie  I\}litical  Parties  of  Japan.  415 

Government,  which  was  termed  the  Ri-to  (j^  58R)-       The 
result  of  the  General  Election  was : — 

.j%yvfo      •••      »••      •••      •*•      •••      •••      •••      •••      1  \jKj 

ICatshtHtd       •••     •••     •••     .« ••       4-^ 

Govt.  Party  (Old  Taisei  kwai  etc.)     no 

Unattached  (including  supporters  of  the 
United  Parties  and  Govt,  supporters).  ...  05 
The  United  Parties  consequently  counted  a  majority. 
After  previous  separate  gathering,  they  held  a  joint 
meeting  on  May  i,  1892,  to  prepare  for  the  extra- 
ordinary Session  of  the  Diet  (Session  No.  3.)  which  was 
to  begin  next  day.  Hoshi  Toru  was  elected  President 
of  the  Lower  House  on  the  2nd  and  Sone  Arasukc, 
now  Baron  and  at  present  Minister  of  Finance,  Vice- 
President. 

On  the  14th  the  motion  that  the  Government  was  re- 
sponsible for  interference  in  the  late  elections  passed  the 
House  of  Representatives,  an  address  to  the  throne  on 
the  same  subject  having  been  rejected  two  days  before. 
The  violence  of  the  attack  made  upon  the  Government 
induced  the  latter  on  the  i6th  to  suspend  the  session 
for  seven  days.  There  was  a  great  commotion  and  the 
fear  lest  misguided  adherents  of  the  opposition  parties 
might  carry  the  attack  beyond  the  limits  of  verbal  war- 
fere  led  to  a  large  number  of  Soshi  and  of  sympathizers 
with  the  o^x)sition  outside  of  the  House,  being  ordered 
to  leave  the  capital  under  the  Peace  Preservation  Law 
on  May  21.  The  attack  made  upon  Takata  Sanae,  of 
the  Yotmuri  Shimbun  and  a  prominent  member  of  the 
Kaishintdy  caused  a  fresh  order  for  39  sdshi  of  P'ukuoka 
Prefecture  to  leave  the  capital  on  the  30th.  These  were 
indeed  troublous   times.      On   the   re-assembling    of  the 


4i6  Lay : — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

members  on  the  31st  the  Lower  House  erased  the  Ex- 
penditure upon  men-of-war  and  a  Steel  Factory  and  the 
expenditure  in  connection  with  the  subject  of  the  investi- 
gation of  Earthquakes.  The  Upper  House  manifested 
what  has  since  come  to  be  recognized  as  its  habitual  at- 
titude towards  the  financial  wishes  of  the  other  -chamber 
by  promptly  restoring  these  items.  The  usual  com- 
promise was  resorted  to,  the  first  item  being  disallowed, 
the  second  passed. 

To  meet  the  growing  power  of  the  opposition  the 
Government  Association  called  the  Kokumin  Kiokwai  (H 
E  ^  '^)  (Nationalist  Society),  successor  to  the  Taisei- 
kiuai,  was  projected,  Messrs  Watanabe  Koki,  Sone, 
Tsuda  etc.  took  a  leading  part  in  the  work.  A  meeting 
for  organization  was  held  on  June  20,   1891. 

Marquis  Saigo  *  and  Viscount  Shinagawa  resigned 
their  ofificial  positions  as  Privy  Councillors  in  order  to 
be  able  to  become  President  and  Vice-President  respec- 
tively. The  alliance  with  the  Government,  however,  did 
not  last  long. 

On  August  8,  1892  a  new  Cabinet  came  into  power, 
headed  by  Ito,  and  they  took  up  an  attitude  of  neu- 
trality towards  the  Kokinnin  Kiokivai,  On  November 
10,  a  general  meeting  was  held  at  which  the  rules  of 
the  party  and  the  policy  were  published.  But  from  then 
the  number  of  its  adherents  in  the  Diet  fell  off  con- 
siderably. 

Towards  the  end  of  1892  the  Domei  Club  was  in- 
stituted being  composed  of  old  members,  of  the  Taisei- 
kzuai   and    unattached  members,  including  Messrs    Kusu- 


*  (then  Count). 


Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  417 

noto    Masataka,    Nakamura    Yaroku,*    Kawashima    Jun, 
Juzuki  Juen. 

The  4th  Session  of  the  Diet  was  approaching  and 
here  were  premonitory  signs  that  it  would  not  fail  to 
te  a  stormy  one.  It  met  on  November  25,  1892.  On 
anuary  1.7,  1893  ^^c  Lower  House  suspended  its  sit- 
ings for  five  days  of  its  own  accord  after  having  vainly 
ndeavoured  to  persuade  the  Government  to  alter  their 
udgetary  proposals  for  the  financial  year  1893-94, 
/hich  were  under  examination.  This  was  done  with  the 
vowed  object  of  affording  the  Authorities  time  for  re- 
lection.  A  joint  motion  impeaching  the  Government 
vas  about  to  be  brought  in  by  Messrs  Kono  Hironaka 
:)f  the  Jiyuto,  Inukai  Ki  of  the  Kaishinto  and  Suzuki 
uen  of  the  Domei  Kwai  when  an  Imperial  order  was 
eceived  proroguing  the  House  for  15  da}'s.  On  its  re- 
pening  on  February  7,  an  address  to  the  throne  with 
'ference  to  the  Budget,  complaining  of  the  action  of 
e  Ministers  of  State,  was  passed.  A  petition  was  pre- 
ttied to  the  Emperor  by  Mr.  Hoshi  Toru,  as  President, 
>  resenting  the  House,  on  the  8th  and  His  Majesty 
>mnised  to  give  it  his  attention.  The  sohition  of  the 
>Iz)lem  came  on  the  loth  when  the  Emperor  issued  an 
:r  furnishing  f  three  hundred  thousand  yen  from  the 
y  Purse  towards  the  expenditure  in  connection  with 
building  of  men-of-war,  and  providing  that  one  tenth 
lid  be  deducted  similarly  from  all  official  salaries, 
opting,  such  as  might  be  specially  exempted,  for  six 
'5  for  the  same  purpose.      Thus  the  crisis  was  at   an 


NOW  Governor  of  Fuloioka  Prefecture, 
^-^^e   tenth    of   the    annual   fixed  appropriation  for  tlie  exj^endilure  of 
-*^*iipcrial  Household  Department. 


41 8  Ijay : — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

end,  and  the  Imperial  Gift  was  welcomed  by  an  out- 
burst of  loyal  enthusiasm  by  the  people.  For  their  part 
the  Ciovemment  promised  to  eflect  retrenchment  as  far 
as  possible  in  future,  to  reform  the  executive,  reduce  ex- 
penditure and  introduce  radical  reforms  into  the  navy. 

This  session  was  also  remarkable  for  the  passing  of 
the  amendment  of  the  Law  of  Public  Meetings  and  As- 
sociations whereby  a  much  larger  measure  of  liberty  of 
public  meeting  was  secured  and  the  rights  of  political 
associations  were  considerably  extended.  These  reforms 
the  Representatives  had  been  endeavouring  to  bring 
about  for  three  sessions.  Taking  advantage  of  the  revi- 
sion of  the  law  referred  to,  the  various  parties  set  about 
the  creation  of  branches  in  the  Provinces,  and  prepared 
in  other  ways  to  build  up  their  strength.  Combinations 
of  political  parties  were  however  still  forbidden,  the 
Cabinet  fearing  to  make  this  further  concession  in  the 
existing  state  of  public  feeling. 

Later  in  1893  the  Government  issued,  according  to 
promise,  the  reforms  in  the  navy  and  in  official  organi- 
zation of  Government,  the  former  in  May  and  the  latter 
in  October.  The  Reforms  were  not  deemed  satisfactory, 
more  particularly  by  the  Progressionists.  As  was  pointed 
out  by  the  Mainichi  Shimbun  at  the  time,  they  merely 
amounted  to  a  certain  reduction  in  expenditure.  What 
was  required  was  radical  re-organization  of  the  administ- 
rative system  and  a  change  from  the  Government  of  the 
clans  to  the  Government  of  the  people. 

In  connection  with  the  problem  of  Treaty  Revision  the 
matter  of  mixed  Residence  had  become  a  burning  ques- 
tion on  the  close  of  the  Diet.  There  had  come  into  ex- 
istence   in    1892  the  Joyaku  Kaisei  Kcnkiu  Kwai  (of  Mr. 


iMy  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Jap  a  71.  419 

lloshi  and  others)  the  Naichi  Zakkio  Kokin  Kwai  (of 
Messrs  Motoda,  Oi  others)  and  the  Zakkio  Mondai  Ken- 
^iu  Kwai. 

In  October  1893  a  conservative  party  called  the  Dai  Nip- 
J>on  Kiokwai  {^  11  4^  t&  ^),   Japan  Society,  was  formed 
^vith  opposition  to  mixed  residence  as  its  standard. 

The  co-operation  between  the  Jiyuto  and  the  Kaishinto 
which  had  at  the  last  session  of  the  Diet  been  brought 
to  bear  against  the  Government,  soon  ceased. 

In  January  1893  Mr.  Hoshi  Toru  delivered  one  of  his 
well  remembered  speeches  in  Tokio  in  which  he  declar- 
ed that  the  aims  of  the  two  parties  were  divergent  and 
that  there  could  be  no  sym[»athy  between  thens.  This 
led  to  mutual  recrimination,  Mr.  Shimada  and  others 
taking  up  the  cudgels  for  the  Kaishinto,  The  organs  of 
the  two  parties  also  differed  as  to  the  results  of  the 
session  of  the  Diet  during  which  they  had  stood  side  by 
side  and  the  breach  widened.  But  it  was  not  only  be- 
teen  his  own  party  and  outsideis  that  Mr.  Hoshi  was  in- 
strumental in  creating  bad  feeling.  In  the  JiyiUo  also  he 
sowed  the  seeds  of  dissension.  His  unpopularity  grew 
owing  owing  to  the  S5ma  and  other  affairs  in  which  his 
conduct  was  subjected  to  much  criticism,  and  in  the  end 
he  himself  withdrew  his  name  for  a  time  from  its  mem- 
bership. On  December  2  ,  1893  some  of  the  Liberals 
hostile  to  Hoshi  and  not  adverse  to  an  understanding 
with  the  Progressionists,  including  Messrs  Haseba  Junko, 
(representative  of  Kagoshima)  Kikuchi  Kuro  (representa- 
tive of  Aomori),  Kobayashi  Kusuo  (reprcntative  of  Oka- 
yama)  seceded,  and  ranged  themselves  together  under 
the  name  of  the  Doshi  Club.  They  received  a  warm 
welcome  from  the  Progressionists. 


420  Tjay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

The  5th  Session  commenced  November  25,  1893  and 
the  Government  found  themselves  face  to  face  with  a 
disorganized  opposition.  Tiie  Progressionists  and  their 
allies,  the  Domei  Club,  the  Doshi  Club,  the  Koktimin 
Kiokwai  and  the  Dai  Nippon  Kidkwai  turned  their  un- 
friendly attention  to  Mr.  Hoshi  at  first  rather  than  to  the 
Government  and  succeeded  in  having  him  expelled  from 
the  House  of  Representatives.  Mr.  Kusumoto  was  elected 
President  in  his  place  and  Mr.  Abei  Iwane  became  Vice- 
President.  After  getting  rid  of  the  late  President,  the 
parties  in  the  Diet  were  able  to  give  all  their  mind  to 
finding  fault  with  the  actions  of  the  Government.  Repre- 
sentations with  reference  to  the  strict  enforcement  of  the 
treaties  and  concerning  the  Chishitfia  Ravenna  case  ap- 
peared to  the  Authorities  to  be  of  such  a  nature  as  to 
call  for  the  prorogation  of  the  House.  The  session  was 
accordingly  suspended  for  ten  days  from  the  19th  of 
December ;  but  as  the  members  were  found  to  be  in  no 
more  conciliatory  mood  on  its  reassembling,  suspension 
for  fourteen  days  more  was  then  ordered.  On  the  30th, 
however,  the  House  of  Representatives  was  dissolved. 

March  i,  1894  was  the  time  of  the  3rd  General  Elec- 
tion.    It  resulted  as  follows  : — 


fiyuto     

•  •  •     ... 

•  •  • 

... 

120 

Kaishinto 

...     ... 

•  •  • 

... 

60 

Kokumin  Seisha 

{Kokitmin 

Kioki 

wai) 

35 

Doshi  Seisha,,, 

...     ... 

.  • . . 

... 

24 

Domei  Seisha 

...     ... 

... 

... 

18 

Seimnchosha  ... 

...     ... 

... 

... 

5 

Dai  Nippon  Kiokivai  ... 

... 

... 

8 

Unattached  and 

uncertain 

... 

•  • . 

30 

The  Jiyuto  still  continued  antagonistic  to  the  Kaishintd 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  421 

ind  their  allies,  styled  commonly  the  Roppa  (/^JS)i  *  six 
;ions.     An  inclination  to  take  the  side  of  the  Govcrn- 
xnent  was  observable  on  the  part  of  the  Jiyuto,  while  the 
^Dthers  remained  bitterly  hostile  and  showered  abuse  upon 
their  quondam  friends  for  their   desertion.       Hoshi    Toru 
^returned  to  his  own  party  on  May  4.     With  regard  to  their 
political  opponents,    the    Doslii   Club    amalgamated    with 
'the  Domei  Club,  forming    the    Kodo    Club.       This   again 
^vas  transformed  into  the  Rikken  Kakushinto  (jjc  ,^  U?  iUf 
THj)  Constitutional  Reform  Party,  on  May   3,  1894.     The 
leading    spirits    were    Kusumoto    Masataka,    Kawashima 
Jun,    Suzuki  Juen,    Nakamura  Yaroku,  Kodokokan,  Ohi- 
gashi  Gitetsu.       The    Kaishinto.  succeeded    in    forming    a 
coalition    of   various    leading    newspapers    Hochi,    Chuo, 
Nippon^   YoMturi,  Mainichi,  Shin  Choya,   largely    through 
the   efforts    of   Mr.    Tokutomi   lichiro    of   the    Kokumin 
Shimbun,     This  combination  was  regarded  by    its   friends 
as  sounding  the  death  knell  of  clan   Government,  by   the 
Jiyuto   as    an   attempt  to  retard    their    own   growing  in- 
fluence.     On  April  22,  1894  Messrs  Inukai  and  Takeno- 
uchi    of  the    Chugoku    Shimpo   tOy    Sasa    Tomofusa    and 
Ooka  Ikuz5  of  the  Kokuniin  Kioktvai,  Shudo  Rikuzo  and 
Takaki  Seinen    of  the    Kaishinto,  Suzuki  Juen,  Ohigashi. 
Gitetsu,  Kodo    K5kan    of    the    Kodo    Club,  Abci    Ivvane, 
Komuchi  Tomotsune,   Oi   Kentaro,  VVakabara  Kanzui,  of 
the  Dai  Nippon  Kiokwai,  Viscounts    Shimazu,    Tani    and 
Soga   of  the    Peers,  and  United  Newspaper  editors,  such 
as  Suehiro  Shigeyasu  of  the  Choya,  Kuga  Minora  of  the 
Nippon,  Tokutomi  lichiro  of  the  Kokumin,  Koizuka  of  the 


*  Kaishinfb,  Dbshi  Club,  Donui  Q\yj\^,  Koktimin  Kidhv(u\  Seimnchosa  hay 
Dai  N^pon  Kiokwai. 


422  iMy : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

Mainichi,  with  Oliashi  Sahei  of  the  Haktibiinska,  etc., 
met  at  tlic  Maple  Club,  Shiba,  in  demonstration  of  their 
desire  for  a  national  union  of  parties  against  clan  Gov- 
vernment.  In  May  further  meetings  were  held  of  those 
in  sympathy  with  the  movement  and  resolutions  were 
passed  in  favour  of  responsible  cabinets  and  a  strong  for- 
eign policy. 

The  6th  Session  of  the  Diet  assembling  May  12,  1894 
in  a  way  met  with  a  repetition  of  the  experience  of  its 
predecessor.  Attacks  upon  the  Cabinet  for  its  foreign  and 
domestic  policy  brought  about  a  dissolution  on  June  2. 

Now  we  come  to  one  of  the  most  crucial  periods  in 
the  history  of  Japan.  \V?ir  with  China  was  declared  on 
the  1st  of  August  1894,  and  the  stern  realities  of  a  for- 
eign struggle  put  a  stop  to  domestic  jealousies  and  con- 
flicts, and  united  the  whole  nation.  Activity  was  directed 
from  home  politics  to  foreign  affairs  and  the  result  was 
that  the  cabinet  had  a  comparatively  free  hand  in  dealing 
with  the  difficulties  comfronting  it,  and  in  the  end 
proved  of  longer  duration  than  any  other  cabinet  which 
went  before  or  followed. 

The  parties  soon  showed  their  determination  that  party 
strife  should  not  interfere  with  national  needs  and  that 
the  country  must  present  a  united  front  to  the  enemy 
and  took  steps  to  show  themselves  in  absolute  accord 
with  the  Government  on  the  subject. 

The  announcement  of  the  solution  of  the  weary  pro- 
blem of  Treaty  Revision  being  in  sight  owing  to  the 
signature  of  the  Anglo-Japanese  Treaty  on  July  16,  1894 
also  removed  a  great  cause  of  quarrel  between  the  Gov- 
ernment and  the  party  men. 

The  4th  General  election  took  place    on    September  i, 


•              •  •  • 

US 

•                 •  •  • 

47 

40 

•              •  •  •              ■ 

35 

4 

4 

ty)  ... 

25 

30 

Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  423 

4.     The  result  was  unfavourable  to  the  JiyiitOy  the  re- 
s  being  as  follows  : — 

Jiyuto     

Kaishinto       

Kakiishinto    

Kokumin  Kiokwai 

Zaisei  Kakushin-kwai 

Chugoku  Shimpoto 

Unattached  (strong  party) 

„  (moderate) 

^  Declaration  was    made  in  October  by  the  Jiyuto  to 

effect  that  in  spite  of  many  points    of  divergence  of 

ion,  the  Government  might  count  upon   their  support 

the    other   parties  changed  their  attitude    of  opposi- 

So  the  7th  Session  of  the  Diet,   an    extraordinary 

which  was  opened,  at  Hiroshima,  October  15,  1894, 

^jmoto  being   President   and   Shimada,  Vice-President, 

rie  House  of  Representatives,  was    remarkable   for   its 

dimity.     By  a  unanimous  vote  on  October    20,  cxtra- 

:iary    military    expenditure    to    the    amount    of    one 

:3lred  and  fifty  millions  o{  yen  was  sanctioned. 

lie  war  still  continuing,  the  8th  Session    of  the    Diet 

likewise   characterized    by    absence    of  strife    and    a 

^mination   to    carry  through  the  weighty  business  on 

X.     It  was  called    on    December    22,    1894    in    Tokio 

closed  formally  on  the  27th  of  the  following  March. 

^March  20,  1895  *he  Treaty  providing  for  a  cessation 

hostilities  was   concluded    and    on    April    17,  the  war 

China,  which  had  raised  the  position  of  Japan  to   a 

'     place  among  the  nations,  came  to  an  end. 

tie   attitude    of  the  Jiyuto    towards    the    Government 

showed   signs    of   continued   improvement   owing  to 


424  Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

their  support  of  the  post  bellum  programme,  and  t 
transfer  of  Mr.  Hoshi  Toru  to  Korea,  as  Adviser  to  t 
Peninsular  Government,  took  out  of  the  way  a  ni 
likely  to  hinder  an  understanding  between  the  party  a 
those  in  power.  By  degrees  the  changed  position  tak 
up  by  the  Jiyuto  manifested  itself  more  and  more. 

In  May  1895  their  manifesto  proclaimed  that  th 
would  not  needlessly  attack  the  Govenmient,  though 
was  exhorted  to  carefulness. 

On  July  17,  1895  a  meeting  of  (parliamentary  meni 
of  the  Jiyuto  was  held  and  the  new  platform  of  the  paK* 
was  determined  as  follows : — 

1.  The  party  was  absolutely  opposed  to  non-co 
slitutional  methods,  bearing  in  mind  the  Imperii 
desires  regarding  the  Constitution,  and  would  labo 
for  the  perfect  completion  of  a  Constitutional  f<>«" 
of  Government. 

2.  Japan  must   not   be   content  with  the  thought  thi 
she  was  the  only  strong    Power   in    the    East,  \y 
must  take  her  place  among  the   Powers  and  alo 
with  them  preserve  the  peace  of  the  world. 
party  should  devote  itself  to  the  task. 

3.  Reform  and  Expansion    of  the    navy   and    at 
same  time  increase  and  perfection   of  the  army      ^ 
be  aimed  at. 

4.  Encouragement    and    development    of    navigati^^ 
commerce,   colonization,    agriculture,  industry,  et^^- * 
to  be  laboured  for. 

5.  Although  the  party  had  its  own  ideas  about  soiiircrc^ 
of  revenue,  financial  matters  to  be  entrusted  as     ^^^ 
as  might  be  to  the  Authorities  and  sanction  or*     f  C' 
fusal  to  be  given  to  them  after  due  consideratii.o0' 


Lay: — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  425 

^-  By    restriction    of    needless    expenditure,    national 

finances  to  be  placed  on  a  secure  basis. 
7-  The  Retrocession    of  the    Liaotung    peninsula   was 

indeed  regrettable,  but  this  was  certainly  not  the 
time  for  quarrelling,  and  thereby  erring  in  great 
matters  of  state,  but  plans  for  the  future  were 
urgently  required,  so  the  party  would  labour  for 
public  rather  than  private  ends  in  company  with 
those  of  identical  aims,  in  accordance  with  the 
dictates  ot  true  patriotism. 
^-  Korean     independence    to    be    placed    on    a    firm 

foundation,  its  future  necessitating  much  anxiety. 
we  have  more  than  the  platitudes  we  have  been 
'^'^^t:omed    to    expect    from    political    parties    in    Japan. 
*^^iric:t  issues  are  to  be  found  set  forth  and  we  can  see 
^^^^•"ly  what  the  party  have  in  their  mind. 

"^^        further   declaration    was    issued    on    November  22, 
"^"^^ying  that  an  understanding  had  been   come    to    with 
^      Crovemment  with  whom    the  JiyJUo    would  work  to- 


in  future. 

declarations  were  confirmed  at  a  General  Meeting 
On  December  15. 

^    antagonism    felt    by    the    six   factions  towards  the 

^    was  accentuated  by   its  becoming  for  the  time  be- 

^     ^     <iuasi  Government  party.       By   them  official  action 

^^garded  with    a    much  less  lenient  eye.       On    June 

.  ^^'^^mbers   of  the   Kaishintd,  Kokumin  Kiokwai,  Kaku* 

.    ^'^^      Chugoku   Shimpoto    Zaisei   Kakushin   Kwai,  Cliuo 

^'^S'io  Kwed  met  at  the    Atago    Kwan,  and  constituted 

^  ^"^  Selves  an  association  of  political  friends  in  sympathy 

^    each  other,  Seiyu  Yushi  Kzvai  (J5[  ^  ^  ^\  ^),  with 

^^^^w    to   fixing  Governmental  responsibility  for  the  re- 


426  iMy  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

trocession  of  the  Liaotung  peninsula  at   the  invitation       <^^ 
Russia,  France  and  Germany.     Some    few    of  the  JiyJif^ 
members  joined  themselves  to  this  company.      From  the 
various    allied    groups    opposed    to    the    Government   the 
Doshi  Kivai  (fp)  ,"^>  '^)  was    formed    and    ft    drew    up    3 
statesment    in    13    articles  which  was  agreed  to  on  Sept- 
ember 9,  setting  forth  its  principles.     Thus  great  activity 
was  displayed   in   the   endeavour  to  fix  the  responsibility 
upon  the  Cabinet  for  what  was  deemed  to  be  a  national 
disgrace. 

On  December  25,   1895    commenced  the  9th  session  of 
the  Diet,  and  the  opponents    of  the  Government  lost  no 
time  in  seizing  the  opportunity  they  had  been  impatiently 
waiting  for.     A  bill  of  impeachment  was  introduced    into 
the  House  of  Representatives   on   January   9,    1896,    but 
was  rejected  by  170  to   103    votes.       The   impotence    of 
the  opposition    was    thus    at   once    manifested  and  made 
more  apparent  than  ever  the  need   for   strengthening  the 
bonds    of   union.     On    the    same  day   supporters    of   the 
anti-Government    parties    held    a    meeting    at    the    Koyu 
Kwan.     The  Kakushinto    made    up    their    minds    on    the 
i6lh  to  despatch  delegates   to    approach  the  several    fac- 
tions with  the  aim  of  amalgamation.     At  a  Meeting  held 
at  the  Imperial    Hotel,  T6ki5,   on    January    18    union    of 
parties  inimical  to  the  Jiyuto  under  a  new  name  was  de- 
cided   upon.       The    Kokuvdn    Kidkwai,  however,  which, 
originally    founded    as    an    official  support,  had  for  some 
time  cooperated  heartily  in  bitter  opposition,  had  recently 
showed  vacillation    and    a    desire  to  hold  back.        So    on 
the   19th  its  parliamentary  representatives  declined  to  have 
anything    to    do    with   the    scheme  for  uniting.        At   the 
same  time  they  renewed    the    attack    upon    the    Govern- 


Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  fapaiu  427 

ilient  by  bringing  in  a  motion  of  want  of  confidence  on 
February  15,  a  step  which  led  to  the  suspension  of  the 
session  for  ten  days.  During  the  interv'al  Viscount  Shi- 
Hrigawa  exerted  his  influence  with  his  party,  successfully, 
to  induce  them  to  moderate  their  zeal  ;  and  on  the  re- 
assembling of  the  Chamber  the  motion  was  withdrawn. 
The  ninth  session  of  the  Diet  therefore  presented  a  con- 
tinuous record  of  defeat  for  the  **  strong  foreign  policy  " 
side. 

The  movement  towards  union  w^ent  on  rapidly,  Messrs 
Inukai,  Ozaki,  Taguchi,  Shimada,  Suehiro,  Taketomi, 
Takata  Sanaa,  Takeuchi  and  others  evincing  active  in- 
terest in  it.  On  the  20th  of  February  a  resolution  was 
passed  at  a  meeting  held  at  the  Kinki  Kwan,  Kanda,  in 
favour  of  the  dissolution  of  all  popular  parties  and  the 
formation  of  one  large  political  association,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  eflFecting  a  change  of  Cabinet  and  the  taking  of 
office  by  responsible  Ministers.  The  result  was  that  the 
Shimpoto  (j^  ^  JH),  Progressive  Party,  was  actually  con- 
stituted on  Match  i.  It  was  an  amalgamation  of  the 
Kaishinto,  of  which  it  counted  ^{\,y  one  adherents  in  the 
House  of  "Representatives,  the  Kakushitita,  with  thirty 
three  parliaihentary  representatives,  the  Ote  Club,  six, 
CJiugoku  Slmnpoto,  five,  the  Zaisei  Kakushin  Kzvai,  with 
three,  and  also  had  in  its  ranks  five  independent  mem- 
bers. Their  principles  were  set  forth  to  be  progress,  the 
upholding  of  the  dignity  of  the  Imperial  House  and  en- 
largement of  the  happiness  and  rights  of  the  people. 

Nor  did  ^their  declaration  differ  much,  except  in  the 
matter  of  insistence  upon  cabinet  responsibility  from  most 
of  the  public  utterances  of  all  parties  from  the  time  of 
their  inception.     They  demanded   (i.)  Reform  of  Admiii- 


4^8  Lay: — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

istrative  abuses  and  the  establishment  of  responsible 
cabinets,  (2.)  reform  of  foreign  policy  and  extension  of 
national  rights,  (3.)  adjustment  of  the  finances  and  de- 
velopment  of  the  undertakings  of  the  people. 

By  virtue  of  the  understanding  which  then  existed  be- 
tween the  Government  and  the  Jiyuto^  the  post-bellum 
programme  was  sanctioned  and  military  and  naval  ex- 
pansion was  taken  up.  The  9th  Session  of  the  Diet 
was  a  memorable  one  and  many  projects  of  the  highest 
importance   were   set   on   foot  at  that  time. 

In  reward  for  the  support  of  his  party  Itagaki  was 
on  April  14,  1896  admitted  into  the  cabinet  as  Min- 
ister for  Home  affairs.  Mr.  Hoshi  Tom  went  as  En- 
voy Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the 
United    States. 

Not  to  be  outdone  by  the  Jiyuto  in  the  struggle  for 
influence  in  the  Councils  of  the  State,  the  Shintpoto 
came  to  an  understanding  with  some  of  the  Satsuma 
Statesmen. 

On  the  resignation  of  the  Ito  ministry  the  Matsukata- 
Dkuma   cabinet   came    into   power. 

The  two  great  cries  at  the  time  were  Jinsai  Toyo 
(selection  of  men  of  talent)  and  Giosei  Seiri  (administra- 
tive adjustment),  and  party  influence  was  found  useful 
in   helping   candidates   for   oflfice. 

The  Sliimpoto  held  a  large  meeting  on  November  i, 
and  announced  that  the  policy  of  the  Government  did 
not  differ  greatly  from  that  of  themselves  and  that  they 
would  try  to  see  it  carried  out.  In  case  of  failure  on 
the  part  of  the  Government  to  give  effect  to  it,  they 
would^  be   found   in   active   opposition. 

The    loth  Session  of  the  Diet    opened  on  22   Decern- 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  429 

Ijer,  1896  and  the  new  party  showed  their  strength  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  by  electing  Mr.  Hato- 
yama  Kazuo  to  succeed  Mr.  Kusumoto,  upon  whom  the 
title  of  Baron  had  been  conferred,  as  President  of  the 
Chamber. 

The   period   during   which    the     Shimpoto    took     ^ides 
with   the   Government   proved     a    time     of    trouble    and 
disunion   for  the  Jiyuto.       In   January    1897   a   tendency 
to    split   up   into  small  factions  was  manifested.     Shigeno 
Kenjiro   and   six   others  left  and   grouped  themselves  to- 
gether  under   the   appellation   of  the   Teiyu  Club  (T  S)- 
On  February  28,  the  Shinjiyutb,  (new  Jiyuto)  was  formed 
by   deserters   from   the  Jiyuto,      Many   were   the   defcct- 
tions   from   the  old  party  about  this  time  and  they  com- 
prised Kono  Hironaka.      Count   Itagaki  himself  resigned 
his  position  as  President  on  March   19.     Bando  Kangord 
and   8  others  formed  the  NicfUyo  Kivai  ( H  ffi  '^).     The 
Kokumin  Kiokivai  also  experienced    losses    in    January, 
Messrs   Sasaki    Sh5z6    and    six    others   leaving   to   start 
the   Kokumin  Club,     Then   the   business   men,   of  whom 
more   and   more    is   being   heard    in   political  matters,  in- 
cluding Messrs  Ban  Naosuke,  Matsumoto  Jutaro,  Kimura 
Seitaro,  Ozaka  Zennosuke,  and  Hara  Zenzaburo,  originat- 
ed  the   Doshi  Club   (pj  J^).        To   give  an    idea   of  the 
various  factions  as  represented  in  the  Diet  early  in    1897 
the  Jimfnin  published   the   following   figures : — 

Menil>ers. 

Jiyuto       88 


Shimpoto 

Kokumin  Kiokivai . . 
Gi'in  Club  ...  .. 
Doshi    **         


96 

25 
21 

21 


430  Lay  }—T/te  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

Skin  Jiyuto     ...     ...     ; 9 

Nichiyokwai    ......' 9 

Kokntnin   Club 8 

Kaknshin     ** •  S 

Unattached      7 


nt 


299' 

(which    leaves   one    member    unaccounted   for). 

With   \\\z    Autumn    of    1897,  however,  the   question.  ^* 

increasing  the  taxation  and,  in  particular,  the  land  tr^*-^' 
became  a  great  point  at  issue  between  the  Governnm 
and  the  parties.  The  Shimpoto  esF>eciHlly  took  up  a 
solute  stand  against  taxation,  which  led  in  tlie  end  to  'l::*^^ 
severance  of  connection  between  that  party  and  the  Qr<^^' 
ernment.  -  • 

On  October  22,   1897  the  Shimpoto  passed  the   follc:>'^^** 
ing  resolution  under  four  heads,  calling  for : — 

1.  The  removal  of  discordant  dements  from  tl^^ 
Cabinet  and  their  replacement  by  members  ^' 
identical  syn>pathies,  to  render  that  Body  sXxoT^Z 
and  united.* 

2.  Revision  of  the  Budget.     Restriction  of  non-urg^^*"*^ 
expenditure. 

3.  Alteration  of  policy  in  the  Government  of  Formo^^* 
and  reform  of  administrative  abuses  there. 

4.  Reform  of  non-constitutional  acts  and  perfecting'     ^ 
the  working  of  constitutional  Government. 

On  the  28th  the  Premier  replied  in  a  memorandum    ^^ 
the  effect  that  outside  interference  would  not  be  permitt^*^ 


*  Accvirdiiv^  to  some  accounls  they  also  desired  that .  puuishment  sho** 
be    meted  out   to    the    President    of   the    Boaid   of  Audit  for   his  allc^J'^*^ 
illegal  rcninval  of  menihers. 


i 


Lay: — Tlie  Political  Parties' of  Japan,  431 

in  the  appqintment    or   removal    of  Cabinet  Mini'steris   or 
with  regard  to  the  conduct  of  the  administration. 

On  the  31st  of  October  at  a  meeting  of  the  Standing 
Committee,  the  Shimpoto  decided,  as  the  result  of  their 
negotiations  with  Count  Matsukata,  that  the  Government 
had  no  real  intention  of  fulfilling  their  pledges,  judging 
by  their  action  in  the  past,  and  that  they  would  decline 
to  continue  to  work  hand  in  hand  with  them.  The 
officials  who  had  obtained  their  posts  as  party  men, 
chosen  from  the  ranks  of  the  Shimpoto^  gave  them  up 
in  November,  and  Count  Okuma  resigned  the  portfolio  of 
Agriculture  and  Commerce  on  the  9th  of  the  same  month. 

Opposition  to  the  Government  likewise  tended  to  re- 
unite the  oft'shoots  of  the  Jiylito,  and  the  *  Kodo  Kwai 
was  formed  by  the  fusion  of  the  Shin  Jiyutb,  Kohimin 
Club  and  Churitsu  Club  under  the  leadership  of  Viscount 
Takashinia. 

This  feeling  of  antagonism  to  the  taxation  measures  of 

the  Cabinet  spread,  and  the  representatives  of  the   Kohi- 

inin  Kiokwai  called    upon    the    Premier    in    November  to 

resign.     Both  the  Shimpoto  and  Jiyuto  passed  resolutions 

of  want  of  confidence  in  December. 

Other  Associations  such  as  the  Jitsugib  dbslii  Club  also 
showed  openly  their  intention  to  attack  the  Government. 

Thus  the  prospect  of  a  quiet  nth  .Session  was  remote. 

The  Diet  was  summoned  on  December    21,    1897.       On 

the    24th    the    Gwernment  introduced  Bills  providing  for 

increased  taxation  and  projects  of  law  preparatory  to  the 

coming  into  force  of  the  Revised  Treaties. 

But  the  collision  came  on  the  25th  when,  upon  the 
Lower  House  changing  the    order    of  the    Day  to  admit 

♦  Dissolved  on  February  20,  1898. 


4 


r    . 
■  •  !• 


M     *-» 


/^ir 


._/;&•  i^/^^'^^  >^^^>^  ^/  /tf/<»«. 

.    *-^«   n/*  a   motion    of   want  of  confidence. 
of  the  introduction    ot   a 

c  i:,ziin!ution  was  pronounced    as    soon    as    the 
sentence  of  dti>soiui  r 

reading  of  it  iiad  been  completed. 

In  the  fsLce  of  this  vigorous  attack  from  the  parties 
acting  hi  combination,  the  Cabinet  felt  constrained  to  place 
their  resignations  in  the  Emperor's  hands.  They  accord- 
ingly did  so  on  December  28,  1897. 

Then  followed  a  brief  time  of  difficulty  in  the  genesis 
of  a  Cabinet.  Marquis  Ito,  who  was  recognized  univer- 
sally to  be  the  only  man  who  could  at  the  moment  pro- 
perly step  into  the  breach,  came  forward  on  January  12, 
1898  and  accepted  the  responsibility. 

The  leaders  of  the  Sliimpoto  and  JiyTUd  would  have 
been  valuable  auxiliaries.  An  attempt  was  made  to  in- 
duce Count  Dkuma  to  accept  a  portfolio,  but  it  was 
frustrated  by  the  Shimpoto  who  declared  against  any  co- 
operation between  him  and  Marquis  ltd.  Similarly  it 
proved  impossible  to  induce  Count  Itagaki  to  enter  the 
cabinet  and  lend  the  Government  the  weight  of  his  in- 
fluence with  his  party. 

With  the  Jiyuto,  however,  negotiations  still  proceeded, 
though  they  fell  through  a  few  months  later  when  the 
party  openly  went  into  opposition. 

Another  Greneral  Election,  the  5th,  took  place  on  the 
15th    March    1898.       The    returns    gave   (from   Kenseito 

Jiyiito  and  their  Sympathizers  ...  99 

Koktwtin  Kiokivai  Supporters  ...  32 

Old  Kodb  Kwai 4 

Unattached 8 


H3 


•Government 
Supporters. 


r 


Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  433 


Shimpofo  and  Supporters 105) 

Seiyukivai    7 

Old  Kbdo  ha      7 

*  7"^//^^;/ Z^J;//«*(North  Eastern  Union     2 
Unattached 9 


Opposition. 


1 30  J 

Old  Dbshi  Kwai        4 

Unattached 23 


27J 


Independent. 


Period     3. 

The  period  of  greatest  influence  of  political  parties. 

We  now  come  to  a  time  wlien  the  influence  of  political 
parties  has  been  most  clearly  demonstrated  and  when 
they  have  actually  realized  their  long  cherished  dream, 
a  party  Cabinet. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  Parliamentary  Representatives 
of  the  Jiyuto  held  on  April  18,  a  definite  decision  to 
have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Ito  Cabinet  was  announced. 

The  party  had  been  willing    to    support   that   Cabinet  on 

* 

the  understanding  that  it  was  founded  upon  a  basis  of 
party.  But  the  promises  made  on  entering  upon  oflfice 
had  not  been  fulfilled  and  the  post  bellum  programme 
liad  not  been  adhered  to.  So  the  way  for  a  rapproche- 
rnent  between  the  parties  under  a  common  flag  of 
hostility  to  the  Government  was  paved.  Party  meetings 
lield  in  May  all  passed  resolutions  of  opposition,  except- 
ing the  Kokumin  Kijkwai. 

The  assembling  of  the   12th  Session    of   the    Diet  took 
place  on  May   14,   1898.      Kataoka  Kenkechi    was    again 

*  Founded  by  Kono  Hironaka  in  the  latter  part  of  1S97. 


432  iMy : — The  Political  Parties  of  fapan, 

of  the  introduction    of  a    motion    of  want  of  confidence, 

sentence  of  dissolution  was  pronounced    as    soon    as    tlu.  . 

reading  of  it  had  been  completed. 

In    the    face   of  this  vigorous  attack  from    the    |iartifv= ^  ^ 

acting  in  combination,  the  Cabinet  felt  constrained  to  plar* »^  ^— . 

their  resignations  in  the  Emperor's  hands.     They  accord- 
ingly did  so  on  December  28,   1897. 

Then  followed  a  brit;f  time   of  difficulty  in  the  genesfc 
of  a  Cabinet.     Marquis    Ito,    who  was  recognized  unive 
sally  to  be  the  only  man  who  could  at  the  moment  prc=-  _:^  — 0 
perly  step  into  the  breach,  came  forward  on  January  t  "  ^2 

1898  and  accepted  the  responsibility. 

The  leaders    of  the    Shimpoto   and  Jiyuto   would  ha 
been  valuable  auxiliaries.      An   attempt  was  made  to  i 
duce  Count    Dkuma    to   accept   a   portfolio,   but    it 
frustrated  by  the  Shimpoto  who  declared  against  any  <  ^y 

operation  between  him   and    Marquis    Ito.       Similarly  \i 

proved  impossible  to  induce  Count  Itagaki   to    enter  an      ~he 
cabinet  and  lend  the  Government  the  weight    of  his 
fluence  with  his  party. 

With  the  Jiyuto^   however,  negotiations  still  proceecS. 
though  they  fell  through    a    few    months   later  when 
party  openly  went  into  opposition. 

Another  General  Election,  the  5th,  took  place    on 
.15th    March    1898.       The    returns    gave  (from   Kem^* 
Sho-shi.), 

Jiyuto  and  their  Sympathizers  ...  99 

Kokumin  Kibkwai  Supporters  ...  32 

Old  Kodo  Kzvai 4 

Unattached 8 


:he 


143 


•Governnm 
Suppoi 


Lay: — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  433 


Shimpofo  and  Supporters 105I 

Seiyukwai 7 

Old  Kodo  ha      7 

*  7c;A^^Z^J//?«'(North  Eastern  Union     2 
Unattached  ... 9 


Opposition. 


1 30  J 

Old  Ddshi  Kwai        4 

Unattached 23 


27J 


Independent. 


Period     3. 

The  period  of  greatest  influence  of  political  parties. 

We  now  come  to  a  time  when  the  influence  of  political 
parties  has  been  most  clearly  demonstrated  and  when 
they  have  actually  realized  their  long  cherished  dream, 
a  party  Gibinet. 

At  a  General  Meeting  of  Parliamentary  Representatives 
of  the  Jiyutd  held  on  April  18,  a  definite  decision  to 
have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Ito  Cabinet  was  announced. 

The  party  had  been  willing    to    support   that   Cabinet  on 

* 

the  understanding  that  it  was  founded  upon  a  basis  of 
party.  But  the  promises  made  on  entering  upon  office 
had  not  been  fulfilled  and  the  post  bellum  programme 
had  not  been  adhered  to.  So  the  way  for  a  rapproche- 
ment between  the  parties  under  a  common  flag  of 
hostility  to  the  Government  was  paved.  Party  meetings 
held  in  May  all  passed  resolutions  of  opposition,  except- 
ing the  Kokumin  KiDkwai. 

The  assembling  of  the  12th  Session  of  the  Diet  took 
place  on  May   14,   1898.      Kataoka  Kenkechi    was    again 

'  *  Founded  by  Kono  Hironaka  in  the  latter  part  of  1S97. 


434  Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 

President  and  Motoda  Hajime  once  more  filled  the  office 
of  Vice-President. 

Bills  for  increased  taxation  as  well  as  a  revised  Law 
of  Elections  and  revised  Civil  Code  were  introduced,  and 
it  was  not  long  before  the  parties  came  to  loggerheads 
with  the  Government. 

Questions  proposed  independently  by  the  Shimpdto  and 
the  JiyTito  with  regard  to  foreign  affairs  elicited  replies 
which  the  members  deemed  crude  and  apart  from  the 
point.  On  the  30th  of  May,  in  consequence,  a  motion 
of  impeachment  was  brought  in,  but  rejected  by  the 
small  majority  of  six  votes. 

With  a  view,  if  possible,  to  inducing  tlic  Represent- 
atives to  reconsider  their  position,  and  to  give  them  time 
for  more  mature  deliberation  concerning  the  Increased 
Land  Taxation  Bills,  the  Session  was  suspended  for  3 
days  from  June  7. 

On  the  day  of  Suspension  a  meeting  was  held  by  sup- 
porters of  the  two  large  parties  not  members  of  the 
Lower  House  (at  the  house  of  Hiraoka  Kotaro,  who  ex- 
erted Ijimself  strongly  to  bring  about  Union),  at  which 
the  project  of  Union  was  mooted ;  and  it  was  decided  to 
take  measures  in  order  that  common  cause  might  be 
made  against  the  Government. 

This  was  another  step  towards  the  great  amalgamation 
brought  about,  directly,  by  antagonism  to  increased  taxa- 

•  •  • 

tion,  which  came  about  shortly  afterwards. 

The  majority  in  the  Lower  House  still  proving  ob- 
durate in  the  matter  of  the  Land  Tax  Bill,  a  sudden  stop 
was  put  to  tlie  proceedings  by  the  dissolution  of  the  Diet 
on  June  10.  This  stirred  the  popular  parties  to  renewed 
effort.     Hitherto  it   had  been  customary,  when  one  party 


Ijay : — The  Political  fhrtics  of  Japan,  435 

as  friendly  to  the  Government,  for  the  other  to  be 
►und  acting  in  opposition,  but  now  they  came  to  the 
Dnclusion  that  they  could,  together,  succeed  in  substitut- 
ig  constitutional,  as  they  termed  it,  for  clan  Government. 

Rapid  was  now  the  current  of  events  towards  union. 

On  the  day  following  the  dissolution  a  second  meeting 
ttended  by  representatives  of  the  Jiyutb  and  Skimpoto 
00k  place,  and  a  definite  arrangement  was  concluded. 
Messrs  Kuribara  of  the  Jiyuto  and  Takenouchi  of  the 
shimpotj  were  appointed  to  draw  up  a  declaration  and 
ules.  Counts  Itagaki  and  Dkuma  accepted  the  invitation 
ddressed  to  them  to  enter  the  party  about  to  be 
Drmed.  On  the  21st  the  Jiyuto,  Shimpoto,  and  also  the 
Doshi  Club  dissolved.  The  first  two  made  a  declaration 
o  the  effect  that,  having  taken  into  careful  consideration 
he  condition  of  affairs,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  they 
lad,  in  order  to  bring  about  the  full  completion  of 
Constitutional  Government,  dissolved  and  joined  with 
parties  having  identical  aims ;  and  they  would  unite 
nto  one  great  party,  and  work  together  for  the  cause  they 
lad  Sit  heart.  Formal  Coiistitutlon  of  the  new  Party,  to 
vhich  the  name  Kenseito,  (StftjR)  of  (Constitutional  Party), 
vas  given,  was  effected  on  June  22,  at  a  meeting  at  the 
Jhintpmiza,  Hiraoka  delivered  an  address,  he  having  con- 
inued  earnest  in  the  endeavour  to  bring  about  Union, 
md  a  meeting  subsequent  to  that  of  the  nth  having  for 
hat  purpose  been  held  at  his  house.  Kataoka  being  in 
he  chair,  Messrs  Ohigashi  Gitetsu,  Ozaki  Yukio,  Ma- 
suda  Masahisa,  Hayashi  Yuzo  were  nominated  a  Com- 
littee  in  charge  of  general  business.  Messrs  Minoura 
Latsundo,  Kuribara  Rioitsu,  Takenouchi  Seishi,  Ito  Dai- 
achi,  Furihata  Mototaro  were  elected    Party    Managers. 


43^  Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

The  declaration  published  ran,  roughly,  as  follows: — It  is 
about  lO  )'ears  since  the  Constitution  was  promulgated 
and  the  Diet  opened.  As  many  as  five  times  has  the 
I^iet  been  dissolved  and  Constitutional  Government  has 
not  yet  become  an  accomplished  fact,  nor  is  the  in- 
fluence of  political  parties  greatly  felt.  Thus  agreement 
and  co-operation  between  the  Government  and  the  people 
is  [)revented  by  the  firm  establishment  of  the  remaining 
evils  of  the  Government,  and  Public  Business  is  delayed 
to  the  great  regret  of  all  lovers  of  their  country.  Hav- 
ing taken  into  careful  consideration  the  condition  of 
affairs  both  at  home  and  abroad,  the  Jiyuto  and  Shimpoto 
have  in  order  to  bring  about  the  full  completion  of  con- 
stitutional Government,  decided  to  dissolve  and  together 
unite  in  forming  a  great  party  of  persons  in  sympathy 
with  each  other. 

The    principles    of   the    Kcnseito    were    laid    down    as 
follows  :— 

I.     Reverence  for  the  Imixiriil  House  and  maintenance 
of  the  Constitution. 
.  2.     Party  cabinets  and  fixing   of  (ministerial)  responsi- 
bility. 

3.  Development   of  local  .self- Government  and  restric- 
tion of  interference  from,  the  Central  Authority. 

4.  Protection  o{  national  rights  and  extension  of  com- 
merce and  trade. 

5.  Finances  to  be  placed  on  a  firm  basis  and  balance 
of  accounts  to  be  preserved. 

6.  Inter-Conununication  between  national   and    foreisrn 
finances  and  development  of  national  resources. 

7.  The  army  and  na\y  to  be  proportioned  to  national 
needs. 


Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  437 

8.  Speedy  creation  and  completion  of  means  of  trans- 
port and  communication. 

9.  Spread   of  Education  and  encouragement    of  tech- 
nical instruction. 

The  fixing  of  ministerial  responsibility  and  party 
cabinets  were  the  leading  points.  With  such  objects 
alone  forming  the  chief  basis  of  its  foundation,  and  so 
many  members  formerly  unfriendly  to  each  other,  all 
eager  for  office,  it  lacked  the  elements  of  lasting  cohe- 
sion. The  Government  vanquished  and  yielding  to  all 
demands  and  office  thrown  open  to  political  aspirants, 
then  would  inevitably  come  competition  for  place,  be- 
coming ever  more  bitter,  with  final  disorganization  and 
disruption. 

The  minds  of  the  elder  statesmen  were  at  this  juncture 
exercised  as  to  whether  or  not  it  was  expedient  to  have 
a  party  upon  which  the  Government  could  rely.  It  was 
the  idea  in  some  quarters  that  the  Kokuniin  Kiokivai, 
the  Jitsugioha^  the  Chikashuseiha  and  *  YainasJiita  Club 
might  form  the  nucleus  of  an  organization  upon  which 
the  cabinet  could  rely  in  its  conflict  with  the  Kenseito, 
Owing,  however,  to  the  wish  of  some  of  the  elders  to 
keep  aloof  entirely  from  party  entanglements,  the  project 
was  abandoned.  In  the  presence  of  His  Majesty  the 
Emperor  a  Conference  was  held  at  the  Palace  on  June 
24,  Marquises  Ito,  Saigd,  Yamagata,  and  Oyama,  and 
Counts  Inouc  and  Kuroda  being  present.  A  discussion 
took  place  as  to  the  advisability  of  forming  a  Govern- 
ment party  and  as  to  the  application  of  the  constitution 
to  the  Lower  House,  and  led  it  was  said  to  an  estrange- 
ment between    Marquis    Ito    and    Yamagata  which  lasted 

*  Formed  by  the  Independent  Members  of  the  Diet  on  May  7,  ,1898. 


i 


43  8  Ijny  .-^ — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

for  a  long  time.  The  former  was  in  favour  of  a  Gov- 
ernment Party,  but  was  unable  to  carry  out  the  project 
owing  to  disagreement  on  the  part  of  his  colleagues. 
He  accordingly  saw  no  help  for  it  but  to  resign  and 
make  way  for  the  new  party. 

The  conference  was  followed  on  the  morrow  by  a 
general  resignation  of  the  cabinet. 

The  course  was  now  clear  for  the  construction  for  the 
first  time  of  a  Cabinet  on  purely  party  lines. 

Marquis  Ito  lost  no  time  in  communicating  with 
Counts  Okuma  and  Itagaki  and  inviting  them  to  take 
the  place  vacated  by  himself  They  consented,  and  after 
consultation  with  the  General  Commissioners  of  the  Ktn- 
seito,  the  portfolios  were  distributed  as  follows  on  June 
30,  1898:— 

FIRST  PARTY  CABINET. 
{Kcfiseitd,) 

Vremic!r,  and  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 

Count  Okuma,  formerly  of  the..... Sfd$npatd 

Home    Minister,    Count    Itagaki,   formerly 

of  the Jiyi^to 

Financial  Minister,  Matsuda  Masahisa,  for- 
merly of  the    J^nUd 

Minister  of  Communications,  Playashi  Yu- 

zo,  formerly  of  the     Jiyuto 

Minister    of  Agriculture    and    Commerce, 

Oishi  Masami,  formerly  of  the     Skimpotd 

Minister  of  Justice,  Ohigashi  Gitetsu,  for- 
merly of  the    " 

Minister   of  Education,  Ozaki  Yukio,  for- 

merlv  of  the    " 


luty : — TItt  MUical  Parties  of  Japan.  439 

Four  of  the  Ministers  were  members  of  the  House  of 
l^epfesentatives.  This  is  the  first  time  that  any  member 
of  the  Lower  House  has  been  inchided  in  the  Cabinet. 

A  few  days  previous  to  the  formation  of  the  first 
Party  Cabinet,  the  progress  made  poUtically,  and  the  more 
sober  frame  of  mind  in  which  politics  were  considered 
was  marked  by  the  abolition  of  the  Ho-an  Jo-rei,  Peace 
Preservation  Regulations  (By  Imperial  Ordinance  of  June 
24,  1898).  This  was  one  of  the  signs  of  the  growing 
strength  of  that  policy  which  had  succeeded  in  the  preced- 
ing Session  in  passing  the  project  of  law.  Party  men  were 
also  appointed  Vice-Ministers  of  several  of  the  Depart- 
ments, and  many  other  posts,  such  as  that  of  Chief 
Secretar>'  to  the  Cabinet,  Chief  of  Police,  Departmental 
CouiKillor,  Local  Governor,  etc.  were  bestowed  upon  ad- 
herents of  the  Kenseito.  At  this  time  what  was  ironical- 
ly termed  riokwan  netsn,  feverish  hunting  for  office,  was 
prevalent. 

The  transfer  of  powjr  from  the  clan  statesmen  to  the 
representatives  of  the  people  was  hailed  with  great  re- 
joicing. It  was  looked  upon  as  a  great  step  in  the 
political  progress  of  Japan  and  was  even  termed  a  second 
Restoration. 

Not  only,  however  had  the  first  Party  Cabinet  to  con- 
tend against  the  enmity  of  statesmen  experienced  for 
thirty  yeiirs  in  the  administration,  but  internal  dissensions 
rent  it  in  twain. 

The  imperfect  cohesion  of  the  Jiyuto  and  the  Shimpoto 
and  the  diffii^ulty  of  preserving  the  balance  of  power, 
which  led  to  mutual  jealousies,  soon  occasioned  the 
downfall  of  the  Cabinet.  At  the  General  Election  of 
August    10,    1898    the    two    parties   competed  with  each 


i 


440  Lay  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

other,    notwithstanding    their    alliance.       This,    the    sixth 
election  passed  off  quietly.     The  result  was  as  follows  : — 

Shiinpofj 112 

Jiyutd         9^ 

Independent  (Supporting  the  Kenseito)      5  i 


Total  Government  Supporters     259 


Kokitmin  Kiokivai    20 

Independent       21 


Total  Government  Opponents       41 


From  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  C:ibinct  there 
has  been  constant  friction  among  the  ^linisters.  More- 
over the  House  of  Peers  was  dead  against  the  idea  of  a 
Party  Cabinet  and  had  to  be  reckoned  with.  The  fact 
that  the  Ministers  of  War  and  Marine  were  not  party 
men  was  also  a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  majority.  The 
holders  of  the  other  portfoh'os  were  not  long  allowed 
to  remain  undisturbed  in  the  exercise  of  their  functions. 
The  Vice-Minister  of  Justice  also  was  made  the  object  of 
accusation  on  the  ground  that  he  had  been  concerned 
in  interference  in  the  elections,  and  was  allowed  to  resign. 

But  it  was  the  uproar  raised  by  a  reference  to  Japan 
as  a  possible  Republic,  no  doubt  without  the  slightest 
intention  of  criticising  the  existing  regime,  made  by  Mr. 
Ozaki  Yukio  in  a  public  speech  on  August  30,  which 
was  the  direct  cause  of  the  break-up.  The  Minister  of 
Education  was  in  the  end  compelled  to  resign,  which  lie 
did  on  the  24th  of  October.  Mr.  Inukai  Ki,  of  the 
ShimpotOy  was  advanced  to  the  post  of  Minister  of  Edu- 
cation.    Now  came  the  crisis. 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  441 

To  this  step  the  Jiynto  objected,  as  they  wished  to 
5>ee  the  portfolio  held  by  one  of  their  own  nominees,  or, 
as  an  alternative,  desired  the  Forei<^n  Office  to  be  given 
to  them.  At  the  Cabinet  Council  held  for  the  discussion 
of  the  appointment  on  the  26th  the  impossibility  of  re- 
conciling the  two  sides  showed  that  the  Kcnseito  was  on 
the  verge  of  disruption.  The  appointment  of  Inukai  was 
announced  on  October  27.  Two  days  later  Itagaki,  Ha- 
yashi  and  Matsuda  resigned  and  their  example  was 
followed  by  the  Vice-Ministers  and  other  high  officials 
nominated  by  the  old  JiyutD.  The  Shimpoto  faction  was 
approached  on  the  subject  of  dissolving  the  Kenseitd,  but 
rejected  the  idea.  A  sudden  decision  to  dissolve,  at- 
tributed to  the  agency  of  Mr.  Hoshi  Torn,  was  arrived 
at  by  a  meeting  attended  by  Jiyuto  Representatives  on 
the  29th,  and  a  new  Kcnseito  was  forthwith  started.  Its 
principles  were  declared  to  be  the  same  as  those  of  the 
old  Kenseito,  Messrs  Kataoka,  Ebara,  and  Hoshi  became 
General. Commissioners,  being  afterwards  joined  by  Baron 
Sueraalsu.  ^  The  Shimpoto  branch,  taken  aback,  met  oh 
the  30th  and  again  on  Novemcer  i,  when  they  decided 
to  style  themselves  Kcnsei  honto  (Original  Constitutional 
Party).  On  November  3,  the  Kensci  honto  was  formally 
constituted,  Messrs  Suzuki  Jijen,  Hiraoka  K6tar5,  Kudo 
Kokan,  Di  Kentaro,  Kono  Hironaka,  being  the  General 
Commissioners.  Its  programme  too  was  identical  with 
that  of  the  old  Kenseito. 

On  the  31st  Count  Okuma  resigned. 

Thus  expired  the  short  lived  Party  Cabinet. 

But  during  its  existence  it  had  instituted  a  system  of 
reforms  in  various  Departments,  differentiating  political 
from  business  officials,  partly  with  the  view  of  facilitating 


442  iMy : — The  PbHiical  Parties  of  Japan, 

the  employment  in  Government  Departments  of  men  who 
had  rendered  service  to  their  party.  In  addition,  a  de- 
crease was  effected  in  the  number  of  officials  and  the 
salaries  of  those  of  lower  rank  were  raised. 

On  the  8th  of  November  a  new  Cabinet  under  the 
Premiership  of  Marquis  Yamagata  was  gazetted.  It  ap- 
peared at  the  outside  to  be  their  wish  to  have  no  con- 
nection with  any  political  party,  but  it  was  early  per- 
ceived that  such  an  attitude  would  be  incompatible  with 
a  peaceful  session. 

Although  the  Kensci  honto  comprised  a  majority  in 
the  Lower  House,  the  attention  of  the  Government  was 
rather  turned  towards  the  Kenseito,  The  Premier  had  a 
meeting  with  Count  Itagaki  a  day  or  two  after  entering 
upon  office  when  negotiations  for  an  understanding  were 
opened.  Through  the  exertions  of  the  latter,  aided  by 
Messrs  Hoshi  and  Kataoka,  an  understanding  was  enter- 
ed into  with  them.  So  shortly  afterwards  the  Kenscitj 
made  a  public  announcement  on  November  29,  stating 
that  as  the  Government  were  in  accord  with  the  views 
held  by  the  party,  they  nu'ght  rely  upon  their  sqpport 
and  the  two  together  would  labour  side  by  side  for  the 
welfare  of  the  nation  and  the  perfecting  of  Con- 
stitutionalism. On  November  30,  Marquis  Yamagata  by 
invitation  received  the  Ministers  and  the  leaders  and 
many  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party  at  his  official  re- 
sidence, and  made  a  declaration  of  the  existence  of  a 
state  of  Government  co-operation  with  the  Kenseiid,  By 
this  action  the  party  showed  their  recognition  of  the 
fact  that  the  time  was  not  yet  ripa  for  a  purely  party 
Cabinet  and  that  the  Klder  Statesmen  were  still  in- 
dispensable. 


Im)'  :—T/ie  Political  /It/ firs  of  Japan.  443 

The  13th  session  of  the  Diet  was  called  for  November 
7,  1898.  Messrs  Kataoka  and  Motoda  were  again  elect- 
t:d  President  and  Vice-President,  respectively. 

Keiisei  honto,  unlike  the  Kcnseito^  declined  to  Iiave  any 
dealings  with  the  Cabinet,  but  on  the  contiary  deter- 
mined to  take  up  a  line  of  conduct  at  variance  with  that 
adopted  by  the  Government.  Its  constitution  they  con- 
sidered violated  their  principles,  which  called  for  a  party 
Cabinet,  and  which  they  resolutely  adhered  to.  Their  at- 
titude however  was  more  than  counter-balanced  by  the 
support  of  the  Kenseito  and  the  Kokumin  Kiokwai, 
Thus  the  augury  for  a  quiet  Session  was  from  the  be- 
ginning favourable. 

The  bill  for  increasing  the  land  tax  was  passed  in  a 
modified  form  by  arrangement  with  the  Kenseito  in  spite 
of  the  strenuous  opposition  of  the  Kensei  Iwnto.  The 
Kokumin  Kiokwai  also  continued  its  support  of  the  Gov- 
ernment. 

On  the  5th  of  July  1899  it  dissolved  to  come  into 
existence  again  as  the  Teikoku-to  (^  ^  J|(),  Imperialist 
Party.  At  the -same  time  it  gave  a  promise  of  assisting 
the  Government  and  co-operating  with  the  Kenseito. 

In  June  of  the  same  year,  Marquis  Ito  delivered  a 
series  of  lectures  in  the  Central  Provinces  and  in  Kiushu 
on  the  necessity  for  re-construction  of  political  parties. 
Undaunted  by  their  feilure  at  the  13th  Session,  the  Ken- 
sei honto  persevered  in  the  course  of  action  they  had 
adopted.  They  held  meetings  in  various  parts  of  the 
country  in  order  to  spread  their  views;  Count  Okuma 
taking  an  active  part  in  the  campaign.  Approval  was, 
at  a  meeting  held  at  Kioto  on  May  27,  given  to  resolu- 
tions calling  for  adjustment   of  the  administration,  reduc- 


k 


444  Lay : — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

tion  of  expenditure,  the  restoration  of  the  land  tax,  post 
and  telegraph  rates  and  the  soy  tax  to  their  former 
level  without  recourse  to  other  fresh  sources  of  taxa- 
tion : — These  reforms  to  be  effected  at  the  14th  Session 
of  the  Diet.  At  a  gathering  at  the  Koto  Nakamuraro 
Tokio,  later  in  the  year,  November  17,  at  which  speeches 
were  delivered  by  Count  Dkuma  and  Viscounts  Tani  and 
Miura,  the  fallowing  programme  was  sanctioned :— (i) 
Administrative  adjustment  in  the  army  and  navy,  Formosa, 
and  all  other  directions.  Restoration  of  three  taxes  above 
specified  to  their  old  rates  without  recourse  to  new 
sources  of  taxation,  (2.)  Active  conduct  of  foreign  affairs, 
extension  of  national  interests  and  prestige,  preservation 
of  the  territorial  integrity  of  China  and  Korea,  (3.)  Re- 
duction of  unproductive  enterprises  in  the  Budget,  en- 
couragement of  education,  development  of  national  re- 
sources, rapid  completion  of  means  of  communication  and 
transport  and  of  works  for  preventing  floods,  (4.)  Reform 
of  the  abuses  of  officialdom,  and  of  the  evil  of  in- 
terference with  elections,  (5.)  Suitable  steps  in  accord 
with  party  principles  and  decision  of  Representatives  to 
be  taken  to  deal  with  matters  coming  up  at  the  ensuing 
Session  of  the  Diet. 

Thus  their  continued  opposition  to  the  Government 
was  in  the  main  based  upon  the  question  of  taxation. 
It  is  also  worthy  of  note  that  the  preservation  of  the 
integrity  of  China  and  Korea  is  made  a  plank  in  their 
platform  a  matter  upon  which  they  have  dealt  with 
much  insistence  ever  since. 

The  Kenscito  had  in  the  interval  between  the  13th 
and  14th  Sessions  reniaincd  staunch  in  its  allegiance  to 
the  Cabinet.       On    November    15,    1899,  Messrs    Hoshi, 


Ixiy  : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  445 

Matsuda,  Suematsu  and  Hayashi  were  appointed  General 
Commissioners  and  they  adopted  as  the  policy  of  the 
party  for  the  next  Session,  (i.)  The  extension  of  the 
franchise,  (2.)  State  purchase  of  private  railways  and  the 
completion  of  projected  lines,  (3.)  State  defrayment  of 
local  prison  expenditure,  (4.)  Abolition  of  the  Law  of 
Political  Associations,  etc.  They  also  deemed  it  their 
duty  to  obtain  the  fruit  of  their  support  of  the  Cabinet. 

The  14th  Session  of  the  Diet,  which  was  formally 
opened  on  November  22,  1899,  ^^^^  '^  predecessor, 
passed  without  striking  incident.  The  KensHhonto  lost  no 
time  in  opening  fight  over  the  question  which  ihcy  had 
declared  to  have  at  heart.  But  the  Government  still  re- 
tained its  hold  over  the  Kemeito  which  admitted  of  the 
administration  being  conducted  and  legislation  enacted 
without  friction. 

The  proposals  of  the  opposition  for  the  restoration  of 
the  three  taxes  to  their  old  rate  were  rejected  by  the 
House  of  Representatives  on  the  8th    of  December. 

The  business  of  the  Session  included  the  passing  of 
the  Revived  Election  Law  which  became  operative  for 
the  first  time  on  August  10,  1902.  The  law  was  pub- 
lished as  Law  No.  73  March  28,  1900,  and  amended 
slightly  by  Law  No.  38  of  April  4,  1903.  It  is  divided 
into  13  chapters  which  treat  of,  (i.)  Electoral  districts, 
(2.)  Rights  of  electing  and  of  being  eligible  for  election, 
(3.)  Election  lists,  (4.)  Elections,  voting  and  voting 
places,  (5.)  Control  of  voting  places,  (6.)  Opening  of 
ballot  boxes  and  places  for  the  oi^cning  of  ballot  boxes, 
(7.)  Election  meetings,  (8.)  Elected  persons,  (9.)  Term  of 
membership  and  elections  to  fill  vacancies,  (10.)  Lawsuits 
about  elections  and  the  results  of  elections,  (i  i.)  Punitive 


446  Lay  :— The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

regulations,  (12.)  Supplementaay  regulations,  (13.)  Ad- 
ditional regulations.  The  number  of  members  is  raised 
from  300  to  381,  and  there  are  73  representatives  of  City 
and  308  of  Country  districts.  Voting  districts  correspond 
with  the  limits  of  Cities,  towns  and  villages.  No  altera- 
tion is  to  be  made  in  the  membership  or  areas  for  ten 
years.  No  property  qualification  is  now  necessary  in  the 
case  of  Candidates,  while  the  annual  payment  of  land 
tax  or  other  direct  national  taxes  by  electors  is  reduced 
.from  15  to  \6  yen.  Another  important  change  introduc- 
ed is  voting  by  secret  ballot.  A  relative  majority  of  the 
total  number  of  ballots  secured  election  under  the  old 
Law,  but  it  is  now  necessary  that  Candidates  should 
have  not  less  than  one  fifth  of  the  number  obtained  by 
dividing  the  total  number  of  persons  borne  in  the  elec- 
toral lists  by  the  fixed  number  of  members  for  the  dis- 
tricts in  question.  The  alterations  made  in  the  law  are 
liieant  to  minimize  the  possibility  of  corruption,  to  ensure 
secrecy  and  to  bring  it  into  line  as  regard  details  with 
recent  legislation.  .  ; 

In  several  places  the  date  of  the  taking  effect  of  the 
New  Law  remains  to  be  specially  determined  by  Im- 
•"•  periaV  Ordinance,  so  that  the  ^number  elected  in  August 
falls  somewhat  short  of  the  full  number. 

The  number  of  persons  possessing  electoral  rights  on  the 
36th  of  April  1902  was  967,227,  of  whom  67,979  were  city 
electors,  896,646  in  country  districts  and  2602  in  Islands. 

Biit  the  Kcnscito  became  more  and  more  dissatisfied 
with  the  portion    that    fell    to    them   as    their  reward  for 


*  Niihi  Nichi  Shimbitn. 

t  On  October  4,  1 900    the   *' Club  "    placed  the  probable  number  under 
the  now  Klection  Law  at   796,578. 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  447 

idirig  the  Government.  They  ^  found  that  Marquis  Ya- 
lagata  placed  his  own  opinion  before  theirs  and  fancied 
hat  his  attitude  was  one  of  disdain  of  party  interference. 
^Negotiations  took  place  between  them  and  the  Govem- 
nent  in  March  and  April  and  as  a  result  new  civil 
ervice  regulations  were  issued  27,  April  1900.  With 
hese  on  which  they  had  been  building  their  hopes  of 
idmittance,  to  places  under  the  Government,  they  were 
11  pleased.  They  did  not  think  that  party  participation 
!n  office  had  sufficient  weight  attached  to  it.  They  were 
unwilling,  however,  to  precipitate  a  crisis  as  the  wedding 
3f  His  Imperial  Highness,  tlie  Crown  Prince  was  to 
take  place  on  the  lOth  of  May.  Accordingly  they  de- 
layed action  until  the  17th  of  that  month,  when,  at  a 
meeting  of  adherents  of  the  party,  it  was  resolved  that  it 
was  not  desirable  to  continue  the  status  quo  with  the 
Government. 

On  May  20,  in  consequence  of  the  regulations,  pro- 
viding for  cases  which  should  not  fall  within  the  purview 
of  the  Civil  Service  Regulations  the  offices  of  Chief 
Secretary  to  the  Cabinet  and  of  Chief  of  Secretariat .  in 
the  various  Departments  were  able  to  be  filled  from  the 
ranks  of  party  men.  Still  displeased,  the  General  Com- 
missioners paid  a  formal  visit  to  Marquis  Yamagata,  and 
the  conference  which  took  place  led  to  a  declaration  that 
the  Kenseito  would  act  independently  of  the  Cabinet  for 
the  future.  They  subsequently  proceeded  to  call  upon 
Marquis  Ito  towards  whom  their  hopes  had  turned  as 
soon  as  it  became  evident  that  they  would  break  with 
the  Yamagata  Cabinet,  and  invited  the  Marquis  to  enter 
their  party  as  its  Head.  They  were  told  that  the 
matter  would  receive   careful   consideration    and    oii    July 


448  Lay : —  The  Political  Parties  of  Jc^pau. 

8,  they  at  length  obtained  a  promise  from  Marquis  Ito 
that  he  would  join  with  the  Kenseito  in  bringing  together 
a  party  of  which  he  would  assume  the  leadership. 
Count  Inoue  took  a  great  part  in  the  work.  In  a  few 
weeks  time  the  project  was  ripe,  for  fulfilment.  On 
August  25,  1900  the  projected  formation  of  the  Rikken 
Seiyukwai  (Party  of  Friends  of  Constitutional  Govern- 
ment) (it  ,^  j^  2^  '#),  successor  to  the  Jiyufo  and  the 
Kenseito  was  announced.  The  principles  of  the  reconstruct- 
ed party  were  enunciated  in  the  following  terms : — 

(i.)  The  party  would  dutifully  guard   the   Constitution, 
and    would,    conformably '  to    its    provisions,   perfect   the 
working    of  the    Sovereign    Power,    and     so     carry   out 
important  national  undertakings  and   maintain    the    rights 
and  liberties  of  all  the  people,  (2.)  Bearing   in   mind  the 
comprehensive     plans    of   the    Restoration,    they     would 
labour  in   the  cause    of  civilization,  by   assisting  in  their 
execution  and  so  promoting  the  fortunes   of  the  country, 
(3.)  They  were  desirous  of  perfecting  the   organs    of  ad- 
ministration    and    of   preserving    their    impartiality     and 
would    aim    at    making    selection    (for   office)  unbiassed, 
simplification    of    business    the    making    clear    where  re- 
sponsibility lay,  a  well  disciplined  officialdom,  smart    ex- 
ecution of  business, — all  which  things  must   be   made   to 
follow  the  spirit  of  the  times,   (4.)  Importance  should  be 
attached    to    foreign    affairs    and    friendship   with    treaty 
nations  should   be    strengthened,  and   they  should  labour 
for  a  civilized  administration  wh  ch  would  be   a    security 
to   foreigners    and    prove    Japan    to    be    a    law-governed 
country,    (5.)  National   defences    must    be    brought    to    a 
state  erf*  perfection  to  accord  with  the  condition  of  aflatrs 
at   home  and  abroad,  and'  the  national   rights  should  be 


Lay: — TIte  Political  Pities  of  Japan.  449 

properly  protected  so  as  to  keep  pace  with  the  develop- 
ment of  the  national  resources,  (6.)  The  national  founda- 
tion should  be  firmly  laid  by  the  promotion  of  educa- 
tion, the  development  of  the  national  character  so  that 
they  might  all  perform  their  duty  to  the  nation,  (7.)  The 
financial  existence  of  the  country  to  be  placed  on  a  live 
basis  by  the  encouragement  of  agriculture,  industry  navi- 
gation, and  commerce,  and  the  facilitation  of  communica- 
tion, (8.)  Local  self  government  to  be  made  the  means 
of  uniting  the  various  units,  socially  and  economically, 
(9.)  They  would  respect  their  party  responsibilities  to- 
wards the  nation,  and  labour  for  the  public  benefit  cir- 
cumspectly and  in  avoidance  of  long  standing  evils. 

The  Committee  of  organization  of  the  Seiyukwai  con- 
sisted of  Baron  Suematsu,  Messrs  Hoshi,  Matsuda  and 
Hayashi,  General  Commissioners  of  the  KensHto,  and 
Marquis  Saionji,  Viscount  Watanabe,  Barons  Honda  and 
Kaneko,  Messrs  Haseba  Junko,  Watanabe  Koki,  Coka 
Ikuzo,  Tsuzuki  Keiroku. 

On  August  27.  Mr.  Ozaki  Yukio  was  expelled  from 
the  Progressionist  Parly  because  of  his  expressed  desire 
to  dissolve  the  party  and  unite  with  the  new  association. 
Subsequently  in  a  circular  addressed  to  the  constituencies 
they  blamed  him  for  his  action  in  the  matter. 

On  September  13,  1900  the  Kenseito  finally  met  to 
dissolve  and  make  way  for  the  Rikken  Seiyukwai. 

The  perfection  of  constitutional  Government  was  declar- 
ed to  be  the  desired  end  of  the  change  which  had  been 
accomplished. 

It  is  to  be  noted  tliat  the  party  accepted  Marquis  Ito 
on  his  own  conditions  and  knowing  that  his  views  as  to 
Government  by  party  did  not  coincide  with  their  own. 


\ 


450  Lay; — T/ie  Political  Pcxrtks  of  Japan, 

The  inaugural  ceremony  of  the  Seiyukwai  was  perform- 
ed at  the  Imperial  Hotel  Tokio,  on  September  15. 
-  By  the  Progressists  the  Seiyukwai  was  not  regarded 
with  favour.  Count  Okuma  took  an  early  opportunity  of 
delivering  a  speech  in  which,  while  rejoicing  that  one  of 
the  clan  statesmen  had  showed  the  progress  of  the  nation 
by  accepting    party    influence    as  inevitable,  he  remarked 

that  he  was  not  disposed    to   do  anything  in  the  way  of 
co-operation  or  union. 

,    To  counterbalance  the  weight  lent  to  the  Seiyukivai  by 
the  leaderships  of  Marquis    Ito,    the    Kenseilwntd   decided 
towards  the  end  of  1900  to  request  Count  Okuma  to  be- 
come the  head,    formally,    of  their  organization.     On  the 
f8th  of  December  the  party  was  re-organized  at  a  general 
meeting    held    in    Tokio,    the  Count  becoming  President, 
and  a  business  committee  of  five  members  being  appointed. 
It  is  of  interest  to  note  the  formation  and  comparative- 
ly   brief  existence    of  a    political    association    called    the 
Kokumindomei-kwai  (^  E  13  S&  ^),  National  Union.     Or- 
ganized   in    September    1900    when    the    future    of  China 
seemed  doubtful,  it  was  dissolved  on  April  27,   1902,  the 
objects  of  the  union  namely  the  preservation  of  the  terri- 
torial integrity  of  China  and  the  restoration  of  tranquility 
there,  being   deemed    to    have    been  assured  by  the  con- 
clusion of  the  Anglo-Japanese  agreement  and  the  signature 
of  the  Treaty  between  Russia  and  China  regarding  Man- 
churia.    Prince    Konoe,    President    of  the   Upper    House, 
was  President  of  the    Association,  and  Messrs  Inukai  Ki 
and    Sasa    Tomofusa    were    leading    spirits  in  it.     It  was 
supported  by  the     'foa  do-lmn  kivai   (East  Asia  Common 
Script  Society)  and  by  the  Progressiv^es,  but  was   regard- 
ed with    open    hostility    by    the  Seiyukivai  and  with  dis- 


Lay: — The  Political  Partes  of  Japan.  451 

pleasure  by  the  Government.  It  is  no  uncommon  thint; 
in  Japan  for  political  associations  to  be  formed  for  speci- 
fic purposes  and  to  be  dissolved  on  tlie  fulfilment  of 
these  objects,  and  the  Kokumin  domei  kzvai  is  but  one 
instance  out  of  many  which  have  occurred  during  the 
past  twenty  years. 

The  resignation  of  the  Yamagata  Cabinet  had  been  de- 
layed by  the  Boxer  troubles  in  China  and  the  inadvisa- 
bility  of  change  of  government  until  tranquility  had  been 
substantially  restored.  Consequently  it  was  not  until 
October  19,  that  Marquis  ltd  formed  his  Cabinet,  the 
majority  of  the  members  of  which  belonged  to  the  Sei- 
yukzvcd. 

Of  the  old  Jiyuto  leaders,  Baron  Suematsu  held  the 
portfolio  of  Home  affairs.  Mr.  Matsuda  of  Education, 
Mr.  Hayashi  of  Agriculture  and  Commerce,  Mr.  Hayashi 
of  Communications.  Much  regret  was  felt  that  Count 
Inoue  was  not  included,  as  he  was  expected  to  hold  a 
portfolio.  This  may  be  called  the  second  Party  Cabinet 
in  Japan,  and  it  was  looked  upon  at  the  time  as  a  trans- 
fer of  the  rems  of  power  from  the  older  statesmen  into 
the  hands  of  younger  men.  Marquis  Ito  being  the  only 
veteran  remaining.  But  like  its  predecessor  it  suffered 
from  lack  of  homogeneity. 

With  regard  to  the  Teikohito  they  were  at  first  inclin- 
ed to  lend  their  countenance  to  the  new  Ministr)-,  but 
on  December  19,  they  passed  ^  resolution  to  the  effect 
that  its  attitlide  towards  the  Constitution  in  the  interpre- 
tation of  the  doctrine  of  responsibility  violated  their 
principles. 

The  weakest  feature  in  the  Cabinet  was  the  holding  of 
the  portfolio  of  Finance  by  Viscount  Watanabe.     Belong- 


4?  2  Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

ing  to  Shinshu,  originally  not  a  party  man  and*  averse  to 
Government  by  party,    the    Viscount    had  consented  with 
reluctance    to   join    the    Seiyukwai,      He    was    appointed 
chairman  of  the  General  Committee  in  the  beginning,  but 
was  dei)oscd  from  that  post    shortly   afterwards  owing  to 
serious    differences    of   opinion    between    himself  and  the 
other  members    of  the    Committee.     The  latter    issued  a 
ver)'  vioJLMit  manifesto  attacking   him  whereupon  Marquis 
Ito    removed    all    the    fifteen    members    of  the   committe, 
subsequently    re-appointing    twelve    of  them,    nominating 
Mr.  Ozaki    Yukio    in    the    place    of  Viscount   Watanabe. 
Thus  Viscount  Watanabe  took  office  under  most  unfavour- 
able circumstances,  and  his  appointment  was  greeted  with 
much  opposition.     During  the  ensuing  six  months  his  re- 
lations with  his  colleagues    of  the    Seiyukwai  grew  more 
and  more  strained.     Frequent  expression  of  desire  for  his 
retirement  was    the    subject    of  newspaper   articles.     The 
agitation    against    him    canie    to    a    head    early    in    April 
1901.     He    then    announced,    in    his   capacity  as  Finance 
Minister,  that  the  execution  of  certain    undertakings  pro- 
vided for  in  the  budget  which  had  just  bedn  passed  and 
had  taken  effect    from  the    ist    of  that  month,  would  re- 
quire   to    be    postponed    in    view    of  the   impossibility  of 
raising  the  domestic  loan  contemplated    in  the  same  esti- 
mates.    This  announcement  was  met  with  a  storm  of  in- 
dignation.    He    was    accused    of  being  utterly  lacking  in 
sense   of   responsibility.     This    alteration  of  his  own  pro 
posals  in  such  a  radical    manner    immediately    after  thei 
acceptance  by  the  Diet,  was  held    to  be  a  demonstratio 
of  his  unfitness  to  control  the  national  finances.     Viscou 
Watanabe,  however  resolutely  refuced  to    resign   unless 
company  with    his    colleagues.     He  disclaimed    individ 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  453 

responsibility  in  the  matter,  maintaining  that  the  Cabinet 
liad  as  a  body  agreed  that  postponement  of  some  of  the 
national  undertakings  was  inevitable,  and  that  lie  would 
stand  or  fall  with  the  others. 

On  April  20,  five  of  the  Ministers,  all  prominent  mem- 
bers of  the  Seiyukiuaif  conveyed  to  Marquis  Ito  a  warn- 
ing of  their  intention  to  leave  office  if  the  services  of 
Viscount  Watanabe  were  retained.  It  was  subsequently 
thought  that  a  compromise  had  been  arrived  at  by  mutual 
concession  on  points  of  finance  and  that  the  matter  would 
be  allowed  to  drop.  But  disputes  again  arose  within  the 
Cabinet,  and  outside  of  it  private  members  of  the  SeiyFi- 
kwai  showed  a  disinclination  to  allow  the  Finance  Min- 
ister to  continue  in  office ;  a  committee  elected  at  a 
meeting  of  the  party  sought  and  obtained  an  appointment 
for  an  interview  with  Marquis  Ito  in  order  to  lay  their 
views  before  him.  The  interview  was  fixed  for  the  2nd 
of  May,  but  on  the  morning  of  that  day  the  Premier 
suddenly  repaired  to  tha  Palace  and  handed  in  his  re- 
signation, to  the  surprise  of  the  public  generally.  Marquis 
Saionji  took  the  vacated  place,  temporarily. 

The  political  crisis  lasted  exactly  one  month.  On  Mar- 
quis Ito's  resignation  a  conference  of  the  elder  statesmen. 
Marquis  Yamagata,  Marquis  Saigo,  Count  Matsukata,  and 
Count  Inoue  was  summoned  by  the  Emperor.  They  con- 
cluded that  there  was  no  alternative  to  an  Ito  Cabinet  at 
the  moment  and  invited  the  Marquis  to  re-consider  his 
decision.  The  newspapers  too  of  all  shades  of  opinion 
were  practically  unanimous  in  the  view  that  no  one  but 
Marquis  ltd  was  in  a  position  to  form  a  cabinet  which 
should  contain  any  of  the  elements  of  stabih'ty,  because  of 
his    command    of   a    majority    in    the    House    of    Repre- 


454 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan. 


sentatives.  This  demonstrates  the  light  in  which  the  in- 
iluence  of  political  parties  had  now  come  to  be  regarded. 
]kit  Marquis  Ito  proved  unyielding.  Further  conferences 
of  the  elder  Statesmen  and  negotiation  between  them  and 
the  late  Premier  were  of  no  avail.  The  delay  led  to 
much  criticism  of  the  older  statesmen.  It  was  argued 
that  it  was  their  duty  to  find  a  way  out  of  the  difficulty 
but  that  instead  of  boldly  grasping  the  situation,  each 
one  tried  to  shift  the  responsibility  on  to  the  shoulders 
of  some  one  else.  The  people  were  tired  of  their  in- 
action and  if  they  were  unable  to  perform  their  former 
functions,  they  should  retire  from  the  political  arena, 
making  way  for  younger  and  more  vigorous  men. 

As  the  resolve  of  Marquis  Ito  not  to  come  forward 
again  in  the  meantime  turned  out  to  be  unalterable,  owing 
pcirtly,  it  was  said,  to  his  unwillingness  to  face  the  House 
of  Peers  until  his  relations  with  Marquis  Yamagata  re- 
gained their  old  friendly  footing,  Viscount  Katsura  was 
sent  for  by  the  Emperor  on  the  26th  May  and  com- 
manded to  do  his  best  to  form  a  Cabinet. 

On  June  2nd  the  Katsura  Cabinet  was  gazetted.  It 
w  as  a  new  departure  in  that  it  was  not  under  the  leader- 
.shi[),  nor  did  it  contain  any  of  the  elder  statesmen,  whose 
presence  had  hitherto  been  considered  essential  in  a  Cabi- 
net. On  the  other  hand,  no  representatives  of  political 
parties  were  included  in  its  composition.  In  the  estima- 
tion of  those  who  believe  in  the  future  of  political  parties, 
it  thus  marked  a  transition  stage  between  the  relinquish- 
ment of  power  on  tlie  part  of  the  statesmen  who  had 
controlled  the  administration  of  modern  Japan,  and  the 
final  triumph  of  political  parties  and  the  assumption  of 
Governing  Authority  by  their  leaders. 


Lay : — The  Political  I\irties  of  Japan.  455 

The  attitude  taken  up  by  the  Seiyukwai  towards  the 
new  Cabinet  may  be  characterized  as  of  indifferent  neu- 
trality. Marquis  It5  had  exerted  his  influence  to  prevent 
the  party  from  becoming  hostile  on  trivial  grounds,  be- 
seeching them  publicly  not  to  offer  opposition  to  the  in- 
coming Government  unless  their  method  of  conducting 
public  affairs  demanded  it. 

With  regard  to  the  Progressives,  they  were  inclined 
to  stand  by  the  Cabinet  and  negotiations  were  entered 
into  with  a  view  to  an  understanding,  But  no  definite 
agreement  waa  concluded  and  the  Progressives  have 
continued  in  a  position  of  benevolent   neutrality. 

Early  in  the  year  there  had  occurred  a  secession  from 
the  ranks  of  this  party  over  the  question  of  taxation. 
Count  Dkuma  carrying  the  majority  of  the  party  with 
him  supported  the  proposals  of  the  Government  for  in- 
creased taxation  on  the  score  of  national  necessity.  Those 
of  opposite  views,  practically  the  Old  Kakushinto  coterie 
including  Messrs  Kudo  Kokan,  Chigashi  Gitetsu,  Suzuki 
Juen,  Baron  Kusumoto,  etc.,  severed  their  connection  with 
the  party  on  February  18.  They  styled  themselves  the 
Sanshi  Club  (H  IS)i  because  they  were  thirty  four  in 
number  and  the  year  of  secession  was  the  thirty  fourth 
year  of  Meiji.  Since  then  they  have  kept  apart,  holding 
and  advocating  their  own  views,  although  there  has  been 
talk  of  their  return  to  their  old  party  and  their  votes  are 
reckoned  as  available  as  a  rule  for  the  Progressives. 

The  Imperialists  passed  a  resolution  of  confidence  in 
the  ministry. 

It  was  expected  at  first  that  the  Katsura  Cabinet  would 
be  a  mere  stop  gap,  but  it  passed  successfully  through 
the  sixteenth   session    of  the   Diet,   and  indeed  holds  at 


4 -4  L^U  —Th^  /i/AV^-^'»/  ^^^^^ 

sciiuitivcs.     This   demonstrates  thr 

ll-.jciicc  of  political  parties  had  r 

]kit  Marquis  Ito  proved  uny« 

c.fthc  elder  Statesmen  and 

the    late    Premier   were 

much    criticism    of  th 

that  it  was  their  d* 

but  that   instead 

one  tried  to   p' 

of  some    o*" 

action  an 

functio'     .^^^^^  of  the  *  C.ncral  Election  which  ^°^\w^c 

''  .fii^t  \o  was  a  victory  for  the  Seiyu-kiVi^^      ^    .^^^ 
,"'^5  to    be    sonic   doubt   about  the  exact  fi^         -.^-d 
'^^'  flffiniin  gives  the   following    as    the    estimn^'' 
'  /,v'  the  Authorities  : — t 

SciyTi-kuHii, . . 

!Kcnsd'hont7) 
Sanshi  Ckib 
Niigata  Progressives 
Imperialists 
Indeix^ndent 


.J  cwr 

jrisis  over 

the  action 

,cti  members 

jj-ty  and  sup- 

ed  'in  the  line 

/he  government 

..c    of  the    recalcitrant   ^^^   ^^^^^^ 
akuguro,    Shigeno    Kenjiro, 

enced 


•  •  • 


■  •  •      •  •  • 


•  •  •      •  •  • 


Total      

X  The  Moji  election    has    yet    to    take 


illegality  in  the  voting.     The  lutmiin  however,  give? 


375        _  ^^     -^"^ 
place  owin-^==^^  ^-^ 


-  f  J 


■«•  Prior    lo    tlur    election    llie    Mini>lor  for   Home  Af)airs  issued  iib  ^      $ 
lions  to  tho  Local  (lovcrnors,  cnjuininj;    non-intorferencc  and  afwolutc 
j^artiality. 

t  These  arc  the  liiiiiro-  "ivcn  bv  llic   Xichi  Xichi.  %'• 

\  'J'ook  place  on   (.)ctol)er    lo,    n^»2,    Nxlien    a    candidate    in    syaijul  ^ 
with  the  Seivh'kiL'iii  was  elected. 


V 


-Tilt  Politkal  Parlici  of  Jap 


457 


mate    of   tho  Seiyu-kwai  figures,  while  the 

K),   crcditint^    the    Piofjressives    with    112. 

~hiinl'iin,  an  orf^aii  of  tlie  Progressionists 

ract   is  laktn. 

'Iikh  appeared  in  the  colutims  of  the 

'  October  /J,  ip02  : — 

•■    readers  are  axvarc,  occupies  a 

.,    tlic    liistory    of    Japanese     political 

1   a    ]ilura!it)'  in  llic  House    of   Reprcsent- 

iierc  majority  as  compared  witii  any  otiier 

.iirality  of  tlie  wliolc  House.     Hitherto  the 

political  association    in    tho   country  could 

be  stronger  tiiaii  any  rival,  and  the  conse- 

lat    combinations     and     consultations    were 

der   to    carry  any  measure  whether  for  or 

vcrnnient.     Not    infrequently    tl-e    extreme 

iry     illoy;icality     was     witnessed — a     small 

ticians  holding  the  casting  vote  and  beiiig 

0  control    the   whole  situation.       But    the 

1  now  muster  force  superior  to  the  com- 
of  all  its  rivals.  If  it  decides  to  oppose 
;xt  session,  one  of  two  things  must  ensue 
xnge    of   Cabinet    or   a    dissolution  of  the 

To  Enj^lLshmcn  it  will  doubtless  appear 
I  Ministry  should  attempt  to  remain  in 
the  support  of  a  majority  in  the  I^wer 
arlianieiitary  affairs  in  Japan  arc  not  yet 
British  models.  The  present  Cabinet  as- 
■ith  open  disavowal  of  parliamentary  sup- 
!cnts  the  familiar  chjBen  shtigi,  or  inde- 
,  which  is  one  of  the  transition  stages 
ucracy    to    constitutional     institutions.       It 


45  6  Ixiy : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

present  (September  1902),  a  stronger  position  than  ever 
owing  to  its  conduct  of  affairs  having  on  the  whole  met 
with  the  approval  of  the  people.  A  threatened  crisis  over 
the  proposals  of  the  Budget  was  averted  by  the  action 
of  the  more  moderate  section  of  the  Seiyukwai  members 
who  showed  their  intention  to  leave  tlie  party  and  sup- 
port the  Government  if  the  former  persisted  in  the  line 
it  had  adopted  regarding  the  estimates.  The  Government 
consequently  triumphed,  but  the  Seiyukwai  took  venge- 
ance by  ex{)elling  some  of  the  recalcitrant  members, 
Messrs  Inoue  Kakugoro,  Shigeno  Kenjiro,  and  Den 
Kenjiro. 

The  result  of  the  *  General  Election  which  commenced 
on  August  10  was  a  victory  for  the  Seiyu-kwai.  There 
appears  to  be  some  doubt  about  the  exact  figures,  but 
the  Jimmin  gives  the  following  as  the  estimate  arrived 
at  by  the  Authorities : — f 

Seiyu-kwai 192 

lu'nsei-honto       88^ 

Sanshi  Club 

Niigata  Progressives 

Imperialists 

Independent 


Progressives 


•••  •••  ••• 


•  •  •  •  • 


Total      375 

X  The  Moji  election    has    yet    to    take    place  owing  to 
illegality  in  the  voting.     The  Jimmin  however,  gives    199 


*  Prior  to  the  election  the  Minister  for  Home  Affairs  issued  instruc- 
tions to  the  Local  Governors,  enjoining  non-interference  and  absolute  im- 
partiality. 

t  These  arc  the  figures  given  by  the   A7<7//  Xichi. 

\  Took  place  on  October  lo,  1902,  when  a  candidate  in  sympathy, 
with  the  Stiyn-kwai  was  elected. 


Lay : — Th€  Political  Parties  of  Japan,  457 

as  its  own  estimate  of  the  Seiyu-kivai  figures,  while  the 
AsaJii  gives  190,  crediting  the  Progressives  with  112. 
from  the  Hochi  S/iimhm,  an  organ  of  the  Progressionists 
to  the  following  extract  is  taken. 

Footnote  : — Article  which  appeared  in  the  columns  of  the 
"  fapan  Daily  Mail''  on  October  ij,  igo2 : — 

The  Seiyu-kwaiy  as  our  readers  are  aware,  occupies  a 
position  unique  in  the  history  of  Japanese  political 
parties.  It  has  a  pluralit)'  in  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives—not a  mere  majority  as  compared  with  any  other 
party,  but  a  plurality  of  the  whole  House.  Hitherto  the 
most  powerful  political  association  in  the  country  could 
only  claim  to  be  stronger  than  any  rival,  and  the  conse- 
quence was  that  combinations  and  consultations  were 
necessary  in  order  to  carry  any  measure  whether  for  or 
against  the  Government.  Not  infrequently  tlx'  extreme 
of  parliamentary  illogicality  was  witnessed — a  small 
coterie  of  politicians  holding  the  casting  vote  and  being 
thus  enabled  to  control  the  whole  situation.  But  the 
SeiyH'kwai  can  now  muster. force  superior  to  the  com- 
bined strength  of  all  its  rivals.  If  it  decides  to  oppose 
the  Ministry  next  session,  one  of  two  things  must  ensue 
— either  a  change  of  Cabinet  or  a  dissolution  of  the 
Lower  House.  To  Englishmen  it  will  doubtless  appear 
strange  that  a  Ministry  should  attempt  to  remain  in 
office  without  the  support  of  a  majority  in  the  Ia)wer 
House.  But  parliamentary  affairs  in  Japan  are  not  yet 
in  accord  with  British  models.  The  present  Cabinet  as- 
sumed office  with  open  disavowal  of  parliamentary  sup- 
port. It  represents  the  familiar  chozen  shugi,  or  inde- 
pendent policy,  which  is  one  of  the  transition  stages 
from    a    bureaucracy    to    constitutional     institutions.       It 


458  Lay : — Tlie  Political  Parties  of  Jafi^n, 

takes  its  mandate  from  the  Throne  alone,  and   does  not 
acknowledge  direct  responsibility   to    any   political  party. 
If,  then,  the  Seiyu-hwai  should  marshal  its  forces  against 
the  Ministry  next  session,  the  Cabinet  would  be  logically 
following  the  rule  of  its  existence  did   it   send  the  mem- 
bers back  to  their  constituencies,   a   sentence   which    ihe 
members,  having  just    incurred    the    expense  and  trouble 
of  a  general  election,  will  naturally    be    most  anxious  to 
avoid.       Neither   is    it    likely   that   things    will    ever  be 
pushed    to    such    a    flagrant    issue.       The    Seiyukwai   is 
under   the    leadership    of  Marquis    Ito,   who,  more    than 
any   statesman    in    the    country,   enjoys    the    Sovereign's 
confidence.     Marquis    Ito's    attitude    towards    the    present 
Cabinet  is  avowedly  directed   by   the    principle    of   mini- 
sterial stability.     Strongly    opposed    to    ephemeral  tenure 
of  office,  he  desires  to  educate  among  politicians    a    con- 
viction   that    the    interests    of    party     must    always     be 
sacrificed  to  those  of  State,  at  least  to  the  extent  of  the 
disturbing  the  occupants    of  the    seats   of  power  merely 
because  of  their  occupation.     So   long  as   that  process  of 
education    can    be    continued    without    over-straining    the 
cohesion  of  the  Seiyu-kivai,  Marquis  Ito  is  likely  to  con- 
tinue   it,   and   when    it   becomes  difficult  to  continue,  we 
may    be    sure    that    the   necessary   readjustments   will   be 
effected  without  anything  like  a  crisis. 
Progressives,  gives  the  figures  as :  — 

Progressives Il8 

Seiyu'kivai    i88 

Imperialists 19 

Independent 50 


k.. 


Tmv  : — The  Politic  at  Parties  of  Japan.  459 

In  any  case,  *  the  party  led  by  Marquis  Ito  will  com- 
mand a  clear  majority  in  the  next  House  of  Represent- 
atives. Whether  or  not  it  will  be  a  compact  body  is 
quite  another  question.  During  its  brief  existence  the 
party  has  not  enjoyed  much  freedom  from  internal  dis- 
sension. From  time  to  time  there  have  been  rumours 
that  it  would  dissolve  and  a  union  be  effected  between 
a  section  of  its  members  and  the  Progressives.  Already 
it  is  said  to  be  divided  over  the  land  tax  question  vvh'ch 
promises  to  constitute  one  of  the  most  difficult  problems 
by  which  the  Diet  will  be  confronted  in  its  seventeenth 
session  (1902-03). 

Political  parties  have  now  become  a  distinct  power  in 
the  land  and  the  day  may  come  when  they  shall  readi 
the  final  goal  of  their  ambition,  namely  the  control  of 
the  administration.  From  small  and  insij^nificant  begin- 
nings they  have  gradually  progressed  in  influence  and  in 
organization.  As  by  degrees  they  have  been  getting  rid 
of  their  unruly  and  dangerous  elements  and  learning  to 
a  greater  extent  the  lesson  of  responsibility,  they  have 
more  and  more  gained  the  popular  confidence.  Possess- 
ing practically  the  power  of  the  purse, — for  in  the  Diet 
the  House  of  Representatives  has  the  first  say  as  to  the 
details  of  the  Budget  presented  by  the  Government, — 
they  have  always  to  be  reckoned  with.  And  with  the 
perfection  of  their  organization,  and  the  growth  of  their 
experience  they  will  have  to  be  more  and  more  taken 
into  account  in  the  future.  The  power  which  the  Lower 
House  can  exercise  is  indeed  limited  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  failing  to  obtain  its  consent  to  the   Budget,  the 

*  See  Footnote — (Extract  from  Article    in   Japan  Daily  Mail  of    Oclu- 
l^cr  13,  1902). 


40o 


Laiv  : — The  Political  JhrtiiS  of  Japan. 


GovcintiKnt  can  order  dissolution  and  the  estimates  for 
the  current  financial  year  are  then  again  adopted.  But 
no  statesman  can  afford  to  neglect  political  parties  or 
hope  to  carry  on  the  affairs  of  the  State  for  long  in  face 
(:'{  the  opposition  of  a  majority  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. One  of  the  greatest  of  Japan's  Statesmen — 
Count  (>kuma — has  from  the  early  days  been  closely  as- 
sociated with  one  of  the  principal  parties,  and  Marquis 
Ito  recently  consented  to  throw  in  his  lot  with  the  other 
large  pirty.  Party  Cabinets  have  already  been  attempt- 
ed, but  have  so  far  not  proved  a  success.  With  a 
longer  trial,  however,  there  is  no  reason  why  they 
should  not  some  day  be  a  recognized  feature  of  the 
national  polity.  There  are  some  who  sneer  at  the 
I)arties  ar.d  minimi/e  the  importance  of  the  field  of 
work  lying  before  them.  These  are  not  the  more 
serious  students  of  modern  Japanese  history.  We  have 
seen  in  this  sketch  how  the  parties  have  gradually  de- 
veloped and  advanced  and  that  the  most  able  of  states- 
men feel — and  the  feeling  is  constantly  more  and  more  im- 
portant— that  they  are  no  longer  a  ncgligeable  quantity, 
but  that  they  must  be  considered  and  consulted  and 
their  assistance  sought.  With  the  retirement,  which  can- 
not now  be  long  delayed,  of  the  elder  statesmen  from  the 
arena  of  poHtics,  will  come  the  opportunity  for  the 
party  men.  Within  the  limits  of  the  Constitution  of 
Ja|)an  tliere  is  ample  room  foi  the  exercise  of  large 
l)()wtrs  by  political  i)arties.  Considering  the  brief 
period  which  has  elapsed  since  political  parties  l:ad  tlieir 
origin  in  Japan,  and  making  due  allowance  for  the  faults 
incident  to  youth,  one  cannot  but  be  struck  with  the 
position  they  have  now  attained.     It  is  true  that  char*T:es 


Lay : — The  Political  Parties  of  Japan.  461 

of  bribery  and  corruption  have  from  time  to  time  been 
justly  brought  against  many  of  their  members.  It  is 
also  true  that  at  a  time  when  they  hesitated  to  grant 
the  expenditure  deemed  necessary  for  national  require- 
ments, the  House  of  Representatives  cheerfully  voted  an 
increase  in  the  annual  allowances  of  members  from  800 
to  2,000  yen.  But  when  times  of  national  emergency 
have  come,  all  parties  have  united  to  sink  their 
differences  arid  devoted  themselves  wholeheartedly  to  face 
and  overcome  the  difficulty  and  danger.  And  to  their 
credit  must  be  placed  the  fact  that  they  have  assisted  in 
securing  a  large  measure  of  liberty  to  the  subject  and  of 
freedom  for  the  press  and  political  associations. 

There  have  of  course  been  unruly  scenes  in  the  Lower 
House  at  times,  but  on  the  whole,  in  the  conduct  of 
business,  it  may  be  said  to  compare  not  unfavourably 
w'ith  Representative  Bodies  in  other  parts  of  the  world. 

With  regard  to  representation,  the  agricultural  interest 
preponderates,  as  so  many  of  the  members  arc  of  the 
agricultural  class,  the  mercantile  world  being  represented 
in  only  a  small  degree. 

That  there  have  been  no  distinct  and  well  defined 
party  issues  may  be  traced  to  the  fact  that  feudalism 
gave  place  so  suddenly  to  a  modern  state  of  society. 
No  doubt  there  was  a  period  of  preparation  for  the 
change,  but  the  old  was  transformed  into  the  new  with- 
out any  very  marked  transition  period.  The  leaders  of 
thought  and  those  who  have  taken  up  the  work  of 
national  rejuvenation  have  consequently  all  been  men  of 
progressive  tendencies.  For  it  was  clear  that  Japan 
must  advance  rapidly,  and  in  the  same  direction  as  the 
West,  if  she  wished  to  take  her  place  as  she  has  now 
done,  on   terras  of  absolute  equality  among  the  Nations. 


4^)2  Lay : — Tlic  Political  Parties  of  Japan, 

Tliorough  reform  and  reorganization  were  a  vital  neces- 
sity, and  at  the  same  time  this  truth  was  so  apparent  to 
intelligent  minds  that  in  Japan  those  whose  thoughts 
have  preferred  to  revert  for  guidance  to  the  past  have 
had  few  followers  during  the  past  thirty  years — parti- 
cularly in  the  political  world.  The  outcome  has  been 
that  all  the  parties,  with  the  exception  of  very  minor 
and  negligeable  groups,  have  been  advocates  of  reform 
and  progress  and  staunch  upholders  of  the  Hberty  of  the 
subject.  With  all  this,  loyalty  to  the  Emperor  has  never 
for  a  moment  been  lost  sight  of  by  any  of  the  parties 
and  their  programmes  have  been  filled  with  laudable  de- 
sires for  the  dignity  of  the  Imperial  House.  Another 
reason  for  vagueness  of  programme  appears  to  be  the 
comparatively  subordinate  part  played  by  political  parties 
in  the  Government  of  the  country.  Inability  until  recently, 
to  carry  out  plans,  at  times  prevents  their  being  made. 
That  they  have  frequently  opposed  the  Government  in 
cases  where  opposition  for  its  own  sake  has  been  the 
only  recognizable  principle  cannot  be  gainsaid.  It  must, 
however,  be  remembered  that  they  have  all  along  Keen 
struggling  for  a  share  in  the  administration,  to  give 
effect  to  their  contention  that  the  Government  .should  be 
not  only  representative  of  one  class  or  section  of  the 
population  but  be  carried  on  by  the  nominees  of  the 
l)cople  under  the  Imperial  authority.  In  a  recent  paper 
read  before  the  Asiatic  Society,  Mr.  Chamberlain  re- 
ferred to  the  intensely  democratic  nature  of  the  Japanese 
people.  In  the  rise  of  political  parties  we  have  an 
illustration  of  this  phase  of  the  national  character,  side 
by  side  with  marked  reverence  for  the  Emperor.  The 
desire  for  equality  and  the  revolt  against  the  controlling 
iiifluoncc  of  a  Hvurow  cutcrie  has  all  along  been  exhibited. 


k 


r 


atalogue  cf  recently  published  Japanese  Books^ 


I  sincerely  trust  that  the  Catalogue  herewith  presented 
to  the  members  of  the  Asiatic  Society  may  be  of  material 
service  in  the  promotion  of  Japanese  studies.  One  of  the 
most  desirable  results  would  be  a  large  increase  in  the 
number  of  valuable  papers  prepared  for  the  Society's 
Transactions,  the  main  purpose  of  this  Catalogue  being  to 
point  members  to  the  sources  through  which  information 
may  be  derived.  The  Catalogue  does  not  pretend  to  be 
either  complete  or  scientifically  arranged ;  so  long  as  it 
serves  ils  purpose  I  shall  be  satisfied. 

I  may  add  that  I  shall  be  at  all  times  happy  to  act  as 
intermediary  either  in  procuring  books  or  in  having 
rough  translations  prepared,  or  in  any  other  wa>'  for 
members  who  are  not  in  a  position  to  do  such  things  for 
themselves. 

Arthur  Lloyd. 
56.  Tsukiji,  Tokyo  December    1903.  Hon.  Lib. 


Religion. 

Ichimai  Kishomon  Tanshin  Sho.  ^-^tfe^lrl^itiii  fS^* 
^otes  on  a  Buddhistic  book  on  faith.  Author  Shanion 
Tlyucho.     Publisher  Komeisha.     Price  Yen,  0.12. 

Fubo-on-ju  Kyo  Kogi.     :X  l5:®liJK^^-     lectures  on 


k 


464  Catalogue  of  Books, 

the  Fubo-oii-ju  Ky5,  a  Buddhistic  book  on  parents'  grace. 
Author  Yamada  Kodo.  Publisher  Koyiikwan.  Price 
Yen,  0.12. 

Fukwan  Zazcngi  Senyo.  ^-||!|/^jj$^^|c-  Notes  on 
the  Fukwan  Zazengi,  a  Buddhistic  book  on  religious 
meditation.  Author  Ouchi  Seiran.  Publisher  Komeisha. 
Price  Yen,  o.io 

Murakami  Hakase  Bukkyo  Koron  Shu.  ;H'ilfild^l^ 
tic  liH  uft  ^  A  collection  of  Prof.  Murakami's  lectures 
and  essays  on  Buddhism.  Vol.  I.  Author  Murakami 
Sensho.     Publisher  Komeisha.     Price  Yen,   1.50. 

Rinri  to  ShOkyo  to  no  Kwankei.  fft-j^  i  J^tic  £  ©BB 
^.  Relation  between  ethics  and  religion.  Author  Ino- 
uyc  Tetsujiro.     Publisher  P^usambo.     Price  Yen,  0.4b. 

Anshin  Ritsumei  Dan.  ^j&jfc'ft'llE.  A  talk  on  peace 
of  mind  and  faith.  Author  Murakami  Sensho.  Publisher 
Tctsugaku  Shoin.     Price  Yen,  0.20. 

Sanron  Gengi  Kowa  Roku.  Hl^~^^^^^-  Lectures 
on  the  Sanron  Gengi,  a  Buddhistic  book.  Author  Maeda 
lum.     Publisher  Bummeido.     Price  Yen,  0.30. 

Shinshu  Shichi-so  no  Taiko.  ^Rn'^'blfi:^::^!^-  Arti- 
cles of  faith  of  the  seven  Fathers  of  the  Shinshii,  a  Bud- 
dhistic sect.  Author  Saito  Yuishin.  Publisher  K6yuk\van. 
Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Shinshu  Yoryo.  J^^lc^fi-  A  brief  description  of  the 
Shinshu,  a  Buddhistic  sect.  Author  Murakami  Sensho. 
Publisher  Tetsugaku  Shoin.     Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Sekkyo  Hiyu  Gowa  Roku.  |ftt5:^"fe>g^^-^.  A  col- 
lection of  parables  to  be  adopted  for  sermons.  Author 
Yasuda  Tokunin.     Publisher  Bunmeido.     Price  Yen,  0.45. 

Sonken  Hakase  Rinri teki  Shukyo-ron  Hihan  Shu.  ^ 
m'^±^mt^\%mkW(^%'     a  criticism  on  Prof.  Ino- 


Catalogue  of  Books.  465 

iye*s  "  Ethical  Religion."     Author  Akiyama  Goan.     Pub- 
isher  Kinkodo.     Price  Yen,  0.80. 

Gojin  no  Shukyo.  "?5A07j?%-  ^"J"  religion,  a  layman's 
'iew  of  Buddhism.  Author  Akatsuki  Ubin.  Publisher 
^umnieido.     Price  Yen,  0.20. 

Sodoshu  Shushoji  Sokkyo  Daizen.  Wf|^>i^fiE^^i%% 
^^.  A  collection  of  sermons  of  the  Sotoshu,  a  Buddhistic 
ect.  Author  Sotdshu  Shiimukyoku.  Publisher  Koyu- 
:wan.     Price  Yen,  o  70. 

Seishin  Kowa.  ^ijBlt^^-  Lectures  on  spiritual  culture. 
Vuthor  Kiyozawa  Manshi.  Publisher  Bummeido.  Price 
fen,  0.30. 

Roppo-rai-kyo  Kowa.  AS>l!fJjSiS^.^^-  Lectures  on  the 
^.oppo-rai-kyo,  a  Buddhistic  book.  Author  Ouchi  Seiran. 
Publisher  Komeisha.     Price  Yen,  0.15. 

Gakud6-y5jin-shu  Kogi.  $M  ^#(!>^  ^^*  lectures 
>n  the  Gakudo-yojin-shu,  a  Buddhistic  book  on  the  way 
>f  Buddha.  Author  Yamada  K5d6.  Publisher  Koyukwan. 
Price  Yen,  0.30. 

Murakami  Hakase  Koen-shu.  #  ^b  IH  ^T  91  K^-  A 
:ollection  of  Prof.  Murakami's  lectures  and  speeches. 
'Vuthor  Murakami  Sensho.  Publisher  Bummeido.  Price 
^'en,  0.25. 

Gusha-ron  Tasshi.  {^^  Sfi^i^iu:^-  Lectures  on  the  Gu- 
»ha-ron  (a  Buddhist  book.)  Author  Murakami  Sensho. 
Publisher  Tetsugakushoin.     Pi  ice  Yen,  0.25. 

Gunjin  to  ShiJkyo,  !JX  i  J^tSC-  Soldiers  and  Reli- 
gion. Author  Takemoto  Kiyozo.  Publisher  Kyobun- 
lAvan.     Price  Yen,  0.02. 

Morumonkyo  to  Morumonkydto.  W^f^'tflt  W^f\ 
}ki&'  On  Mormonism  and  Mormons.  Autlior  Taka- 
Lashi  Goro.     Publisher  Jujiya.     Price    Yen,  0.75. 


4^6  Catalogue  of  Boohs. 

Bukkyo  Rinri  no  Jissen.  %WkM  ©  ffS-  Practice 
in  Buddhistic  morals.  Author  Hanada  Ry5un.  Pubh'shcr 
Bummeido.     Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Bukkyo  Kaikaku  Dan.  ift  ffe  2S[  $  ^.  View  on  Bud- 
dhistic reformation.  Author  Kato  Hiroyuki.  Publisher 
Kinkodo.     Price  Yen,  0.12. 

Fukwan-zazen  Kogi.  ^Hl^lS^il'  Lectures  on  the 
Fukwan-zazen,  a  Buddhistic  book.  Author  Ouchi  Seiran. 
Pubh'sher  Komeisha.     Price  Yen,  0.15. 

Kishin-ron  Tasshi.  & j^gft^^.  Lectures  on  the  Kishin- 
-ron,  a  l^uddhistic  book.  Author  Murakami  Sensh5. 
Publisher  Tetsugakushoin.     Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Kyudosha  no  Shiori.  ^j|^^0^.  A  guide  to  Chris- 
tianity. Author  Bessho  Umenosuke.  Publisher  Kydbun- 
kwan.     Price  Yen,  0.05. 

Yubin-kyakufu  to  Shukyo.  W&M'h  ^  ^tfl-  Postmen 
and  religion  (Christianity.)  Author  Okubo  Rakujitsu. 
Publisher  Kyobunkwan.     Price  Yen,  0.02. 

Shinshu  Kyoshi.  MfA^^-  A  history  of  Shinshu,  a 
l^uddhislic  sect.  Author  Maeda  Eun.  Publisher  Bum- 
meido.    Price  Yen,  0.65. 

Shonin  to  Shukyo.  "^A^^  ^^-  Merchants  and  re- 
ligion (Christianity.)  Author  Abe  Seiz5.  Publisher  Kyo- 
bunkwan.    Price  Yen,  0.02. 

Shukyo  Kaikaku  An.  ^^fS^fift^^.  A  layman's  view 
on  Buddhistic  reformation.  Author  Inouye  Enryd.  Pub- 
lisher Tetsugakushoin.     Price  Yen,  0.20. 

Shinreijo  no  Shuyo.  i6M_hCDiif||.  On  spiritual  cul- 
ture based  on  Buddhism.  .Vuthor  Hamaguchi  Esho.  Pub- 
lisher Bummeido.     Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Hikaku  Shukyo  Ippan  J:^;  ^  ^  fj^  —  HJ.  A  gen- 
eral    view     on     comparative     religion.       Author     Kishi- 


Catalogue  of  Books.  ^Gj 

moto  Nobuta.     Publisher    Keiseisha.       Price    Yen,    0.15. 

Zengaku  Okugi.     jjli^M^-     Mystery  of  the  science  of 
Zen.     Author    Fujinami    Ichinyo.     Publisher    Bungakudo- 
shikwai.     Price  Yen,  0.50. 

Zenkai  Kummo.  |5?Kp|^.  Elementary  teaching  on 
Zen  precepts.  Author  Nishiarl  Zenji.  Publisher  Koinei- 
sha.     Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Zengaku  Kwatsumondo.  Jflt^JS^^*  Catechism  on 
the  .science  of  Zen.  Author  Kdmeisha.  Publisher  Ko- 
meisha.     Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Logic. 

Ronrigaku  Koyo.  ffijf  31  $  iW  S-  ^  book  on  logic. 
Authors  Kuwaki  Ganyoku  and  Sekiyama  Tomi.  Publisher 
Hakubunkvvan.     Price  Yen,  0.40. 

Philosophy. 

Nippon  Kogaku-ha  Tetsugaku.  EI  ^^'j&^iHR^^.  Phi- 
losophy of  the  Kogaku  School  in  Japan,  a  school  of 
Confucianism  which  held  the  oldest  way  of  interpreting 
Confucius'  teaching.  Author  Inouye  Tetsujiro.  Publisher 
Fusambo.     Price  Yen,  1.60. 

Nippon  Tetsugaku  Yoron.  B4^{$$1^|^-  A  brief 
s^ccount  of  Japanese  philosophy.  Author  Arima  Suke- 
masa.     Publisher  Koyukwan.     Price  Yen,  0.90. 

Waseda  Sosho  Tetsugaku  Shiyo.  ^fSffl^^g^ail?. 
A  short  history  of  philosophy.  Author  Kuwaki  Genyoku. 
Publisher  Hakubunkwan.     Price  Yen,  1.40. 

Sekai  Shiso  no  Kwako  Oyobi  Shorai.  ilt^JgliElCO^S 
^XJMF^'  P«^st  and  future  of  Thought  in  the  world. 
Author  Hokki  Keijir5.  Publisher  Tdyosha.  Price  Yen, 
0-15. 

Tetsugaku  Koy5.     f$^jP||.     A  short    history  of  phi- 


J 


468  Catalogue  of  Books. 

losophy.  Author  Asanaga  Sanjiro.  Publisher  Hobun- 
kwan.     Price  Yen,   i.oo. 

Shizen-kai  no  Shimbi.  Q^fJ-CD^fl-  -Esthetics  in 
Nature.  Author  Otsuki  Ryu.  Publisher  Bungaku  D5shi- 
kwai.     Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Shakwai-gaku  to  Tetsugaku.  Sh^^ilS^-  Sociolo- 
gy and  philosophy.  Author  Hisamatsu  Giten.  Publisher 
Bungaku  Doshikwai.     Price  Yen,  0.60. 

Jinsei  no  Shimbi.  A^v7)8ril-  Esthetics  of  human 
life.  Author  Otsuki  Ryu.  Publisher  Bungaku  Ddshikvvai. 
Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Bungaku  no  Shimbi.  X^0Sf3§-  -'Esthetics  of  litera- 
ture. Author  Otsuki  Ryu.  Publisher  Bungaku  Doshi- 
kwai.    Price  Yen  0.25. 

Koto  Nippon  Shushin  Sho.  .  ift*1?H:4:1if:l'#.  A  text 
book  on  elementary  ethics  for  girls,  to  be  used  in  higher 
e^ementaiy  girls'  schools.  Author  Bungakusha.  Publis^her 
Bungakusha.     Pi  ice  Yen,  075. 

Obei  Kotoku  Bidan.  P|lt:5RS^^|fe.  A  collection  of 
stories  about  public  morals  in  Europe  and  America. 
Author  and  Publisher  Ikuseikwai.     Price  Yen,  0.20. 

Yojohan  Tetsugaku.  KS-f"^^-  An  "  Attic  Philo- 
sopher." Author  Hakugan  Koji.  Publisher  Tetsugaku- 
shoin.     Price  Yen,  0.20. 

Genko  Yoroku.  ^  ^f  ^  ¥A'  A  collection  of  moral 
stories.  Author  K\^'an  Ryokuin.  Publisher  Hakubunkwan. 
Price  Yen,  0.30. 

Shimpen  Futsu  Shinrigaku.  fiftl^Jlfiii^a^-  A  hand 
book  on  psychology.  Authors  Takashima  Heizaburo 
and  Doi  Kennosuke.  Publisher  Seibido.  Price  Yen, 
085. 

Fujo  no  Sluiyo.     Wk^^^-     A  book  on  the  culture 


Catalogue  of  Books.  469 

of  woman.  Author  Kat5  Totsudo.  Publisher  Komeisha. 
Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Kokumin  Sah5  Kyohon.  HRf^fifJC>f^.  A  text  book 
on  etiquette.  Authors  C'mura  Daijiro  and  Watanabe 
Shoku.     Publisher  Kobunsha.     Price  Yen,  0.40. 

Teiyu  Rinri  Kwai  Koen  Shu.  TSitSffilf^^-  A 
collection  of  lectures  on  ethics.  Vol.  IX.  Author  Teiyii 
Rinri  Kwai.  Publisher  Dai  Nippon  Zushokwaisha.  Price 
Yen,  0.10. 

Tetsugaku  Gairon  Koyo.  ®$<it|ft#i35-  Elements 
of  philosophy.  Author  Kat5  Genchi.  Publisher  Toyosha. 
Price  Yen,   0.75. 

Kyoiku  no  Jissai  ni  Oyo  shitaru  Shinrigaku.  %L^  0^ 
fTRfUMRffl  LIZh  iOai^-  Psychology  as  adapted  to 
practical  education-  Author  Tominaga  Iwataro.  Publisher 
Kinshodo.     Price  Yen,  0.45. 

Meiji  Shakd  Reishiki.  ^^JpSt^JlSA'  Modern  Social 
etiquette.  Author  Yamada  Bimyo.  Publisher  Aoki  Su- 
zando.     Price  Yen,  0.50. 

Jissen  Rinri  Kogi.  Sf  Ift  Ift"  ?-l  p)I  IS-  Lectures  on 
practical  ethics.  Author  Murakami  Tatsugoro.  Publisher 
Kanasashi.     Price  Yen,  0.80. 

Shosei  Yokun.  |K  Ifir  1^  |lfi-  Precepts  on  how  to  get 
on  in  the  world.  Author  Honda  Masujiro.  Publisher 
Hakubunkwan.     Price  Yen,  0.30. 

Shinrigaku  Shin  Kyokwasho.  ^(^^  a|^  ff  ^  ?4  ^.  A 
new  text  book  on  psychology.  Authors  Matsumoto  K6- 
jiro  and  Fukurai  Tomokichi.  Publisher  Fukyusha.  Price 
Yen,  0.80. 

Shinrigaku  Seigi.  it^B^fi!}^-  Principles  of  Psycho- 
logy. Author  P'ukurai  Tomokichi.  Publisher  D5bunk\van. 
Price  Yen,  1.80. 


470  Catalogue  of  Books, 

Shimpen  Shinrigaku.  ^11)681^.  A  new  text  book: 
on  Psychology.  Author  Malsumoto  Kojiro.  Publisher 
Seibido.     Price  Yen,  0.60. 

Shiayo  Dan.  ^^^'  On  self  culture.  Author  Matsu- 
iiuna  Kaiseiki.     Publisher  Keiseisha.     Price  Yen,   c.23. 

Chugaku  Kyoiku  Motora  Shi  Rinri  Sho.  H'^tfcl^TC 
liRI&'S^-  A  text  book  on  ethics  for  Middle  Schools. 
Author  Motora  Yujiro.  Publisher  Seibidd.  Price  Yen, 
1.20. 

Seiyo  Rinrigaku  Shi.  iSJ^fH^SI^Stl-  A  history  of 
Western  ethics.  Author  Tsunajima  Eiichiro.  Publisher 
Hakubunkwan.     Price  Yen,  1.30. 

Zemma  Tetsugaku.  ^^ft^^*  An  essay  on  philoso- 
phy by  a  Buddhist.  Author  Aoyagi  Yubi.  Publisher 
Bummeido.     Price  Yen,  0.25 

Ethics. 

Rinri-gaku  Teiyo.  |||^  M  ^  H  3^-  A  book  on  ethics. 
Authors  Yomezawa  Buhei  and  Tanaka  Tatsu.  Publisher 
Kofiikwan.     Price  Yen  0.50. 

Kotoku  Yosei.  ^@Hl^*  Culture  of  public  morals, 
or  social  ethics.  Author  Teikoku  Kyoiku  Kwai.  Pub- 
lisher Kinkodo.     Price  Yen,  0.50. 

T6y5  Rinri  Koshi  no  Gaku-setsu.  ]ft^fit9|?LiF©^lft- 
Doctrines  of  Confucius,  as  Eastern  ethics.  Author  Matsu- 
mura    Seiichi.      Publisher    Ikuseikwai.      Price    Yen,  0*35. 

Jissen  Rinri  Nyumon.  HBIf&fflAP^-  Elementary 
principles  of  practical  ethics.  Author  Nakajima  Ushijiro. 
Publisher  Seibidd.     Price  Yen,  O.35. 

Nippon  Rinri  Ihcn.  H  4^^  ft  S  ^  H-  A  collection 
t»f  Ethical  theories  in  Japan.  Author  Inouye  Tetsujiro. 
Publisher  Ikuseikwai.     Price  Yen,   1.35. 


Catalogue  cf  Books,  471 

Nippon  Rinri  Ihen.  0  4:ffrSi^fi-  Vol.  I.  A  history 
of  Japanese  ethics  (ethical  theories  held  by  a  school  of 
Confucianism  called  *'  Shushi  Gaku  Ha/*)  Author  Inouye 
Tetsujiro.     Publisher  Ikuseikwai.     Price  Yen,  1.60. 

Nippon  Rinri  Ihen.  Wif^^W^M-  Vol.  II.  A  his- 
tory of  Japanese  ethics. — Ethical  theories  held  by  a  school 
of  Confucianism  called  Shushi  Gaku  Ha.  Author  Inouye 
Tetsujiro.     Publisher  Ikuseikwai.     Price  Yen,  i.oo. 

Rinri  Ky5kwa-sho.  |&Sf5:5|^^.  A  text  book  on 
ethics.  Authors  Watanabe  Ryusei  and  Nakajima  Ushi- 
jiro.     Publisher  Seibido.     Price  Yen,  0.55. 

Psychology. 

Shinrigaku.  ^(^  ^  ^.  Psychology.  Author  Hayami 
Ko.     Publisher  Hakubunkwan.     Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Education. 

Nippon  Gakusei  Taiko.  Q^^^fM^M-  School  system 
of  Japan,  written  for  Chinese  readers.  Author  Taito  D6- 
bunkyoku.     Publisher  Maruya  &  Co.     Price  Yen,  0.08. 

Rekishi  Kyoju  Ho.  MStlk^^--  Method  of  teaching 
history.  Author  Saito  Hisho.  Publisher  Kinkodo.  Price 
Yen,  0.75, 

Kydiku  to  Hakubutsugaku.  ffc"^*  i  fff^^^.  Education 
and  Natural  History.  Author  Oka  Saijiro.  Publisher  Kai- 
seikwan.     Price  Yen,  0.20. 

Shogakko  Jikken  Kwanri  Dan.  /h$^)if  J|^3|^  Expe- 
riences in  the  management  of  an  elementary  school.  Author 
Negishi  Kwan.     Publisher  Toyosha.     Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Shogakko  Zugwa  Kyoju  Ron.  /h^a5iaaf«i:«^. 
Method  of  teaching  drawing  in  elementary  schools.  Author 
Komuro   Shinzo.      Publisher    Rotsugokwan.      Price    Yen, 

0.35- 


472  Catalogue  of  Books. 

Shogakii  Kyoju  Ho.  /h^tfcS^-  Method  of  teach- 
ing an  elementar}'^  school.  Author  Naito  Keisuke.  Pub- 
lisher Seibidd.     Price  Yen,  0.75. 

Shogakko  ShQshin  Kydju  Ho.  /^  JP  «f  ME  #  iK  S  *- 
Method  of  teaching  ethics  in  elementary  schools.  Author 
Sanada  Takanori.     Publisher  Kiftkodo.      Price  Yen,  0.30. 

Shinsen  Kyoju  Ho.     frSliKSj*-     Vol.  II.     Method  of 
teaching.     Author  Yamamoto  Sotaro.     Publisher  Toyosha. 
Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Jitchiteki  Shogakko  Kyoju  Ho.  J|^W^h*6!^«(Si* 
Vol.  I.  Practical  method  of  teaching  an  elementary 
school.  Author  Yamamatsu  Tsiirukichi.  Publisher  Toyo- 
sha.    Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Kyoju  Saimoku  Tekiyo  Jid5  Kokugo  Tsuzuri-Kata.     j^ 

^*fflBiifflaSSlg|g*.  Method  of  teaching  children 
how  to  spell  their  own  language,  in  accordance  with  ele- 
mentary school  requirements.  Author  Tsukiniwa  Yu. 
Publisher  Kinshodo.     Price  Yen,  0.20. 

T5kyo  Koto  Shihan  Gakk5  Ichiran.  XMiiS€$^Sp$|^ 
^~"S-  Catalogue  of  T5kyo  Higher  Normal  School. 
Author  Tokyo  Koto  Shihan  Gakko.  Publisher  Maruja 
&  Co.     Price  Yen  0.35. 

Zoku  Gakusei  Kun.  ^^^p.  Precepts  for  students. 
Author  Omachi  Keigetsu.  Publisher  Hakubunkwan.  Price 
Yen,  0.25. 

Bushid5.  i^ijiE-  Spirit  of  Japanese  chivalry.  Author 
Yamaoka  Tesshu.     Publisher  Koyukwan.  ,  Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Kyoiku-j6  no  Joshiki.  tfcW-h®'^^-  Common  sense 
in  education.  Author  Yoshimoto  Toku.  Publisher  Nai- 
kwai  Shuppan  Kyokwai.     Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Shimpen  Shogaku  Kyoju  Ho.  ff|g /h  «^  tJc  Jf  ^. 
Method  of  teaching  an  elementar>^  school.     Author    Azu- 


Catalogue  of  Books.  473 

ma  Motokichi.      Publisher    Kinshodo.      Price    Yen,  050. 

Shogakko  Kyoju  Saimoku.  A^^^^%lW^^'  Cur- 
riculum of  an  elementary  school.  Author  Tokyo  Fu 
Shihan  Gakko.  Publisher  Bungakusha.  Price  Yen, 
0.40. 

Shogakko  ni  okeru  Hanashikata  no  Riron  oyobi  Jissai. 
/h^«i:*^l?i^L*0a^JSl»R|.  Theory  and  prac- 
tice of  speaking  in  an  elementary  school.  Author  Yora 
Kumatard.     Publisher  Kdfukwan.     Price  Yen,  0.20. 

Meiji  Sanju-go  Nendo  Sho  Kwanritsu  Gakko  Nyugaku 
Shiken  Mondai  Toan  Sh5kai.  BjJ/S^H+S^lK^'gjt^ 
1&K^UMW^^MM%'  A  collection  of  questions  and 
answers,  with  minute  notes  thereon,  given  at  the  entrance 
examinations  of  the  government  schools.  Authors  Eminent 
scholars.     Publisher  Kanasashi.     Price  Yen,  o  50. 

Kakkwa  Jikken  Kyoju  H5  Kogi.  ^T^%mikmi^^ 
^.  Ixctures  on  experimental  methods  of  teaching  Author 
Tominaga  Iwatard.     Publisher  Kinshodo.     Price  Yen  0.78 

Daigaku  Sekio  kwanken.  :^^$(|^^M-  A  layman's 
view  on  the  university  system.  Author  Takanc  Yoshito. 
Publisher  Hobunkwan.     Price  Yen,  0.15. 

Genkon  Kydiku  no  Riso.  Jft4*licW0?iffli-  Ideals  ot 
education  in  the  present  day.  Autiior  Makiyama  Eiji. 
Publisher  Ikuseikwai.     Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Kyoju  Yoko  oyobi  Kyoju  Rei.  m^^^.^%L^^V 
Principal  subjects  and  examples  of  teaching  in  an  element- 
ary school.  Author  Joshi  Kot5  Shihan  Gakko  Fuzoku 
Shogakkd.     Publisher  Koyukwan.     Price  Yen,  0.40. 

Shinsen  Kyoju  Gaku.  ^^i|i^^.  Vol.  III.  Method 
of  teaching.     Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Jitsuyo  Shogaku  Kyoju  Ho.  %%rV^%M\^.  Prac- 
tical method  of  teaching  an  elementary    school      Authors 


474 


Catalogue  of  Books, 


Yamamoto  S6tar5  and  Iwanaga  Masujir5.  Publisher  D5- 
bunkwan.     Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Hakubutsugaku  Kyoju  oyobi  Kenkyu  no  JumbL  fl|4fiy 
*lfeSA0f^:5:?fSii.  On  the  preparation  for  teaching 
and  studying  natural  science.  Authors  Yamanouchi  Shi- 
geyo  and  Nohara  Moroku.  Publisher  Toyodo.  Price  Yen, 
0.50. 

Sanjugonen  Do  Sho  Kwanritsu  Gakko  Nyu^aku  Shiken 

Mondai   Shu.     il^3£^J$»WiC*«A*l«^i!WJilfe.     A 

collection  of  questions  for  entrance  examinations  at  govern- 
ment schools  in  1901.  Publisher  Kanasashi.  Price  Yen, 
0.15. 

Tokyo  Yugaku  Annai.  4(M.ifil^£^*  A  guide  book 
to  school  life  in  T5ky5.  Publisher  Shiigakudd.  Price 
Yen,  0.35. 

Doitsu  Hoshu  Gakko  Seido.  MZMIS^WHI^yt.^  Ger- 
man system  of  supplementary  schools.  Author  Education 
Department.      Publisher  Kinkddo.     Price  Yen,  1.50. 

Obei  Gakko  Seikwatsu.  Hfe^iPK^fll.  On  School 
life  in  Europe,  Author  Eigo  Seinen  Sha.  Publisher  Oka- 
zakiya  Shotcn.     Price  Yen,  0.20. 

Shojo  Bunko  Gakko  no  Kokoroe.  d^ic^J$9^ttO 
i6t^-  ^  guide  to  school  life  for  girls.  Author  Shimoda 
Uta  Ko.     Publisher  Hakubunkwan.     Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Katei  no  Shin  Fiami.  ^S£03&fM^-  New  interest  in 
home  life.  Author  Sakai  Kosen.  Publisher  Naigwai 
Shuppan  Kyokwai.     Price  Yen,  0.40. 

Koto  Shogaku  Tankyu  Kyoju  Ho.  jft^  /\^^  y |S^|fe 
JJfi-  On  the  method  of  single  class  teaching  in  higher 
elementary  schools.  Author  Tsuyuguchi  Etsujird.  Pub- 
lisher Kinkodo.     Price  Yen,  o.io. 

TankyQ    Kyoiku    Satsuyo.     HiglKWaK-      Principles 


Catalogue  of  Books.  475 

of  single  class    education.     Author  Sasaki  Seinoj5.     Pub- 
lisher Yoshikawa  Hanshichi.     Price  Yen,  0.50. 

Genkon  Kyoju-jo  no  Gobyu.  Jft^tfc^^JiOlSi^.  On 
the  errors  of  the  method  of  teaching  in  the  present  day. 
Author  Tonegawa  Yosaku.  Publisher  Tanuma  Shoten. 
Price  Yen,  0.15. 

Bungei  to  Kyoiku.  jfcifiSiffc^*.  On  the  relation  be- 
tween literary  accomplishments  and  education.  Author 
Tsubouchi  Yuzo.     Publisher  Shunyodo.     Price  Yen,   1. 00. 

Futsu  Kyoiku  Shikd.  ^JfitiWit/M-  ^  short  history 
of  elementary  education.  Author  Iwata  Shizuo.  Publisher 
Kinkodo.     Price  Yen,  0.60. 

Katei  Kyoiku  Kodomo  no   Shitsuke.     ^gglficWT'lft© 
LOtt-      On    the    home    training    of   children.       Authoi 
Kutsumi  Kesson.     Publisher  Maekawa  Buneikaku.     Price 
Yen,  0.25. 

Kyomi  Ron.  H  ^  |df-  On  the  principles  of  interest 
Author  Sasakura  Shinji.  Publisher  Fusamb5.  Price  Yen, 
0.20. 

Shogaku  Kakkwa  Kyoan  Hanrei.  /hJ^^f^^^lSfi?*]. 
A  collection  of  specimen  lessons  to  be  given  in  ele- 
mentary schools.  Author  Yusa  Seiho.  Publisher  Dobun- 
kwan.     Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Kyoju  no  Ronriteki  Kiso.  t5:f?;ttftJffl(Kj^Sg-  Logi- 
cal  basis  for  teaching.  Authors  Suzuki  Toraichiro  and 
Toniinaga  Iwataro.     Publisher  Toyosha.     Price  Yen,  0.70. 

Kyoiku  Mampitsu.  j|Jic  W  ^  ¥•  ^  layman's  views  on 
education.  Author  Nusahara  Tan.  Publisher  Kinkodo. 
Price  Yen,   1.50. 

Shinsen  Kydikugaku  Koyo.  ?lJ?^|icW^IW3c-  Princi- 
ples of  education.  Author  Suzuki  Koai.  Publisher  Sugi- 
moto.     Price  Yen,  0.45. 


4/6 


Catalogue  of  Books. 


Shogakko  Kyoju  Kunren  Teiyo.     /J\j 
Vol.  I.     On  the  method  of  teaching  in  elementary  schools. 
Author  Ototake  Iwazo.     Publisher   T5yosha.     Price  Yen, 

1.20. 

Futsu  Kyoikugaku  Yogi.  ^3ifi$JcW$MIS^-  Principles 
of  elementary  education.  Author  Nakajima  Hanjiro. 
Publisher  Kaihatsusha.     Price  Yen,   0.70. 

Iwate  Ken  Shihan  Gakko  Fuzoku  Sh5  Gakk5  Kyoju 
Saimoku.  Jg-f-)|i61i«S^fi?Pftli/h*«5*fe^«ia.  Cur- 
riculum  of  the  Elementary  School  attached  to  the  Normal 
School  in  Iwate  Prefecture.  Author  Kydtokwai.  Publisher 
Kinkodo.     Price  Yen,  0.70. 

Kydiku  Shoshi.  JUJcW^'bSl-  A  short  history  of  educa- 
tion. Author  Kinkodo.  Publisher  Kinkodd.  Price  Yen, 
0.50. 

Su  no  Shinri  oyobi  Sanjutsu  Kyoju  Ho.  IK[0i&S& 
^tfiDciS'^-  O"  ^^^  method  of  teaching  the  principles 
of  mathematics  and  arithmetic.  Author  Tomina^ra  Iwa- 
taro.     Publisher  Dobunkwan.     Price  Yen,  0.75. 

Kyoiku  Ronshu.  ^  W  |fe  ^.  A  collection  of  essays 
on  education.  Author  Sone  Matsutard.  Publisher  Kin- 
k5do.     Price  Yen,  0.15. 

Kyoiku  Jutsugo  Kai.  Ife  W  ^  ^  jl?-  Notes  on  edu- 
cational technics.  Author  Hiroshima  Hidetaro.  Publisher 
Hobunkwan.     Price  Yen,  0.35. 

Shimpcn  Jitsuyo  Ky5ikugaku.  %\^%W6(M^^  Prac- 
tical theories  on  education.  Author  ICatsumata  Teijiro. 
Publisher  Bungakusha.     Price  Yen,  0.75. 

Sho  Giikko  Sanjutsu  Kvva  Ky5ju  Saimoku.  /h^^Dt 
H5?^^IB@-  Curriculum  of  elementary  school  arithmetic. 
Author  Tokyo  Fu  Shihan  Gakko.  Publisher  Bungaku- 
sha.    Price  Yen,  0.35. 


Catalogue  of  Books.  477 

Jikkcn  Shogaku  Kyoju  Ho.  K-S^^'h^lktS/i-  Method 
of  clcmentaiy  school  teaching  based  on  experiences. 
Author  Sato  Zcnjiro.  Publisher  Dobunkwan.  Price  Yen, 
0.75. 

.  Shogaku  Kyoju  Ho.  /h  ^  f5c|5?  fi-  Method  of  ele- 
mentary school  teaching.  Author  Odo  Eikichi.  Publisher 
Sugimoto.     Price  Yen,  0.60. 

Shogaku  Jissaiteki  Kyoju  Ho.  /h  ^  Jf  |^  ft<J  ^  ^  ^i. 
Practical  method  of  teaching  in  elementary  schools. 
Author  Murata  Uichiro.  Publisher  T6y5sha.  Price  Yen, 
0.65. 

Jissaiteki  Kyoikugaku.  fifB^fitlfic'^i^.  Practical  thories 
on  education.  Author  Terauchi  Ei.  Publisher  Hobun- 
kwan.     Price  Yen,  i.oo. 

Jinjo  Shogaku  ni  okeru  Jikkwa  Kyoju  Ho  Kogt  Yoryo. 

m% 'vm-^mih  fm ts:e??i mk^w<-  lectures  on 

the  method  of  teaching  practical  lessons  in  elementary 
schools.  Author  Tanahashi  Gentaro.  Publisher  Ikusei- 
kwai.     Price  Yen,  0.25. 

Sho  Gakkd  Shogakunen  Jido  Kyoiku.  A^^^^^^ 
!^  S  ^  W-  O*^  ^^  method  of  teaching  the  first  year 
children  of  elementary  schools.  Author  Suzuki  Shinichiro. 
Publisher  Kinkodd.     Ptice  Yen,  0.35. 

Shin  Kyoju  Ho.  ^ficS^-  New  method  of  teaching. 
Author  Shimbikwan.  Publisher  Uyehara  Shoten.  Price 
Yen,  0.32. 

Shinsen  Kyoju  Gak